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1

Schwedler, Jillian. Faith in moderation: Islamist parties in Jordan and Yemen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

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2

Islamists and secularists in Egypt: Opposition, conflict, and cooperation. London: Routledge, 2010.

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3

Barsalou, Judith Marie. Islamists at the ballot box: Findings from Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, and Turkey. [Washington, D.C.]: United States Institute of Peace, 2005.

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4

Arat, Yeşim. Rethinking Islam and liberal democracy: Islamist women in Turkish politics. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005.

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5

Jonasson, Ann-Kristin. At the command of God?: On the political linkage of Islamist parties. Göteborg: Dept. of Political Science, Göteborg University, 2004.

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6

Alison, Anderson, ed. The sexual life of an Islamist in Paris. New York: Europa, 2010.

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7

author, Emerson Michael 1940, Kausch Kristina author, Youngs Richard 1968 author, Asseburg Muriel author, Çakır Ruşen author, Aydın-Düzgit Senem author, Echagüe Ana author, et al., eds. Islamist radicalisation: The challenge for Euro-Mediterranean relations. Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies, 2009.

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8

When victory is not an option: Islamist movements in Arab politics. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012.

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9

Le premier gouvernement atypique: Euphorie et expectatives : dirigé par un Islamiste. Casablanca: Afrique Orient, 2013.

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10

Peaceful Islamist mobilization in the Muslim world: What went right. New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009.

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11

Islamist opposition in authoritarian regimes: The Party of Justice and Development in Morocco. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2011.

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12

Islamists of the Maghreb. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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13

Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali, ed. The Foreign Policy of Islamist Political Parties. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474426640.001.0001.

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Does political Islam have a specific vision of global politics? How has the foreign policy of Islamist forces developed in order to impose their ideas onto the diplomatic agenda of other countries? How do these actors perceive the world, international affairs, and the way Islamic countries should engage with the international system? Eager to break with the dominant grammar of international relations, and instead to fuse Muslim states in a unique religious and political entity, Muslim actors have had to face up to the realities that they had promised to transform. Drawing on a series of case studies, this collective work sheds light on six national trajectories of Islamism: in Morocco (the Party of Justice and Development), Tunisia (Ennhada), Egypt (the Muslim Brotherhood), Palestine (Hamas), Lebanon (Hizbullah) and Turkey (AKP). It looks at what has been produced by the representatives of political Islam in each case, and the way these representatives have put their words and their ideological aspirations into action within their foreign policies.
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14

Spiegel, Avi Max. Islamist Pluralism. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. The book attempts to unlock the incipient industry of Islamism. This is, at its core, a work of political sociology, informed, most of all, by scholarship in social movement theory, comparative politics, and the sociology of religion. To make the material accessible to a wide variety of readers, the author has aimed to write in a lucid, narrative style. In his nearly four years in Morocco, he witnessed firsthand the development of political Islam in one place. But these experiences also shed light on what is happening in other parts of the Arab world.
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15

M, Rubin Barry, ed. Guide to Islamist movements. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 2010.

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16

Islamist Parties and Political Normalization in the Muslim World. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014.

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17

Schwedler, Jillian. Faith in Moderation: Islamist Parties in Jordan and Yemen. Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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18

Foreign Policy of Islamist Political Parties: Ideology in Practice. Edinburgh University Press, 2018.

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19

Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. Foreign Policy of Islamist Political Parties: Ideology in Practice. Edinburgh University Press, 2019.

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20

Mecham, Quinn, and Julie Chernov Hwang, eds. Islamist Parties and Political Normalization in the Muslim World. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.9783/9780812209723.

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21

Arat, Yesim. Rethinking Islam and Liberal Democracy: Islamist Women in Turkish Politics. State University of New York Press, 2007.

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22

Rethinking Islam And Liberal Democracy: Islamist Women In Turkish Politics. State University of New York Press, 2005.

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23

Islamists and Secularists in Egypt: Opposition, Conflict and Cooperation. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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24

Yildirim, A. Kadir. Muslim Democratic Parties in the Middle East: Economy and Politics of Islamist Moderation. Indiana University Press, 2016.

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25

Yildirim, A. Kadir. Muslim Democratic Parties in the Middle East: Economy and Politics of Islamist Moderation. Indiana University Press, 2016.

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26

Yildirim, A. Kadir. Muslim Democratic Parties in the Middle East: Economy and Politics of Islamist Moderation. Indiana University Press, 2016.

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27

Buehler, Matt. Why Alliances Fail: Islamist and Leftist Coalitions in North Africa. Syracuse University Press, 2018.

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28

Why Alliances Fail: Islamist and Leftist Coalitions in North Africa. Syracuse University Press, 2018.

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29

Peaceful Islamist Mobilization in the Muslim World: What Went Right. Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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30

Kirdis, Esen. The Rise of Islamic Political Movements and Parties. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450676.001.0001.

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Although regarded as a single community of Islamists, Islamic political movements utilise vastly different means to pursue their goals. This book examines why some Islamic movements facing the same socio-political structures pursue different political paths, while their counterparts in diverse contexts make similar political choices. Based on qualitative fieldwork involving personal interviews with Islamic politicians, journalists, and ideologues – conducted both before and after the Arab Spring – this study draws close comparisons between six Islamic movements in Jordan, Morocco and Turkey. It analyses how some Islamic movements decide to form a political party to run in elections, while their counterparts in the same country reject doing so and instead engage in political activism as a social movement through informal channels. More broadly, this study demonstrates the role of internal factors, ideological priorities and organisational needs in explaining differentiation within Islamic political movements, and discusses its effects on democratisation. In Morocco, this book examines the Movement for Unity and Reform that formed the Party for Justice and Development, and the Justice and Spirituality Movement that eschewed party politics. In Turkey, it examines the National Outlook Movement that is the mother-movement to various Islamic political parties, and the Gülen Movement that has a complicated relationship with incumbent parties. In Jordan, this book examines the Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing the Islamic Action Front Party, and the Quietist Salafis rejecting institutional politics.
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31

Islam, Politics and Youth in Malaysia: The Pop-Islamist Reinvention of PAS (Routledge Contemporary Southeast Asia Series). Routledge, 2014.

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32

Walton, Jeremy F. Varieties of Islam in the Turkish Public Sphere. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190658977.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 offers a vista over the terrain of public Islam in Turkey. The chapter delineates four public mediations of Islam in contemporary Turkey: statist/bureaucratic Islam, mass Islam, partisan Islam, and consumerist Islam. After an excursion/excursus in Istanbul’s Taksim Square, it focuses on the Directorate of Religious Affairs and its statist vision of Islam as homogeneous and incontestable. Following this, it describes a rally organized by a right-wing Islamist party in Turkey in protest of the visit of Pope Benedict XVI in 2006. Next, it considers the increasing sway that partisan Islam and the AKP (in Turkish, the Justice and Development Party/Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) have on public images of Islam generally. Finally, the chapter concludes with an interview with the editors of a prominent Muslim fashion magazine, which is also a preeminent expression of consumerist Islam.
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33

Yesil, Bilge. The AKP Era. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040177.003.0005.

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This chapter begins with an analysis of the shifts in global and local conjunctures that facilitated the Islamist AKP's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi or Justice and Development Party) rise to power, followed by an overview of its neoliberal and pro-EU policies during its first term. It then explores how the anti-Western and anti-globalization currents became substantial elements of media, politics, and culture in the twenty-first century. Local and international developments—such as the EU accession process, the relative easing of restrictions on Kurdish cultural rights, the US invasion of Iraq, the emergence of a revisionist discourse on the Armenian genocide, and the entry of foreign media companies into the Turkish market—began to engender fears and anxieties among the nationalists about the decline of the Turkish state. Through the lens of these developments, the chapter discusses the tensions between globalizing and statist dynamics as well as the AKP's consolidation of the authoritarian neoliberal order.
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34

Abdel Aziz, Azza Ahmed, and Aroob Alfaki. Shifting Terrains of Political Participation in Sudan: Elements dating from the second colonial (1898–1956) period to the contemporary era. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.70.

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This report presents elements of the development of Sudanese women’s political participation through time. It highlights several political routes from their early days until the contemporary era. The study is based on an analysis of secondary sources alongside empirical data derived from four states within Sudan, namely: Blue Nile, Central Darfur, Kassala and River Nile. Different themes are explored and they include: the meanings of political participation, women’s leadership roles, identifying structural limitations that hinder the participation of women in politics, possible avenues for women’s participation, the presence of women in politics, variations in religious interpretations and their impact on political participation, the status of the Sudanese constitution and the views of women and men on the extent that women might advance in the next elections. The report also address how the December revolution of 2018 might improve the situation for women’s political participation, since it marks a break from the earlier practices of the Islamist regime that had a severe negative impact on the freedoms of Sudanese women and their ability to engage in political activities. Political parties are considered gatekeepers for women’s access to political positions of power as they play an important role in institutionalizing women’s inclusion in politics. Ensuring that political parties in Sudan play an active role in the advancement of gender equality and the enhancement of women’s political participation is particularly important as Sudan prepares for its transition to democracy.
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35

Khalid, Adeeb. Islam after Communism: Religion and Politics in Central Asia. University of California Press, 2007.

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36

Khalid, Adeeb. Islam after Communism: Religion and Politics in Central Asia. University of California Press, 2007.

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37

Wahyudhi, Nostalgiawan, ed. Many Faces of Political Islam in the Middle East: Arah Baru Gerakan Politik Islam Pasca-Arab Spring. LIPI PRESS, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/press.294.

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Arab spring membawa perubahan besar pada politik Timur Tengah. Banyak yang berharap bahwa Arab spring bukan hanya revolusi Arab jilid dua setelah revolusi Iran pada tahun 1979, tetapi merupakan era baru kebangkitan demokratisasi di Timur Tengah yang akan memberi ruang bagi gerakan politik Islam berpartisipasi secara terbuka di ranah publik. Sarjana-sarjana studi Islam beranggapan bahwa Arab spring merupakan jembatan menuju “Islamist winter”. Islamist winter diartikan dengan ketakutan dunia akan tumbuhnya kalangan Islamis menguasai kekuasaan di dunia Arab.[1] Hal ini mengarah pada notasi apakah radikalisme Islam akan tumbuh di Timur Tengah? Gerakan Arab spring bukanlah gelombang statis. Politik Timur Tengah senantiasa bergerak secara dinamis. Kemenangan Muhammad Mursi di Mesir, kekuasaan Receep Tayyep Erdogan yang semakin kuat di Turki, kemenangan Ennahda di Tunisia, dan bangkitnya Ikhwanul Muslimin secara terbuka hampir di semua negara yang dilanda Arab spring tidaklah secara linier di konotasikan sebagai kebangkitan radikalisme Islam di Timur Tengah. Sebagaimana Asef Bayat mengatakan bahwa Arab spring merupakan momentum baru bagi transformasi menuju post-Islamism, dimana sebuah gejala baru yang merupakan the fusion of religiousity and rights, faithy and freedom, Islam and liberty, as an attempt to trancend Islamism by building a pious society within non-religious state.[2] Pada posisi ini Asef Bayat memiliki standing position yang berbeda dengan Olivier Roy, dimana Roy mempercayai gerakan politik Islam di dunia Islam tidak akan pernah berhasil karena konsep yang diajukan bersifat utopia. Dalam bukunya tentang The Failure of Political Islam, Roy menggambarkan berakhirnya suatu periode dan dimulainya babak baru dari periode lain, bahwa politik Islam tidak diterima bahkan oleh masyarakat Islam itu sendiri.[3] Over generalisasi yang dilakukan oleh Roy mendapatkan kritikan akademis yang luas, dan bagi Asef Bayat hal ini bentuk simplifikasi Roy terhadap dinamisnya perkembangan politik Islam dari masa ke masa. Konsep yang diajukan oleh Asef Bayat tentang post-Islamism memberikan makna bahwa politik Islam secara substansial tidak mati tetapi bertransformasi secara lebih terbuka untuk membangun masyarakat yang relijius ditengah sistem politik yang lebih demokratis dan sekuler. Namun demikian, temuan di buku ini tidak membenarkan semua klaim tentang gejala post-Islamism. Kudeta militer terhadap Muhammad Mursi memunculkan kekuasaan militer yang otoritarian di Mesir, runtuhnya Moammar Khadafi memunculkan perang dua pemerintahan (dawn dan tripoli) di Libya, perpecahan di Irak dan Suriah yang tak kunjung selesai, Yaman yang bergejolak, negara-negara Teluk yang semakin memproteksi diri dari Ikhwanul Muslimin yang dianggap organisasi teroris, hingga blockade Arab Saudi terhadap Qatar. Arab spring berujung pada harapan kosong akan harapan Timur Tengah yang lebih demokratis, karena Arab spring berhasil menumbuhkan demokrasi hanya di satu negara, Tunisia, tempat dimana gelombang demokratisasi itu dimulai. Fenomena ini kami namakan dengan backward bending. Arab spring secara umum tidak menumbuhkan demokrasi (kecuali di Tunisia), justru menjadi arus balik bagi tumbuhnya otoritarianisme baru di Timur Tengah. Kegagalan Arab spring dalam menumbuhkan iklim demokrasi di Timur Tengah merupakan fenomena Arab exceptionalism, dimana dunia Arab secara politik dan kultural lebih sulit untuk menerima demokrasi. Praktik-praktik politik dan kekuasaan otoriter (dinasti) yang telah mengakar di Timur Tengah, tidak bisa diubah serta merta dengan jalur revolusi atau regime change. Jika negara tersebut memiliki kekuatan elit tunggal yang kuat maka re-enforcement politik secara top-down akan terjadi untuk menguasai masyarakat; atau jika tidak polarisasi kekuatan politik bersifat lebih merata maka aktor-aktor politik akan saling menguasai satu sama lain dalam konflik sipil yang panjang dan berdarah. Tunisia berhasil menumbuhkan demokrasi setelah revolusi dan regime change karena transformasi nilai-nilai demokrasi di negara bekas jajahan perancis itu sudah tumbuh sejak sebelum terjadinya Arab spring. Struktur politik, sosial dan budaya masyarakat di negara francophone tersebut lebih siap menerima perubahan ke arah yang demokratis. Demokratisasi ini mengubah satu wajah politik Islam di Tunisia menjadi lebih terbuka dan moderat. Gerakan politik Islam terbesar di Tunisia, Ennahda, melakukan transformasi dari gerakan radikal menjadi partai politik dengan menjadikan Turki sebagai prototype dibandingkan apa yang dilakukan Mursi di Mesir. Hal ini tidak hanya berlaku di Tunisia. Perubahan sosial dan politik di Timur Tengah yang terjadi paska Arab spring berkorelasi dengan munculnya berbagai wajah-wajah baru gerakan politik Islam. Keniscayaan ini tumbuh karena politik Islam bersifat responsif terhadap perubahan sosial dan politik di lingkungannya. Selamat membaca.
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