Academic literature on the topic 'Partis Islamistes'
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Journal articles on the topic "Partis Islamistes"
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Aït-Aoudia, Myriam. "Idéologie et religion dans les partis islamistes contemporains." L'Année du Maghreb, no. 22 (July 14, 2020): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.6517.
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Boubekeur, Amel. "Les partis islamistes algériens et la démocratie : vers une professionnalisation politique ?" L'Année du Maghreb, no. IV (October 1, 2008): 219–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.444.
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Munteanu, Anca. "Intégration politique des partis islamistes et processus de « spécialisation » : perspective comparée Tunisie-Maroc." L'Année du Maghreb, no. 22 (July 14, 2020): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.6378.
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Salib, Amany Fouad. "La conception de l’identité [al-hûwiyya] dans le fondamentalisme islamique sunnite contemporain." Thème 24, no. 2 (July 12, 2018): 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050501ar.
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L’arrivée au pouvoir des partis islamistes sunnites dans nombre de pays arabes, avec l’effervescence des révoltes de 2011, révèle une idéologie confessionnelle fondatrice de leur paradigme identitaire et inspirant leur approche des problématiques politiques. Cet article vise à explorer la conceptualisation de l’identité par le biais d’une analyse qualitative de contenu de la littérature des maîtres à penser du fondamentalisme islamique et à la lumière de l’expérience islamiste en Égypte. Nous mettons en lumière la généalogie épistémologique de nombre des constantes relatives à la conception de l’identité, notamment la Charia, en vue d’éclairer une des facettes des tensions ayant marqué le « projet d’État islamique ». Nous analysons le lien entre le dogme fondateur, le discours et l’exercice du pouvoir par l’entremise de la réforme constitutionnelle de 2012. À travers le fondamentalisme islamique, la matrice identitaire constitue-t-elle une « fonction instable » ou une « réalité substantielle » (Lévi-Strauss) ?
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Yankaya, Dilek, Clément Steuer, and Hassan Zouaoui. "Nommer l’islam politique. Répertoire lexical d’un réformisme et ses réappropriations locales dans les noms de partis islamistes." Mots, no. 120 (July 11, 2019): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mots.25394.
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Günay, Onur, and Erdem Yörük. "Governing ethnic unrest: Political Islam and the Kurdish conflict in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 61 (October 31, 2019): 9–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2019.17.
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AbstractHow can we explain the mass appeal and electoral success of Islamist political parties? What are the underlying sources of the Islamist political advantage? Scholars have provided numerous answers to these widely debated questions, variously emphasizing the religious nature of the discourses in Islamist movements, their ideological hegemony, organizational capacity, provision of social services, reputation, and structural factors. However, one key aspect of Islamist movements has been underexplored in the current literature; namely, Islamists’ promises to resolve ethnic questions that remain unresolved in secularist nation-states. In this article, we argue that the extent to which Islamists govern ethnic unrest significantly shapes their electoral success and ability to establish broader hegemony. Based on ethnographic and sociological data, this article explores one particular recent electoral puzzle that reveals the limits of the scholarly literature on Islamist political advantage, examining the ethnic politics of the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in Turkey.
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Gorman, Brandon. "The myth of the secular–Islamist divide in Muslim politics: Evidence from Tunisia." Current Sociology 66, no. 1 (April 18, 2017): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392117697460.
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Many scholars argue that politics in majority-Muslim societies are marked by deep polarization: dominated by struggles between secularists and Islamists who hold fundamentally divergent ideological positions. Yet, this finding is likely a result of scholarly focus on Islamist organizations and political parties rather than their constituencies. Using Tunisia as a case study, this article investigates attitudinal polarization between secularists and Islamists at the individual level using a mixed-method design combining statistical analyses of survey data with content analyses of in-depth interviews. Statistical results indicate that Islamists are no different from non-Islamists in attitudes about excommunication ( takfir), popular sovereignty, women’s rights, or minority rights, though they are more skeptical of democracy and express less religious tolerance. Interview results show that many political procedures advocated by Islamists resemble the secular procedures they seek to replace and, though secularists tend to have negative views of Islamists, many express support for Islamist ideological positions. Taken together, these findings provide little evidence of attitudinal polarization along the so-called secular–Islamist divide.
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Yildirim, A. Kadir, and Caroline M. Lancaster. "Bending with the Wind: Revisiting Islamist Parties’ Electoral Dilemma." Politics and Religion 8, no. 3 (June 16, 2015): 588–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000310.
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AbstractIslamist parties' electoral performance is a hotly debated question. Two arguments dominate the literature in terms of Islamist parties' performance in democratic elections. The conventional argument has been the “one man, one vote, one time” hypothesis. More recently, Kurzman and Naqvi challenge this argument and show that Islamists tend to lose in free elections rather than win them. We argue that existing arguments fall short. Specifically, we theorize that moderateness of Islamist platform plays a key role in increasing the popularity of these parties and leads to higher levels of electoral support. Using data collected by Kurzman and Naqvi, we test our hypothesis, controlling for political platform and political economic factors in a quantitative analysis. We find that there is empirical support for our theory. Islamist parties' support level is positively associated with moderateness; however, this positive effect of moderation is also conditioned by economic openness.
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Tsaregorodtseva, Irina. "The Islamists in politics in Egypt and Tunisia after 'Arab Spring'." Islamology 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.07.1.07.
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The pivotal goal of the study is to reveal the role of the Islamist parties and movements in politics in Egypt and Tunisia before and after the protests of the ‘Arab spring’. In addition, author explains how various Islamist groups interacted with each other and which factors determined the nature of their interaction. According to preliminary observations, there were several common features in the character of Islamists’ participation in politics in Egypt and Tunisia after the Mubarak and Ben Ali. By means of comparative analysis this research shows why Tunisian Islamists appeared to be more successful in politics than their Egyptian counterparts. The method of case-study was employed to investigate the relations between Islamist groups in 20 and 21 centuries. Eventually, the following conclusion was reached: these relations were highly determined not by common goals and ideological closeness of the Islamists, but rather by historical hostility towards each other and pragmatic interests.
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Steuer, Clément. "Qu’est-ce qu’un parti fondé sur une base religieuse ? Interprétations concurrentes d’une catégorie juridique dans le contexte politique égyptien." Social Compass 66, no. 3 (July 12, 2019): 318–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768619855254.
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In Egypt, the ‘political parties with a religious basis’ are explicitly prohibited by law since 1977. However, this ban has had a negligible impact on political life, because administrative jurisprudence has since long diminished its scope, by reducing the question of the religious basis of a party to that of the confession of its members. Nevertheless, the secular opponents of the Islamists have repeatedly claimed, since the constitutionalization of this ban in January 2014, that it should be interpreted more strictly. This article first recalls how the Islamist and secular camps emerged during the political and constitutional struggles of the 2011–2013 era, before examining the competing interpretations of the notion of ‘religious party’, such as made by the administrative jurisprudence, by supporters of the ban on Islamist parties, and by the Islamists themselves.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Partis Islamistes"
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Bouzamondo, Tarek. "Islamisme et pouvoirs dans le monde arabe : les partis islamistes en Egypte et en Algérie." Aix-Marseille 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008AIX32087.
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Nous assistons depuis le début de ce siècle à en retour en force de l'islam politique dans sa forme non radicale et non violente. Les récents succès de certains partis islamistes dans le monde arabo-musulman sont là pour le démontrer. En Algérie, lors des dernières élections législatives, les partis islamistes modérés n'ont pas perdu de terrain malgré la domination des partis du pouvoir. Certains islamistes participent même aux gouvernements. En Egypte, la situation est tout à fait différentes et le débat politique est hermétiquement fermé aux islamistes depuis l'assassinat du président Sadate en 1981. Les Frères musulmans sont contraints par une sorte d'informalité politique à passer des alliances avec des partis de l'opposition ou bien de partir en cavalier seul lors des différentes écheances électorales. L'étude comparative de la trajectoire de ces partis et mouvements politiques en Egypte et en Algérie est importante pour mieux comprendre et cerner les rapports entre islamisme et pouvoir dans le monde arabeSince the beginning of the century, political islam has made a strong return in its non radical and non violent manner. Recent election successes of some islamist parties in the arabo-muslim world demonstrate this fact. In Algeria, at the occasion of the last legislative elections, moderate islamist parties did not decrease even if parties of the government dominate. Some islamists even participate in governments. In Egypt, the situation is totally different and the political debate is hermetically closed to islamist people ever since the murder of president Sadat in 1981. Because of their political informality, the Muslim brothers have to make alliances with opposition parties or have to face the different electoral deadlines alone. The comparative study of these parties and politic movements development in Egypt and Algeria is important to understand and precise links between Islamism and power in Arabic world
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Ben, Elmostafa Okacha. "Les modes d'action et d'organisation des mouvements islamistes au Maroc (l'exemple d'Al Adl Wal Ihsan)." Paris, EHESS, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005EHES0118.
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La thèse s'attache à montrer que le phénomène islamiste n'est pas récent, car l'existence des mouvements religieux à visées politiques, est un fait historique depuis l'avénement de l'islam. Ce qui est, en revanche, récent, ce sont leur modes d'action et d'organisation qui ont évolué avec le temps et l'espace. Leur souci majeur est désormais de participer au pouvoir. Si le PJD ne réclame que des réformes ne touchant pas à la nature de la monarchie, Al Adl Wal Ihsan, par contre, conteste l'institution de commandeur des croyants et revendique la création de l'Etat islamique comme étape à l'instauration du deuxième califat selon le modèle prophétique. La Jama'a proteste contre la modernité occidentale et souhaite construire leur propre subjectivité à travers l'islam qui constitue l'alternative à tous les maux de la société et de l'état. La thèse comporte trois parties : la première est consacrée à la typologie de l'islamisme au Maroc et les facteurs expliquant son émergence. La seconde porte sur les structures d'organisation d'Al Adl Wal Ihsan. La troisième partie traite des modes d'action de la Jama'aThis research try to show that phenomenon islamic is not recent, because different political and religious movements existed with coming of islam. What is new is their forms of action and organisation that evolved with the time and space. Indeed, the majority of islamic movements evolvy towards the integration in the political system : they want to be like party. I want to show also that the islamic phenomenon is complex, because it consist of many dimensions : existential, spiritual and religious. My text include three part : the first part talk about typology of moroccan islamic. The second part is concerning their form of organisation, their structure. In the last part, my research take an interest in the different type of action
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Gencel, Sezgin Ipek. "Political engagement patterns of islamist movements : the case of the Nizam/Selamet movement." Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0046.
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Plus précisément, cette étude couvre la période 1960-1980 et examine la genèse du Mouvement Nizam/Selamet ainsi que son organisation en tant qu'un parti politique. I En outre, a travers ce travail sont mis en évidence ses objectifs et particularités : idéationnelles par rapport aux autres Islamistes passés et contemporains en Turquie, ainsi que sa souplesse considérable dans le choix de ses stratégies et alliés, à l'instar du Parti du Peuple Républicain, considéré comme le plus grand ennemi des Islamistes. En faisant usage du cas du Mouvement Nizam/Selamet, cette thèse soutient que Iles Mouvements Islamistes sont des phénomènes sociaux complexes qui émergent et i survivent à travers un processus incrémentaI faisant interagir des ensembles complexes voire même indéterminés de facteurs cognitifs, relationnels et environnementaux. La réponse à la question réside donc dans ces configurations de facteurs qui doivent être découverts en effectuant des allers retours entre des échelles macro (le champ politique), méso (l'organisation et les réseaux' sociaux) et micro (les acteurs) aux niveaux à la fois national et local du champ politique et du mouvement. Une dimension historique c’est aussi nécessaire qui permet d'étudier les facteurs interagissant au sein de chaque phase du mouvement qui lui donnent la forme et la substance de son engagement politique; et de prendre en compte de l’influence d’une phase sur l’autreFocusing on the Nizarn/Selamet Movement, this dissertation studies why and how there are variations in the political engagement patterns of "moderate" Islamist movements operating within the same institutional/political context. ; Specifically, covering a period from the 1960s through the 1970s, this study I examines why and how the Nizam/Selamet Movement emerged and established political party; produced goals and ideational elements distinct from contemporary and past Islamist movements in Turkey and showed considerable flexibility in its choice of allies, strategies and policies, including formation of a coalition government with the archenemy of the Islamists, the Republican People's Party. Drawing on the Nizam/Selamet case, this study argues that Islamist movements are complex social phenomena that emerge and survive through an incremental process entailing interacting, complex and even undetermined sets of cognitive, relational and environmental factors. The answer to the research question thus lies in unearthing these configurations through descending up and down the macro (political field), meso (network and organization) and micro (properties and trajectories of the movement elites ! and activists) echelons at both national and local levels of the political field and the movement. A historical dimension is also necessary to highlight intra-and extra-movement factors at different life phases of the movement (accumulated resources and inherited constraints), which shape the form and substance of its political engagement; and to take into consideration the influence of one stage over the other
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Ennahi, Youssef. "De l’usage de l’influence et de la manipulation comme stratégies de communication politique chez les islamistes marocains : cas de M. Abdelilah Benkirane, Chef du gouvernement marocain (2011-2017)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL103.
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A l’instar d’autres pays, le Printemps arabe s’est soldé au Maroc par l’accession des islamistes au pouvoir ; une victoire surprenante que d’aucuns mettent sur le compte de la capacité du PJD (parti islamiste) à surfer sur la vague des revendications populaires en prenant, à son propre compte, les doléances phares des manifestants, et ce, notamment par le biais de stratégies d’influence et de manipulation politiques. Mais l’arrivée du PJD à la tête de l’exécutif marocain aura surtout permis de révéler M. Benkirane, en tant que personnalité politique hors du commun ayant su imposer une communication politique fondamentalement différente de celles de ses prédécesseurs, mais également fondée sur un usage intensif de procédés d’influence et de manipulation. Car ce qui caractérise l’entrée de ce leader islamiste sur la scène politique marocaine par la plus haute des fonctions, c’est le fait qu’il s’est progressivement départi de sa communication d’opposant islamiste pour adopter une communication dotée de nouvelles orientations. Les principaux traits de cette nouvelle ligne politique sont le changement de position par rapport aux assises doctrinales majeures du PJD ainsi qu’une rétraction par rapport aux engagements brandis lors du Printemps arabe et de la campagne électorale des législatives de 2011. Ce changement d’orientation en matière de communication politique est, pensons-nous, l’œuvre manifeste de stratégies d’influence et de manipulation politiques que M. Benkirane orchestre subtilement. La présente thèse s’assigne pour objectif de mettre en exergue ces stratégies telles qu’elles sont à l’œuvre dans la communication politique de M. BenkiraneComparable to other countries in the region, the Arab Spring resulted in Morocco with the rise of Islamists to power ; a surprising victory that some justify as the ability of the PJD (Islamist party) to ride the wave of popular demands by taking, on its own, the main complaints of protesters using strategies of political influence and manipulation. The arrival of PJD as head of the Moroccan executive revealed Mr. Benkirane, as an outstanding political figure who knew how to impose a political communication fundamentally different from those of his predecessors founded on strong use of influence and manipulation methods. Indeed, what characterizes the entry of this Islamist leader on the Moroccan political scene is the fact that he progressively diverted his communication from an Islamist opponent to adopt a communication with new orientations. The main features of this new political line are the change of position to the major doctrinal foundations of the PJD as well as a withdrawal from the commitments made during the Arab Spring and the electoral campaign of 2011 elections. The orientation of Mr. Benkirane political communication is, I believe, the manifest subtle orchestration of strategies of influence and political manipulation. This dissertation aims to highlight these strategies as they are manifested in the political communication of Mr. Benkirane
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Lovely, Eli K. "Islamists as instruments of change : the inclusion of mainstream Islamist groups in Egypt and Turkey : a study on democratization /." Norton, Mass. : Wheaton College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/15110.
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Butt, Tasnim. "Political party formation theories. The case of the Islamist parties of Pakistan." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/331092.
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Cette thèse se focalise sur les différentes théories qui traitent de la genèse des partis politiques. Elle consiste, dans un premier temps, à faire un inventaire de ces théories pour ensuite les appliquer aux principaux partis sunnites islamistes du Pakistan - la Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), la Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), la Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP) et la Markazi Jamiat ahl-e-Hadith (MJAH). À travers cet exercice inédit, il s’agit d’évaluer la pertinence ou non de ces théories à expliquer la formation des partis confessionnels pakistanais.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Jonasson, Ann-Kristin. "At the Command of God? on the political linkage of Islamist parties /." Göteborg, Sweden : Centre for Middle Eastern Studies, Göteborg University [distributor], 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/57584580.html.
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Yildirim, Abdulkadir. "Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1280199427.
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Fadil, Mohamed. "Un groupe religieux à l'épreuve du parti politique : sécularisation de l'islamisme au Maroc, mouvement de l'unicité et de la réforme-Parti de la justice et du développement (1996-2011)." Paris, EPHE, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EPHE5014.
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L'évolution de bon nombre d'organisations islamistes en partis politiques qui participent activement à la vie publique de leur pays serait l'indice d'une sécularisation de ces organisations. , animée par une conversion à la démocratie. Cette hypothèse fait penser à une expérience remarquablement similaire, que l'on trouve dans le monde chrétien occidental, soit l'évolution théorique et organisationnelle du christianisme politique qui a donné naissance, en réponse à un long parcours de révisions intellectuelles, à ce que l'on appelle aujourd'hui «la démocratie chrétienne». L'islamisme modéré serait-il en train d'évoluer vers une sécularisation et une conversion à la démocratie selon un mode similaire à celui qui a donné naissance aux partis démocrates-chrétiens en Occident ? il est question dans cette thèse de vérifier l'hypothèse susmentionnée dans un contexte bien précis. La recherche se limite à l'étude d'un groupe déterminé du paysage islamiste du Maroc (parti de la justice et du développement [PJD] et son mouvement de prédication religieuse mouvement de lunicité et de la réforme [MUR]. L'étude s'étend de 1996, date de naissance du PJD à 2011, date de son accession au pouvoir au maroc. Elle pose des questions bien précises portant sur le devenir du groupe religieux à l'épreuve du parti politique et, par-delà, celle du devenir du religieux à l'épreuve du politique au sein des modes de penser et d'agir de ce groupe. Le corpus d'analyse de la recherche est le fruit d'un travail de terrain réalisé lors de plusieurs séjours de recherche effectués au Maroc entre 2008 et 2014The evolution of many Islamist organizations into political parties that actively participate in the public life of their countries would indicate that these organizations are undergoing a process of secularization motivated by a sincere conversion to democracy. Islamism's hypothetical tendency towards secularization are conversion to democracy seems reminescent of a remarkably similar experience in the Christian West, namely the theoretical and organizational evolution of political Christianity, which gave birth to what is kwown today as "Christian democracy", in response to a long series of intellectual revisions. Might moderate Islamism be secularized and converted into into democracy in a mode similar to what gave a birth to Christian Democrat parties in the West ? In this thesis, the aforementioned hypothesis is verified in a very specific context. The scope of the study is limited to examining a particular group within the Moroccan Islamist landscape - the parti de la justice et du développement (PJD), as well as its sister outfit devoted to religious predication, the Mouvement de l'unicité et de la réforme (MUR). This period under consideration ranges from the birth of the PJD in 1996 to its coming to power in 2011. The study asks very specific questions concerning the fate of the religious movement in response to the challenges of the political party. Further still, it examines the challenging relation of religion and politics in the group's actual modes of thinking and acting. Its analytical corpus is the product of fieldwork research being done during numerous trips to Morocco from 2008 to 2014
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Franzino, Felix. "Analysing Evil : A Comparison of Christian and Islamist Terrorist Acts." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-186509.
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Although terrorism is an area that has been the subject of much research, systematic searches in databases reveal that a focus on actors and movements that find their motivation in Christian beliefs, is, by and large, lacking. Ever since the 9/11 terrorist attack, Islamist terrorism has been the major focus. The purpose of this thesis is to describe and compare Christian and Islamist acts of terrorism. This will be done by using the terrorist attack of the self-proclaimed Christian crusader Anders Behring Breivik in Norway 2011 and compare it to the terrorist attack in Paris November 2015 claimed by the terrorist organisation Islamic State (IS). A content analysis is used to explore the material. The analysis is conducted with an analytical framework created from previous research on religious terrorism to explore the similarities and differences of religiously motivated terrorist acts. The study reveals that there are a lot of similarities between Breivik and the Paris attackers. Both Breivik and IS strived to change society with violence justified by their religion. In a type of “God´s executioner” fashion. A final conclusion in this thesis is that Breivik and IS share Ideological core ideas in the form of exclusivity, however, the exclusivity is expressed differently. Breivik´s exclusiveness is linked to ethnicity and skin colour, while IS´s exclusivity is solely linked to faith.
Books on the topic "Partis Islamistes"
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Schwedler, Jillian. Faith in moderation: Islamist parties in Jordan and Yemen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
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Islamists and secularists in Egypt: Opposition, conflict, and cooperation. London: Routledge, 2010.
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Barsalou, Judith Marie. Islamists at the ballot box: Findings from Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, and Turkey. [Washington, D.C.]: United States Institute of Peace, 2005.
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Arat, Yeşim. Rethinking Islam and liberal democracy: Islamist women in Turkish politics. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005.
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Jonasson, Ann-Kristin. At the command of God?: On the political linkage of Islamist parties. Göteborg: Dept. of Political Science, Göteborg University, 2004.
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Alison, Anderson, ed. The sexual life of an Islamist in Paris. New York: Europa, 2010.
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author, Emerson Michael 1940, Kausch Kristina author, Youngs Richard 1968 author, Asseburg Muriel author, Çakır Ruşen author, Aydın-Düzgit Senem author, Echagüe Ana author, et al., eds. Islamist radicalisation: The challenge for Euro-Mediterranean relations. Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies, 2009.
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When victory is not an option: Islamist movements in Arab politics. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012.
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Le premier gouvernement atypique: Euphorie et expectatives : dirigé par un Islamiste. Casablanca: Afrique Orient, 2013.
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Peaceful Islamist mobilization in the Muslim world: What went right. New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Partis Islamistes"
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Boubekeur, Amel. "Islamist Parties in Algeria." In Interpreting Islamic Political Parties, 167–89. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230100770_9.
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Zhang, Chuchu. "Theorizing Islamist Parties’ Mobilization at the Polls." In Islamist Party Mobilization, 23–49. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-9487-4_2.
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Pickel, Gert, and Cemal Öztürk. "The Varying Challenge of Islamophobia for the EU: On Anti-Muslim Resentments and Its Dividend for Right-Wing Populists and Eurosceptics—Central and Eastern Europe in a Comparative Perspective." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 57–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_3.
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Abstract The so-called refugee crisis and the fear of Islamist terror have turned out to be serendipitous for right-wing populist parties. They portray themselves as defenders of the ‘Christian Occident’ and campaign against an ‘invasion of Muslims’ that was allegedly orchestrated by cosmopolitan elites of the EU. Against this backdrop, this chapter explores the linkage between anti-Muslim sentiments and Eurosceptic attitudes. The study shows that (1) there is a pan-European nexus between Islamophobia and Euroscepticism, (2) there is a nexus that is primarily driven by voters of right-wing populist parties and (3) the magnitude of Islamophobic attitudes differ, however, between societies. An anti-Muslim social climate is particularly widespread in Eastern Europe, where hardly any Muslims live. The contribution addresses the resulting implications for the legitimacy of the EU.
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Aleef, Dastan. "Identity and Power—The Discursive Transformation of the Former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 175–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_9.
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AbstractThe former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) underwent a political transformation from an Islamist organization, partly responsible for armed mobilizations during the Civil War in Tajikistan (1992–1997), to a moderate and arguably democratic party from the early 2000s until 2015. The party defined and redefined its identity to fit both Islamic and secular democratic narratives. This research traced the evolution of the IRPT’s identity in light of critical events such as the change in leadership in 2006, and the Arab Spring. A discourse analysis of the IRPT’s main communication channel, Najot, from 2008 to 2015 has been conducted, which found three themes where strong articulations about identity were made: secularism, the Civil War, and the Islamic World. First, they challenged the core legislation regulating the triangular relationship of state, society, and religion; they justified political Islam; and they criticized what they called “secular extremism.” Second, the party produced a counter-narrative of Civil War actors and actions to that of the state. Third, they expressed solidarity with legal and controversial Islamic parties elsewhere, such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, or the Palestinian Hamas. This paper has found that the IRPT’s ideological transformation was limited due to the remaining Islamist elements in their discourse and the lack of clarity on the compatibility between Islamic and secular democratic programs.
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Kinoshita, Hiroko, and Dai Yamao. "A Quantitative Text Analysis on Mobilization of the Electorate by Islamist Parties During the 2018 Iraqi Parliamentary Election." In Risks, Identity and Conflict, 207–29. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1486-6_9.
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Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. "The Islamists and International Relations: A Dialectical Relationship?" In The Foreign Policy of Islamist Political Parties, 1–19. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474426640.003.0001.
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Islamism now dates back a hundred years. Concern over members of this political and religious movement relates to their putative and potential radical - or even violent – behavior when confronted with cultural otherness. Such behavior takes root in their assumed wish to redesign the world in their image. From its inception in the 1920s to its more recent manifestations, the Islamist movement strove to lift Muslim societies out of their alleged civilizational lethargy. In so-doing, it has paid substantial attention to the state of international affairs, as well as to potential ways to act on it. If the State remains undeniably Islamist movements’ privileged arena for action, considerations for Muslim countries’ environment; devising strategies aiming at the completion of a “motherland of believers” (al-oumma); thoughts on an interstate order within an Islamic frame of reference - remain prominent concerns to them. From its outset, Islamism has always insisted on the duty to serve religion as a whole - and thus everyone identifying with it. Its end goal therefore overrides geographical, historical and political borders – those being perceived as divisive and weakening the face of Islam. In addition, Islamists consider the current international order as one consciously designed by non-Muslims. In such views, the latter nurse an ontological enmity towards Islam because of its revisionist potential. The Arab revolutions initiated in 2010 have been experimental fields of the oppositional – even revolutionary – dimensions of Islamist ideology. These enable interrogations to be raised on Islamism’s practice and possible evolutions. In other words, how do Islamist movements translate fundamental diplomatic and relational principles into practice with other actors of the international system? If Islamist forces are indeed maintaining special relationships with the outside world mainly driven by the wish to shower the planet with Islam-serving behavior, is it however analytically relevant to identify a specific Islamist practice of international affairs? There are two objectives tied to this presentation. First, it will attempt to shed light on how Islamist activists, leaders and theorists view the world. In so-doing, Islamist speeches and intellectual output will be scrutinized. Then, answers will be provided to the following question: when Islamist officials have had the chance to approach national decision-making arenas - this is the case in some countries that have experienced the Arab Spring – how did they manage to put up a foreign policy agenda centered around an Islamic framework? This question is central for through it one can attempt to measure the empirical outreach of the Islamist ideology.
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Rahal, Malika. "1988–1992: Multipartism, Islamism and the Descent into Civil War." In Algeria. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940216.003.0005.
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Following the youth riots of October 1988, Algeria experienced the first serious democratic opening in the region, 20 years before the revolutions of Egypt and Tunisia. Many new parties were created, including the Islamist FIS (Front islamique du Salut) which won the first round of the legislative elections interrupted by the military coup that would end the democratic experience in January 1992; other parties that had existed underground came out into the open, such as the communist Parti de l’avant-garde socialiste (PAGS). Following communist itineraries, this article will show the multiple tensions at stake in Algeria during this brief period: democratization, collapse of communism, the emergence of Islamism, and the descent into civil war, in which the communists were amongst the first targets of assassinations. Evolutions in the PAGS exemplify the lasting divisions in the country: between Islamists and secularists on the one hand; and amongst the non-Islamists, between those who, in the name of democracy, considered all Islamists to be the absolute enemy to be eradicated at all costs, and those who, in the name of democracy, did not.
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Marina and David Ottaway. "The Maghreb a World Apart." In A Tale of Four Worlds, 161–88. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190061715.003.0008.
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The uprisings had unique consequences for Tunisia and Morocco. They led to the integration of Islamist parties into the political system, and introduced a political process based on carefully crafted compromises that preserved stability but left the youth deeply dissatisfied. These differences are also encouraging the two countries to turn away from the countries of the Middle East and to look to Europe and Africa for their futures.The choice of moderation and compromise on the part of Islamist parties helped greatly to achieve this outcome, but so did other factors. Tunisia is politically pluralistic, with a leftist trade union and political parties as well as an Islamist movement well embedded in a society that is embracing a mainstream centrist tradition which stems from the early post-independence period. In Morocco, the king’s ever-looming authoritywas a signal to secularists that Islamists would not be allowed to dominate, and to Islamists that they had to accept subservience to the monarch.However, this positive trajectory toward greater democracyrequires economic growth to continue. In this respect, the situation in Morocco is far more encouraging than in Tunisia.
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"Islamist Political Parties." In Bombs and Ballots, 23–34. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315569666-3.
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Gómez García, Luz. "Islamists and communists." In Communist Parties in the Middle East, 241–57. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367134464-13.
Full textReports on the topic "Partis Islamistes"
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).