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Journal articles on the topic 'Partisan Segregation'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 1 June 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Walker, Kyle E. "Political Segregation of the Metropolis: Spatial Sorting by Partisan Voting in Metropolitan Minneapolis–St Paul." City & Community 12, no. 1 (2013): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12003.

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Recent electoral research has claimed that individuals in the United States are self–segregating along political lines. In this paper, I use the Twin Cities, Minnesota, metropolitan area as a case study to test for the presence of political segregation through statistical and spatial analyses of electoral data from 1992 to 2012. I find that while segregation by partisan voting at the individual level is comparatively low, it has increased during the study period, and there exists substantial spatial clustering in voting patterns at aggregate levels. These distinct electoral divides between cen

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2

Urman, Aleksandra, and Mykola Makhortykh. "There can be only one truth: Ideological segregation and online news communities in Ukraine." Global Media and Communication 17, no. 2 (2021): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17427665211009930.

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The paper examines ideological segregation among Ukrainian users in online environments, using as a case study partisan news communities on Vkontakte, the largest online platform in post-communist states. Its findings suggest that despite their insignificant numbers, partisan news communities attract substantial attention from Ukrainian users and can encourage the formation of isolated ideological cliques – or ‘echo chambers’ – that increase societal polarisation. The paper also investigates factors that predict users’ interest in partisan content and establishes that the region of residence i

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3

Hawley, George. "Local Political Context and Polarization in the Electorate: Evidence from the 2004 Presidential Election." American Review of Politics 34 (September 8, 2016): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2013.34.0.21-45.

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Political scientists have long examined the degree to which the American electorate exhibits partisan and ideological polarization and sought to explain the causal mechanism driving this phenomenon. Some scholars have argued that there is an increasing degree of geographic polarization of the electorate—that is, a large percentage of geographic units are becoming less politically heterogeneous. In this study, I argue that the two trends are related. Using individual-level data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, I examine the relationship between local partisan context and politi

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Sussell, Jesse. "New Support for the Big Sort Hypothesis: An Assessment of Partisan Geographic Sorting in California, 1992–2010." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 04 (2013): 768–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001042.

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AbstractThis article empirically examines the “Big Sort hypothesis”—the notion that, in recent years, liberal and conservative Americans have become increasingly spatially isolated from one another. Using block group-, tract-, and county-level party registration data and presidential election returns, I construct two formal indices of segregation for 1992–2010 in California and evaluate those indices for evidence of growth in the segregation of Californians along ideological lines. Evidence of rising geographic segregation between Democrats and Republicans for measures generated from both part

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Wihbey, John, Kenneth Joseph, and David Lazer. "The social silos of journalism? Twitter, news media and partisan segregation." New Media & Society 21, no. 4 (2018): 815–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444818807133.

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The present work proposes social media as a tool to understand the relationship between journalists’ social networks and the content they produce. Specifically, we ask, “what is the association between the partisan nature of the accounts journalists follow on Twitter and the news content they produce?” Using standard text scaling techniques, we analyze partisanship in a novel dataset of more than 300,000 news articles produced by 644 journalists at 25 different US news outlets. We then develop a novel, semi-supervised model of partisanship of Twitter following relationships and show a modest c

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Mok, Lillio, Michael Inzlicht, and Ashton Anderson. "Echo Tunnels: Polarized News Sharing Online Runs Narrow but Deep." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 17 (June 2, 2023): 662–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v17i1.22177.

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Online social platforms afford users vast digital spaces to share and discuss current events. However, scholars have concerns both over their role in segregating information exchange into ideological echo chambers, and over evidence that these echo chambers are nonetheless over-stated. In this work, we investigate news-sharing patterns across the entirety of Reddit and find that the platform appears polarized macroscopically, especially in politically right-leaning spaces. On closer examination, however, we observe that the majority of this effect originates from small, hyper-partisan segments

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Coffé, Hilde, Catherine Bolzendahl, and Katia Schnellecke. "Parties, issues, and power: women’s partisan representation on German parliamentary committees." European Journal of Politics and Gender 2, no. 2 (2019): 257–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510818x15311219135250.

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This study examines the representation of women Members of Parliament on parliamentary committees in the German Bundestag since 1990. In line with theories on the social construction of gender, our descriptive analyses show that women Members of Parliament tend to be over-represented on committees handling issues such as health and family, and under-represented on committees handling issues such as foreign and legal affairs and defence. However, party differences in the over- and under-representation of women on certain committees occur. Gender segregation is strongest within the conservative

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8

Song, Hyunjin, Jaeho Cho, and Grace A. Benefield. "The Dynamics of Message Selection in Online Political Discussion Forums: Self-Segregation or Diverse Exposure?" Communication Research 47, no. 1 (2018): 125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650218790144.

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While the online sphere is believed to expose individuals to a wider array of viewpoints, a worry about self-reinforcing political echo chambers also persists. We join this scholarly debate by focusing on individual motives for political discussion and dyadic- and structural-level mechanisms that can drive one’s message-selection decision in online discussion settings. Using unobtrusively logged behavioral data matched with panel survey responses, our temporal exponential random graph model (TERGM) analysis indicates that message selection in online discussion settings is largely driven by the

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Johnson, Richard, and Desmond King. "‘Race was a motivating factor’: re-segregated schools in the American states." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 35, no. 1 (2019): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1526701.

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AbstractDuring the Obama presidency, Republicans made major gains in state legislative elections, especially in the South and the Midwest. Republicans’ control grew from 13 legislatures in 2009 to 32 in 2017. A major but largely unexamined consequence of this profound shift in state-level partisan control was the resurgence of efforts to re-segregate public education. We examine new re-segregation policies, especially school district secession and anti-busing laws, which have passed in these states. We argue that the marked reversal in desegregation patterns and upturn in re-segregated school

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10

Ding, Xiaohan, Michael Horning, and Eugenia H. Rho. "Same Words, Different Meanings: Semantic Polarization in Broadcast Media Language Forecasts Polarity in Online Public Discourse." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 17 (June 2, 2023): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v17i1.22135.

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With the growth of online news over the past decade, empirical studies on political discourse and news consumption have focused on the phenomenon of filter bubbles and echo chambers. Yet recently, scholars have revealed limited evidence around the impact of such phenomenon, leading some to argue that partisan segregation across news audiences can- not be fully explained by online news consumption alone and that the role of traditional legacy media may be as salient in polarizing public discourse around current events. In this work, we expand the scope of analysis to include both online and mor

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11

Hickman, John. "Windshield bias is real: 2019 news coverage of pedestrian traffic fatalities in the United States." Traffic Safety Research 5 (October 16, 2023): 000034. http://dx.doi.org/10.55329/vfjb6171.

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Framing pedestrian traffic fatalities episodically rather than thematically, attributing responsibility to pedestrians for their own deaths and non-agential descriptions of traffic crashes reflects windshield bias. Pedestrian traffic fatality rates increased dramatically in the U.S. over the previous decade. Findings from this content analysis of 2019 U.S. news coverage supports conclusions that windshield bias is national in scope, varies between cities in the Sun Belt and Frost Belt, and is associated with reduced walkability and greater partisan segregation of cities. The 2016 vote for Repu

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Matuszewski, Paweł, and Gabriella Szabó. "Are Echo Chambers Based on Partisanship? Twitter and Political Polarity in Poland and Hungary." Social Media + Society 5, no. 2 (2019): 205630511983767. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119837671.

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In this study, we investigate how Twitter allows individuals in Hungary and Poland to experience different political views. To comprehend citizens’ exposure to political information, “who’s following who?” graphs of 455,912 users in Hungary (851,557 connections) and 1,803,837 users in Poland (10,124,501 connections) are examined. Our conceptual point of departure is that Twitter follower networks tell us whether individuals prefer to be members of a group that receives one-sided political messages, or whether they tend to form politically heterogeneous clusters that cut across ideological line

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13

Lo, Adeline, Héctor Pifarré i Arolas, Jonathan Renshon, and Siyu Liang. "The polarization of politics and public opinion and their effects on racial inequality in COVID mortality." PLOS ONE 17, no. 9 (2022): e0274580. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0274580.

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Evidence from the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S. indicated that the virus had vastly different effects across races, with black Americans faring worse on dimensions including illness, hospitalization and death. New data suggests that our understanding of the pandemic’s racial inequities must be revised given the closing of the gap between black and white COVID-related mortality. Initial explanations for inequality in COVID-related outcomes concentrated on static factors—e.g., geography, urbanicity, segregation or age-structures—that are insufficient on their own to explain o

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Oliveira, Erika Munique de, and Marcelo de Mello. "A mobilidade presente no processo de segregação residencial: o caso da Região Noroeste de Goiânia/GO." Ateliê Geográfico 12, no. 2 (2018): 138–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/ag.v12i2.53633.

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Resumo O presente artigo analisa o deslocamento e o rearranjo espacial de áreas segregadas na Região Noroeste de Goiânia. Nessa região, esse movimento foi orquestrado por forças políticas-partidárias juntamente com agentes empresariais. Esses atores materializaram no interior dos espaços segregados infraestrutura viária, serviços públicos e privados que deram curso a centralidades forjadas. Essas centralidades alteraram o endereço de pessoas que habitavam bairros da Região Noroeste de Goiânia, produzindo uma nova espacialização da segregação e um novo sentido aos bairros agora servidos p

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15

Chen, Lin, Fengli Xu, Qianyue Hao, Pan Hui, and Yong Li. "Getting Back on Track: Understanding COVID-19 Impact on Urban Mobility and Segregation with Location Service Data." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 17 (June 2, 2023): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v17i1.22132.

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Understanding the impact of COVID-19 on urban life rhythms is crucial for accelerating the return-to-normal progress and envisioning more resilient and inclusive cities. While previous studies either depended on small-scale surveys or focused on the response to initial lockdowns, this paper uses large-scale location service data to systematically analyze the urban mobility behavior changes across three distinct phases of the pandemic, i.e., pre-pandemic, lockdown, and reopen. Our analyses reveal two typical patterns that govern the mobility behavior changes in most urban venues: daily life-cen

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16

Lindner, Andrew M., and Jason N. Houle. "Are All Politics National? County-Level Social Contexts and Inequality Remediation Attitudes, 2006 to 2012." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 7 (January 2021): 237802312110099. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231211009990.

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Despite growing economic inequality in recent decades, public support for government intervention to address it has been stable. A substantial literature has documented the individual-level demographic, social, and political characteristics that are associated with the extent to which individuals favor government intervention to reduce inequality. However, less work has examined how the local social environments that individuals are embedded in shape attitudes regarding inequality remediation. Using data from the General Social Survey (2006–2012) and other data sources, the authors examine whe

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17

Mummolo, Jonathan, and Clayton Nall. "Why Partisans Do Not Sort: The Constraints on Political Segregation." Journal of Politics 79, no. 1 (2017): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/687569.

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18

Drilling, Matthias, and Fabian Neuhaus. "The Fragile Body in the Functional City: An Editorial." Urban Planning 4, no. 2 (2019): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v4i2.2185.

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Changing circumstances force planning to re-define its role as a driving function shaping our cities today. One of the significant challenges to the century-old tradition of planning comes from the ageing population. The demand to age in place and its associated conditions particularly require renewed attention. This is, however, not an isolated and partisan topic, but speaks to the changing circumstances and highlights the dramatic shortcoming of a performance-oriented and segregationof-function-driven approach; one that is remnant of the early days of the planning discipline, but is still ve

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19

Shatalov, Denys. "NON-NIPPED MEMORY. THE HOLOCAUST IN THE SOVIET WAR MEMOIRS." ПРОБЛЕМИ ІСТОРІЇ ГОЛОКОСТУ: Український вимір 10 (December 15, 2018): 127–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33124/hsuf.2018.10.05.

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The article addresses the presentation of the mass murder of Jews during WWII in the Soviet printed production. An overall trend of ignoring the topic of the Holocaust in the Soviet media discourse is unquestioned. Yet, (non)presentation of the mass destruction of Jews in the Soviet literature, which is commonly emphasized by the researches, needs clarification. If we look at the Soviet literature on the Great Patriotic War (including fiction prose), we can trace a phenomenon described in this article through war memoirs. Alongside official ignoring of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union, the wh

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20

Zhang, Yongjun, Siwei Cheng, Zhi Li, and Wenhao Jiang. "Human mobility patterns are associated with experienced partisan segregation in US metropolitan areas." Scientific Reports 13, no. 1 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41598-023-36946-z.

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AbstractPartisan sorting in residential environments is an enduring feature of contemporary American politics, but little research has examined partisan segregation individuals experience in activity spaces through their daily activities. Relying on advances in spatial computation and global positioning system data on everyday mobility flows collected from smartphones, we measure experienced partisan segregation in two ways: place-level partisan segregation based on the partisan composition of its daily visitors and community-level experienced partisan segregation based on the segregation leve

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21

Muise, Daniel, Homa Hosseinmardi, Baird Howland, Markus Mobius, David Rothschild, and Duncan J. Watts. "Quantifying partisan news diets in Web and TV audiences." Science Advances 8, no. 28 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.abn0083.

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Partisan segregation within the news audience buffers many Americans from countervailing political views, posing a risk to democracy. Empirical studies of the online media ecosystem suggest that only a small minority of Americans, driven by a mix of demand and algorithms, are siloed according to their political ideology. However, such research omits the comparatively larger television audience and often ignores temporal dynamics underlying news consumption. By analyzing billions of browsing and viewing events between 2016 and 2019, with a novel framework for measuring partisan audiences, we fi

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22

Kempfxd, Elisabeth, and Margarita Tsoutsoura. "Political Polarization and Finance." Annual Review of Financial Economics, September 18, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-financial-110921-010439.

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We review an empirical literature that studies how political polarization affects financial decisions. We first discuss the degree of partisan segregation in finance and corporate America, the mechanisms through which partisanship may influence financial decisions, and the available data sources used to infer individuals’ partisan leanings. We then describe and discuss the empirical evidence. Our review suggests an economically large and often growing partisan gap in the financial decisions of households, corporate executives, and financial intermediaries. Partisan alignment between individual

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Stein, Jonas, Marc Keuschnigg, and Arnout van de Rijt. "Network segregation and the propagation of misinformation." Scientific Reports 13, no. 1 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41598-022-26913-5.

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AbstractHow does the ideological segregation of online networks impact the spread of misinformation? Past studies have found that homophily generally increases diffusion, suggesting that partisan news, whether true or false, will spread farther in ideologically segregated networks. We argue that network segregation disproportionately aids messages that are otherwise too implausible to diffuse, thus favoring false over true news. To test this argument, we seeded true and false informational messages in experimental networks in which subjects were either ideologically integrated or segregated, y

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C., Schulz-Herzenberg. "The Implications of Social Context Partisan Homogeneity for Voting Behavior: Survey Evidence from South Africa." August 27, 2013. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1086535.

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Due to the legacy of apartheid segregation South Africa remains a divided society where most voters live in politically homogenous social environments. This paper argues that political discussion within one’s social context plays a primary role in shaping political attitudes and vote choice. Using data from the Comparative National Elections Project 2004 and 2009 South African post-election surveys, the paper explores the extent of social context partisan homogeneity in South Africa and finds that voters are not overly embedded in homogenous social contexts. It then demonstrates the cons

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C., Schulz-Herzenberg. "The Implications of Social Context Partisan Homogeneity for Voting Behavior: Survey Evidence from South Africa." International Journal of Business, Human and Social Sciences 6.0, no. 8 (2013). https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1335538.

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Due to the legacy of apartheid segregation South Africa remains a divided society where most voters live in politically homogenous social environments. This paper argues that political discussion within one’s social context plays a primary role in shaping political attitudes and vote choice. Using data from the Comparative National Elections Project 2004 and 2009 South African post-election surveys, the paper explores the extent of social context partisan homogeneity in South Africa and finds that voters are not overly embedded in homogenous social contexts. It then demonstrates the cons

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TILLEY, JAMES, and SARA B. HOBOLT. "The effect of politically homogenous neighbourhoods on affective polarization: Evidence from Britain." European Journal of Political Research, September 10, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12720.

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AbstractAffective polarization is increasingly evident around the world. This has been attributed in part to residential segregation by partisanship. The ‘Big Sort’ has meant that neighbourhoods in the United States, and elsewhere, have become more homogenous in terms of vote. Yet there is little systematic evidence on the relationship between homogenous partisan neighbourhoods and affective polarization. Does living among fellow partisans make people more negative towards the other side? In this Research Note, we use unique data from Britain to show that while people accurately recognize that

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27

Green, Donald P., and Paul Platzman. "Partisan Stability During Turbulent Times: Evidence from Three American Panel Surveys." Political Behavior, November 25, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-022-09825-y.

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AbstractThe past decade has witnessed profound changes in the tenor of American party politics. These changes, in tandem with growing affective polarization and residential segregation by party, raise the question of whether party identification is itself changing. Using three multi-wave panel surveys that stretch from the first Obama Administration through the Trump Administration, this paper takes a fresh look at the stability of party identification, using several different statistical approaches to differentiate true partisan change from response error. Perhaps surprisingly, the pace of pa

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Li, Qin, Robert M. Bond, and R. Kelly Garrett. "Misperceptions in sociopolitical context: belief sensitivity’s relationship with battleground state status and partisan segregation." Journal of Communication, April 19, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqad017.

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Abstract Numerous studies have shown that individuals’ belief sensitivity—their ability to discriminate between true and false political statements—varies according to psychological and demographic characteristics. We argue that sensitivity also varies with the political and social communication contexts in which they live. Both battleground state status of the state in which individuals live and the level of partisan segregation in a state are associated with Americans’ belief sensitivity. We leverage panel data collected from two samples of Americans, one collected in the first half of 2019

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Hosseinmardi, Homa, Samuel Wolken, David M. Rothschild, and Duncan J. Watts. "Unpacking media bias in the growing divide between cable and network news." Scientific Reports 15, no. 1 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-01046-7.

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Abstract The potential for a large, diverse population to coexist peacefully is thought to depend on the existence of a public sphere in which citizens are exposed to similar facts about similar topics. A generation ago, broadcast television news was widely considered to serve this function; however, since the rise of cable news in the 1990s, critics and scholars have worried that the corresponding fragmentation and segregation of audiences has caused this baseline of common understanding to be lost. Recent work documents that millions of Americans are loyal consumers of cable TV news stations

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Bjarnason, Thoroddur, Ian Shuttleworth, Clifford Stevenson, and Eerika Finell. "Migration and partisan identification as British Unionists or Irish Nationalists in Northern Ireland." Acta Sociologica, November 25, 2022, 000169932211369. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00016993221136979.

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The notion that mobility weakens collective norms and increases tolerance has a long pedigree in sociology. In this article, we examine the association of migration with partisan identification as British Unionists or Irish Nationalists in Northern Ireland, a region where the overlap of opposing religious and national identities is reflected in the residential segregation of its population. In representative samples of the population, we find that Irish Nationalist identification among Catholics and British Unionist identification among Protestants was lower among people not born in Northern I

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Argyle, Lisa P., Rochelle Terman, and Matti Nelimarkka. "Religious Freedom in the City Pool: Gender Segregation, Partisanship, and the Construction of Symbolic Boundaries." Politics and Religion, April 11, 2022, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048322000086.

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Abstract Low political support for religious minority groups in the United States is often explained as a matter of social distance or unfamiliarity between religious traditions. Observable differences between beliefs and behaviors of religious minority groups and the cultural mainstream are thought to demarcate group boundaries. However, little scholarship has examined why some practices become symbolic boundaries that reduce support for religious accommodation in public policy, while nearly identical practices are tolerated. We hypothesize that politics is an important component of the proce

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Brown, Jacob, Enrico Cantoni, Ryan D. Enos, Vincent Pons, and Emilie Sartre. "Causes and Extent of Increasing Partisan Segregation in the U.S. – Evidence from Migration Patterns of 212 Million Voters." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2025. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.5122139.

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Collins, Jonathan, and Sarah Reckhow. "The New Education Politics in the United States." Annual Review of Political Science, April 9, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-041322-034446.

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During the COVID-19 pandemic, school district politics rose to prominence on the nation's political agenda, as school boards grappled with controversial decisions about reopening schools and implementing mask mandates. A growing number of political scientists are using newly available data and innovative research strategies to examine policy responsiveness, elections, segregation and inequality, state takeovers, interest groups, democratic deliberation, and public opinion—all while focusing on the unique context of education politics. We illuminate the distinctive institutional and policy cont

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SHRIVASTAVA, DEVANSH. "Segregation and researcher's positionality: Challenges of conducting policy ethnography in Southern polarized settings." Journal of Law and Society, July 6, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1111/jols.12556.

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AbstractResearchers conducting policy ethnography in conflict environments are faced with a valuable ethical dilemma – is there an ethical standard to determine how a dataset should be pursued in the field? What if the method of pursuing data carries the potential of possibly disrupting one's rapport with the community and being perceived as a partisan ideologically driven researcher with ulterior motives? This question becomes more pronounced in socio‐legal, conflict and public policy research in spatially polarized settings of the South. In these settings, knowledge is co‐produced through on

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Kakkar, Devika, Ben Lewis, and Wendy Guan. "Interactive analysis of big geospatial data with high‐performance computing: A case study of partisan segregation in the United States." Transactions in GIS, May 18, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tgis.12955.

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Duxbury, Scott W. "“The Ties that Bind are those that Punish: Network Polarization and Federal Crime Policy Gridlock, 1979–2005”." Social Forces, April 18, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae052.

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Abstract Largely overlooked in research on criminal legal expansion is the rise of political polarization and its attendant consequences for crime policy. Drawing on theories of intergroup collaboration and policymaking research, I argue that network polarization—low frequencies of collaborative relations between lawmakers belonging to distinct political groups—negatively affects crime legislation passage by reducing information flows, increasing intergroup hostility, and creating opportunities for political attacks. To evaluate this perspective, I recreate dynamic legislative networks between

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Grigoropoulou, Nikolitsa, and Mario L. Small. "Are Large-Scale Data From Private Companies Reliable? An Analysis of Machine-Generated Business Location Data in a Popular Dataset." Social Science Computer Review, April 15, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08944393241245390.

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Large-scale data from private companies offer new opportunities to examine topics of scientific and social significance, such as racial inequality, partisan polarization, and activity-based segregation. However, because such data are often generated through automated processes, their accuracy and reliability for social science research remain unclear. The present study examines how quality issues in large-scale data from private companies can afflict the reporting of even ostensibly uncomplicated values. We assess the reliability with which an often-used device tracking data source, SafeGraph,

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Steiglechner, Peter, Paul E. Smaldino, and Agostino Merico. "How opinion variation among in-groups can skew perceptions of ideological polarization." PNAS Nexus, June 6, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgaf184.

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Abstract There is a widespread perception that society has been polarizing into groups with increasingly divergent opinions. Multiple studies have sought to quantify the degree of opinion divergence (or ideological polarization), typically relying on differences between self-reported opinions, and have reached mixed conclusions. We propose this inconsistency can be explained by the way individuals’ subjective perceptions are shaped by their social identities. We introduce a formal framework to analyze opinion data that accounts for such asymmetric, dynamic perceptions. When members of an in-gr

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Wojcieszak, Magdalena, Rong-Ching (Anna) Chang, and Ericka Menchen-Trevino. "Political content and news are polarized but other content is not in YouTube watch histories." Journal of Quantitative Description: Digital Media 3 (November 10, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.51685/jqd.2023.018.

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Research on ideological biases and polarization on social media platforms primarilyfocuses on news and political content. Non-political content, which isvastly more popular, is often overlooked. Because partisanship is correlatedwith citizens’ non-political attitudes and non-political content can carry politicalcues, we explore whether ideological biases and partisan segregation extendto users’ non-political exposures online. We focus on YouTube, one of the mostpopular platforms. We rely online data from American adults (N = 2,237).From over 129 million visits to over 37 million URLs, we analy

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Maguire, Allegra, Emil Persson, Daniel Västfjäll, and Gustav Tinghög. "COVID-19 and Politically Motivated Reasoning." Medical Decision Making, August 20, 2022, 0272989X2211180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0272989x221118078.

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Background During the COVID-19 pandemic, the world witnessed a partisan segregation of beliefs toward the global health crisis and its management. Politically motivated reasoning, the tendency to interpret information in accordance with individual motives to protect valued beliefs rather than objectively considering the facts, could represent a key process involved in the polarization of attitudes. The objective of this study was to explore politically motivated reasoning when participants assess information regarding COVID-19. Design We carried out a preregistered online experiment using a di

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McKeever, Robert J. "Politics and Constitutional Law: A Distinction without a Difference?" British Journal of American Legal Studies, September 12, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2019-0007.

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Abstract This article examines the relationship between Politics and Law in U.S. Supreme Court decision-making. It argues that three major developments in recent decades have combined to undermine the Court’s status as a legal and judicial institution, and instead define it as political actor, motivated by ideology and the personal policy predilections of the Court’s Justices. The first of these elements is the increasingly political and partisan nature of the Supreme Court appointment process, as witnessed by the recent Gorsuch and Kavanaugh nominations. The behaviour of the President and Sen

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Rusche, Felix. "Few voices, strong echo: Measuring follower homogeneity of politicians’ Twitter accounts." New Media & Society, June 20, 2022, 146144482210998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14614448221099860.

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Politicians have discovered Twitter as a tool for political communication. If information provided by politicians is circulated in ideologically segregated user networks, political polarization may be fostered. Using network information on all 1.78 million unique followers of German Members of Parliament by October 2018, follower homogeneity across politicians and parties is measured. While the overall homogeneity is low, politicians of the AfD—a right-wing populist party—stand out with very homogeneous follower networks. These are largely driven by a small group of strongly committed partisan

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Pugsley, Peter. "At Home in Singaporean Sitcoms." M/C Journal 10, no. 4 (2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2695.

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   The use of the family home as a setting for television sitcoms (situation comedies) has long been recognised for its ability to provide audiences with an identifiable site of ontological security (much discussed by Giddens, Scannell, Saunders and others). From the beginnings of American sitcoms with such programs as Leave it to Beaver, and through the trail of The Brady Bunch, The Cosby Show, Roseanne, The Fresh Prince of Bel Air, and on to Home Improvement, That 70s Show and How I Met Your Mother, the US has led the way with screenwriters and producers capitalising on the

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