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1

Chatterji, Joya. "Communal politics and the partition of Bengal, 1932-1947." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273384.

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2

Raghavan, Pallavi. "The finality of partition : bilateral relations between India and Pakistan, 1947-1957." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/245128.

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This dissertation will focus on the history of bilateral relations between India and Pakistan. It looks at how the process of dealing with issues thrown up in the aftermath of partition shaped relations between the two countries. I focus on the debates around the immediate aftermath of partition, evacuee property disputes, border and water disputes, minorities and migration, trade between the two countries, which shaped the canvas in which the India- Pakistan relationship took shape. This is an institution-focussed history to some extent, although I shall also argue that the foreign policy establishments of both countries were also responding to the compulsions of internal politics; and the policies they advocated were also shaped by domestic political positions of the day. In the immediate months and years following partition, the suggestions of a lastingly adversarial relationship were already visible. This could be seen from not only in the eruption of the Kashmir dispute, but also in often bitter wrang ling over the division of assets, over water, numerous border disputes, as well as in accusations exchanged over migration of minorities. Much of the discussion on Indo-Pakistan relations was couched in adversarial and often vitriolic terms, both within the structures of government and in the press. Yet, given this context, there was also a substantial amount of space for cooperation between the two governments, and a closer scrutiny reveals that this space was explored by both sides. The logic of this cooperation was to find means of trying to ‘finalise’ the partition of India, and avoid prolonging its consequences. This deep seated drive to establish the legitimacy of both new state structures compelled a substantial degree of bilateral cooperation even in the face of daunting odds which favoured a violently hostile relationship. Thus, I argue that bilateral responses and mutually adversarial positions, were not inevitable or even unavoidable, but were in fact more contingent, and often taken despite the presence and articulation of a viable alternative.
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3

Aiyar, Swarna. "Violence and the State in the partition of Punjab, 1947-48." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251566.

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4

Fitzpatrick, Hannah. "The parallel tracks of Partition, India-Pakistan 1947 : histories, geographies, cartographies." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8063.

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On 15 August 1947, the British government withdrew from India and partitioned the subcontinent to create two new nation-states: India and Pakistan. The Partition of India and Pakistan has been studied chiefly as a historical phenomenon with legacies that reach into the present. Questions of geography and space are crucial to this history, yet have hitherto received scant attention. This dissertation is a historical geography of Partition that probes the interplay of temporality and spatiality, and the historical and geographical layering, at work in the making of India and Pakistan. It treats Partition as both an event and a process, examining how the 1947 borders were rooted in a set of imaginative geographies and material geographical practices that were fashioned for and applied to the purpose of refashioning territory as part of a transfer of colonial power to independent postcolonial states and the making of new (national, religious) identities. The dissertation teases out the constitutive role of ideals and practices of territorial and cultural imagining, classification, mapping and boundary-making in this historical geography, but also highlights their contingent and contested qualities. It critically analyses and reframes Partition historiography using a range of theoretical literatures (especially critical geographical work on empire and strands of postcolonial and subaltern theory) that foster a sensitivity to the entanglements of power, knowledge, geography, expertise in the context of Partition, and draws on an eclectic range of primary sources, including the hitherto unused papers of the geographer Oskar Spate. Parts I and II trace strands of geographical and cartographic representations of ‘India' and ‘Pakistan' before 1947. Part III examines the geographies and spaces of the Punjab Boundary Commission of July 1947, in which Spate participated as an advisor to the Muslim League. Part IV points to the continued relevance of these geographies of Partition and their critical framing in this dissertation as lines of power.
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5

Virdee, P. "Partition and locality : case studies of the impact of partition and its aftermath in the Punjab region 1947-61." Thesis, Coventry University, 2004. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/04e0b99c-beda-c8a8-c3f5-c91bf3525e59/1.

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The partition of India in August 1947 remains a watershed in the subcontinent’s history, defining the post-independence relationship between the two countries. The event was marked by the greatest migration in the twentieth century and the death of an estimated one million persons. The causes of partition and reasons for the associated violence have been examined previously. However, existing accounts tend to focus in general terms or at best has a provincial angle with respect to patterns of violence, resettlement and rehabilitation. Research in the past has also tended to stop at August 1947 without looking beyond this period. While there has been move towards examining the “lived” experience of partition, there remains a tendency to avoid locality focused case studies. A comparative India-Pakistan dimension is also missing, even in the ‘new history’ of partition. This thesis seeks to adopt a comparative case study approach. In addition to providing new empirical data, it attempts to uncover the differential experiences of violence, migration and the resettlement of partition refugees within the Punjab region. The thesis argues, firstly that localized patterns of political authority and culture impacted on the differential experience of partition related violence; Secondly, that the experience of partition and dislocation was a process rather than an event confined to August 1947. Finally, the thesis considers the extent to which the input of refugee capital and labour were locally significant in the region’s post-partition urban economic development. The thesis adopts a comparative history methodology with the use of three case studies, namely Malerkotla, and Ludhiana in East Pubjab and Faisalabad, formerly Lyallpur in West Pubjab. The themes explored include the differential experience of partition violence through a comparison between the Muslim Princely State of Malerkotla and the neighbouring British administered districts of the Ludhiana district. Some comparative insights into the role of the state and communal violence are also drawn by means of a brief examination of the circumstances in the Sikh ruled Princely state of Patiala. Patterns of urban migration are also explored, shedding new light on the motives behind places of resettlement. Again, a comparative history methodology is used. Finally, the role of refugee capital and labour in post-independence Indian and Pakistan Pubjabs are examined through the study of Ludhiana and Lyallpur. This approach represents the most sustained comparative examination of partition and its aftermath to date based on locality case studies.
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6

Shahani, Uttara. "Sind and the partition of India, c.1927-1952." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290268.

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Sindhi Hindus comprise the world's most widespread South Asian diaspora. When the British divided their Indian empire in 1947, unlike Punjab, Bengal, and Assam, they did not partition Sind (today a part of Pakistan), despite the minority campaign for a partition of the region. Sind's partition in 1947 was a deterritorialised and demographic one, producing over a million 'non-Muslim' refugees who resettled in India and abroad. A frequently overlooked region in histories of South Asia, Sind is of profound importance to the history of the partition of India. In the decades preceding partition Sind formed the core of the demand for the creation of 'Muslim majority' provinces that later gave Pakistan its territorial basis. This thesis outlines a new history of partition from the pre-partition Sindhi movement for separation from the Bombay Presidency. It explores the hardening of communal identities in a province renowned for its blurred religious boundaries and the ambiguities of defining a 'Muslim majority' province in the run-up to the foundation of Pakistan. Partition histories emphasise the role of sudden and unexpected genocidal violence in creating refugees. The processes of nation-formation and establishing new political-legal sovereignties also shaped refugee flows. Sindhi Hindu migration at the time of partition is also located within their older histories of mobility and suggests a more complex picture of displacements at the time of partition. Largely unwelcome in India, Sindhi refugees exercised a considerable amount of initiative, in rehabilitating themselves and in challenging the state's slow response to their demands for rehabilitation. Using rarely studied legal archives, this thesis charts how, despite being a stateless minority, Sindhi refugees' legal campaigns shaped the Indian constitution and informed broader notions of Indian citizenship. Refugee initiatives to create a 'new' Sind and port in Kutch collided with the governmental agenda to secure the integration of the princely states and harness their economic resources to the Indian Union. By investigating the 'failures' of this attempt to re-establish 'Sind in India', this thesis provides unique insights into the fraught interaction between refugee resettlement and the birth of a new nation.
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7

ROY, HAIMANTI. "CITIZENSHIP AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN POST PARTITION BENGAL, 1947-65." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1147886544.

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8

Scott, Bede Tregear. "Literature, community, and the Nation-state : literary representations of the 1947 Partition of India." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613962.

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9

Bhat, Reiya. "India’s 1947 Partition Through the Eyes of Women: Gender, Politics, and Nationalism." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524658168133726.

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10

Osman, Newal. "Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.

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11

Khan, Yasmin. "India divided : state and society in the aftermath of partition : the case of Uttar Pradesh, 1946-52." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417057.

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12

Soukaï, Sandrine. "Les Ombres de la Partition dans les romans indiens et pakistanais de langue anglaise." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040138.

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Le roman indien et pakistanais de langue anglaise est habité par le trauma de la Partition à travers des tropes de l’esthétique moderniste comme la fragmentation et l’ellipse. Il est aussi structuré par des métaphores de mutilation, de déracinement, d’exil, ainsi que par la figure symbolique du réfugié. Non exploré jusqu’ici, le trope visuel et poétique des ombres inscrit en creux dans la fiction la violence inexprimable de la Partition. Signes prémonitoires de la rupture cataclysmique de 1947, dans le roman Twilight in Delhi (1940), les ombres dramatisent les conséquences dévastatrices de la modernité coloniale sur la haute culture musulmane de l’Inde. Dans quatre romans publiés après la fracture du sous-continent – Sunlight on a Broken Column (1961), Clear Light of Day (1980), The Shadow Lines (1988), Burnt Shadows (2009) –, les ombres sont les traces-mémoires indélébiles, poreuses, et instables qui imprègnent la cartographie régionale et les psychés individuelles. Associée aux tropes ambivalents du fantôme et du miroir, l’ombre subvertit l’historiographie officielle en ouvrant un espace mémoriel dans lequel les souvenirs d’individus et de familles subalternes, transmis sur plusieurs générations, lient la Partition à d’autres traumas internationaux à travers des nœuds de mémoire multidirectionnelle. Par sa dimension visuelle, l’ombre produit une mémoire corporelle qui implique le lecteur dans une sémiotique empathique et réflexive du regard
Partition inhabits the Indian and the Pakistani novel in English through modernist tropes such as ellipsis and fragmentation, metaphors of mutilation, dislocation and exile, and the symbolic figure of the refugee. The unspeakable violence of this trauma is also embedded within the narrative through the visual and poetic trope of the shadows, which has not been examined yet. In the novel Twilight in Delhi (1940), the shadows are premonitions of the cataclysm of 1947 as they stage the devastating impacts of colonial modernity on the high Muslim culture of India. In four novels published after the division of the subcontinent – Sunlight on a Broken Column (1961), Clear Light of Day (1980), The Shadow Lines (1988), Burnt Shadows (2009) –, the shadows are indelible, porous and unstable memory-traces that permeate the regional cartography and individual psyches. Together with the dual motives of the ghost and the mirror, these shadows subvert the official historiography and open up a discursive space in which the memories of subaltern individuals and families, transmitted over several generations, connect Partition to other international traumas via knots of multidirectional memory. Through their visual dimension, the shadows shape a body memory which involves the reader in an empathic and reflexive semiotics of the gaze
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13

Azevedo, Amandine d'. "Cinéma indien, mythes anciens, mythes modernes : résurgences, motifs esthétiques et mutations des mythes dans le film populaire hindi contemporain." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030126.

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Le cinéma populaire indien est à la fois un lieu de création de mythes filmiques puissants et un univers qui interagit avec un autre corpus, celui des mythes et des épopées classiques, plus particulièrement le Ramayana et le Mahabharata. Si ces derniers ont souvent été l’objet d’adaptations, surtout dans les premières décennies du cinéma indien, le cinéma contemporain compose des rapports complexes et singuliers vis-à-vis des héros et de leurs hauts faits. Les mythes traditionnels surgissent au détour d’un plan, à la manière d’une résurgence morale, narrative et/ou formelle, tout comme – dans un mouvement inverse – le cinéma cherche ces mêmes mythes pour consolider son imaginaire. Ce travail sur les relations entre mythe et cinéma croise le champ de la politique et de l’Histoire. Les mouvements pour l’Indépendance, la Partition, les tensions intercommunautaires s’insinuent dans le cinéma populaire. La présence des mythes dans les films peut devenir une fixation esthétique des traumatismes historico-politiques. La difficulté de représenter certains actes de violence fait qu’ils viennent parfois se positionner de manière déguisée dans les images, modifiant irrémédiablement la présence et le sens des références mythologiques. Les mythes ne disent ainsi pas tout le temps la même chose. Ces résurgences mythologiques, qui produisent des mutations et des formes hybrides entre les champs politique, historique, mythique et filmique, invitent par ailleurs à un décloisonnement dans l’analyse de la nature et des supports des images. Ainsi, des remarques sur la peinture s’invitent dans le cours de la recherche aussi naturellement que des œuvres d’art contemporain, des photographies ou l’art populaire du bazar. Un champ visuel indien, large et métissé, remet en scène constamment des combinaisons entre l’arrière-plan et l’avant-plan, entre la planéité et la profondeur de champ, entre l’ornementation d’un décor et son abandon. Le cinéma populaire, traversé par la mémoire des mythes et des formes, devient le creuset d’un renouveau esthétique
Indian popular cinema is both a place of filmic mythical creation and a universe interacting with previous bodies of work; the classical myths and epics, and especially the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. Although the latter have often been adapted, especially in the early decades of Indian cinema, contemporary cinema builds complex and attitudes towards heroes and their achievements. Traditional myths appear in a shot, in the manner of a moral, narrative and/or formal resurgence. In an opposite movement, this cinema seeks those same myths to strengthen its imagination. Working on the relations between myth and cinema, one has to cross the political and historical field, for Independence movements, Partition and inter-community tensions pervade popular cinema. Myths in movies can become an aesthetic fixation of historical-political traumas. The challenge of some representation of violent acts explain that they sometimes hide themselves in images, irreversibly altering the presence and meaning of mythological references. Therefore, myths don't always tell the same story. Those mythological resurgences, producing mutations and hybrid forms between the political, historical, mythical and film-making fields, also invite a de-compartmentalisation when we analyse the nature of the images and the mediums that welcome them. Our study naturally convenes notes on painting, as well as contemporary art, photography or bazaar popular art. A broad and mixed Indian visual field constantly recombines background and foreground, flatness and depth of field and ornemented and neglected sets. Popular cinema, moved by the memory of myths and forms, becomes the breeding ground of an aesthetic revival
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14

Chatterji, Joya. "Bengal divided : Hindu communalism and partition, 1932-1947 /." Cambridge : Cambridge university press, 1994. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35728995m.

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15

Lee, Richard Brian. "Women writing independence, partition and communal violence, 1947-2000." Thesis, Open University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.576666.

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Women Writing Independence, Partition and Communal Violence explores the important role literature has played in interrogating and supplementing historical accounts of women's experiences of Independence and Partition. It analyses how fiction highlights recurrent absences and inconsistencies in most historical accounts with regard to the significance of 1947 to women. Chapter One, Representing Partition, considers the descriptions of women's lives in the mid-1940s in historical texts, newspaper accounts and autobiographies. It emphasises how the effects of events upon women have often been elided or understated. Chapter Two, Gestures of Defiance and Subversion, focuses on Attia Hosain's Sunlight on a Broken Column (1961) and Anita Desai's Clear Light of Day (1980). It examines their portrayal of women's status in Indian society pre and post-1947 and investigates whether national freedom was matched by equal progress in the rights of women. Chapter Three, Woman as Sign, concentrates on Jyotirmoyee Devi's The River Churning (1967) and Bapsi Sidhwa's Cracking India (1988). It explores how Devi and Sidhwa delineate the repercussions for women of the brutalities of 1946-47. It contends that these novels' particular strengths lie in their revelations of women's lives after assault/abduction and of their participation in social work. Chapter Four, Learningfrom Past Lives, analyses Manju Kapur's Difficult Daughters (1998) and Shauna Singh Baldwin's What the Body Remembers (1999). It scrutinises how the texts present the transmission of memories across generations and how family or community recollections can unsettle selective and sanitised versions of history. This thesis underlines the vital function of literature in depicting the direct impact of this cataclysm upon women in 1947 and in the decades thereafter. It argues that, while such fiction is not the 'only witness' to women's experiences of Independence and Partition, it remains the most 'eloquent'
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16

Majumdar, Boria. "Cricket in colonial India : 1850-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.399425.

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17

Svensson, Ted. "Meanings of partition : production of postcolonial India and Pakistan." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57149/.

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This thesis constitutes an attempt to conceptualise the partition and independence of India and Pakistan in terms of rupture and novelty. The event or transition, which formally occurred in August 1947, is analysed as a rare moment of openness and undecidability. It is argued that a study of the so-called transfer of power—and of the inclusion of the notions of 'Partition‘ and 'Independence‘ as key elements of Indian and Pakistani nation building—ought to contain a recognition of the active labour by the political elites to overwrite the abyssal and ambiguous character of becoming independent and postcolonial. A second argument is that this overwriting was, necessarily, partial, i.e. it left certain groups and subject positions to populate the margins and the in-betweens of citizenship and national identity. The principal implication of the thesis‘ pro-posed theorising is that we need to adopt a new approach to the study of the partition of British India and the ensuing nation and state building; an approach that is sensitive to the constitutive contingency, and the forceful closure of it, which was contained in the moment of transition. In doing the above, the thesis critically engages with literature on the various and multi-layered levels of violence that were inscribed into the politics of belonging. Special attention is, in some parts, devoted to the Indian case. Partly in order to contest some of the sedimented assumptions regarding how to conceive the events in the late 1940s and the early 1950s; partly as a consequence of the primary material that underpins much of the reasoning. In order to demonstrate the above-mentioned uncertainty—both regarding the future trajectory of statehood and what independence actually signified—that the political elites, but also other sections of the two societies, was confronted with, the thesis is to a significant degree the product of archival research carried out at the National Archives of India and at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. It, in addition, draws on a close reading of the Constituent Assembly debates in both India and Pakistan.
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18

Ghosh, Semanti. "Nationalism and the problem of difference : Bengal, 1905-1947 /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 1999.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 1999.
Adviser: Sugata Bose. Submitted to the Dept. of History. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 388-395). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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19

Parikh, Kirtida. "Electricity demand and pricing in India, 1947-1986." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1190/.

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Over the years 1947-86, electricity has become an important source of energy. The social, political, economic and institutional conditions under which the electricity industry has evolved in India are studied in this thesis. Though electricity demand has increased in India, due to electricity supply shortages after 1972 it was difficult to study electricity demand since no data are available on unconstrained demand. Hence, the factors affecting electricity sales are studied at all-India level for three consumer groups: i) industrial ii) agricultural and iii) "other" consumers. Since states in India differ in their characteristics, electricity sales to industrial and agricultural consumers were studied for the States of Bihar, Kerala, Maharashtra and Punjab. In this analysis, economic and econometric principles are applied to historical data. On the basis of demand theory, income elasticities were expected to be positive and the price elasticities were expected to be negative. From the analysis, it was found that income and price elasticities varied across States and across different consumer groups. Income elasticities were found to be positive and high in each case. Price elasticities were negative and very low in each case with the exception of industrial consumers in Punjab. The time-of-day ("unrestricted") demand for power in Gujarat was studied for the years 1985-86 to 1988-89. The expectation of an hourly and seasonal pattern in the ("unrestricted") demand for power was confirmed. A series of 24 seemingly unrelated equations testing the effects of employment and price on "unrestricted" demand for power at each hour of the day were analysed. It was found that the observed hourly pattern of power demand could not be affected in the desired manner with the existing pricing policy and structure in Gujarat. Pricing remains an important practical tool for managing electricity demand. Pricing also directly affects the performance of the State Electricity Board. The financial performance of Gujarat State Electricity Board was examined and found to be poor due to its pricing policy. On the basis of the literature on the theory of pricing in public enterprises, a method of calculating prices in Gujarat was derived. Due to data constraints, the estimation of prices in the period 1961-86 was limited to prices charged to all consumers of the Gujarat Electricity Board taken as a group. For similar reasons, it also ignored the response of consumers at different time of the day. The prices charged by Gujarat Electricity Board were then compared with the estimated prices. It was found that the estimated prices were higher than the prices charged by Gujarat Electricity Board in the period 1961-86. One of the consequences of low electricity prices was Gujarat Electricity Board's poor financial performance. The study concludes that it is important for the State Electricity Boards in India to study their costs and demand in order to derive a pricing policy that allows the consumer to be aware of the costs and helps the State Electricity Boards to eliminate financial losses.
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Nirula. "India and the Soviet Union, 1917 to 1947 /." New-Delhi : A. P. H, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb410009363.

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Limki, Rashné Marzban. "Beeran ki kai jaat ...? the figure of the woman in Partition discourse /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1464672.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 2, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 116-119).
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Narain, Nigmendra. "Canada's India policy, 1947-1997, the emerging policy agenda." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22259.pdf.

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Chatterji, R. "The behaviour of industrial prices in India 1947-1977." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372866.

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Taylor, Matthew P. "Pakistan's Kashmir policy and strategy since 1947." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FTaylor.pdf.

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25

Kamtekar, Indivar. "The end of the colonial state in India, 1942-1947." Online version, 1988. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/24086.

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Berger, Rachel. "Ayurveda, state and society in colonial North India, 1895-1947." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252066.

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In this thesis I examine the historical development of the composite of theories and practices which became modern Ayurveda, a South Asian medical system. I draw a distinction between the systems of knowledge production about the body and the institutionalisation of medical practice. This allows me to examine how both processes contributed to the development of South Asian national identity in the early twentieth century. I do this through an examination of governmental (at both the central and provincial level) negotiations of Ayurveda contrasted with popular understandings, in order to examine the meaning of Ayurveda as a knowledge system and as lived practice in the late colonial period. Chapter 1 traces the evolution of Ayurveda from its inception as an idea in the Atharvaveda to the end of the Mughal period, framing its importance as a textual tradition overseen by Brahman Pandits, but also as a lived medical practice associated with complicated ties to religious, ethnic, or community identity. In Chapter 2, I investigate the history of Ayurveda from 1780 until the end of the nineteenth century, focusing on its relationship to the colonial state. Chapter 3 explores a shift in attitude on the part of the Imperial Government beginning in 18995, when the Indigenous Drugs Committee was created in order to explore the potential contribution of Ayurvedic ‘knowledge’ to the development of an Indian-based pharmacological industry, juxtaposed with the imposition of medical regulatory acts that limited the practice of the indigenous medical systems in the Provinces of British India. Chapter 4 explores the development of a discourse about medicine in Hindi-language popular publishing. Chapter 5 traces the development of a legislative framework established to incorporate the adoption of the indigenous medical services through several significant political periods. Chapter 6 explores the functioning of some of the institutions developed, and reflects upon the social and cultural concerns that framed the unfolding of institutions.
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Kamtekar, Indivar. "The end of the colonial state in India, 1942-1947." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/250937.

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Gowans, Georgina. "A passage from India : British women travelling home, 1915-1947." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302343.

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Williamson, Daniel. "Modern Architecture and Capitalist Patronage in Ahmedabad, India 1947-1969." Thesis, New York University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10025620.

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This dissertation examines the architectural patronage of a small cadre of industrialists, textile millowners, who controlled the city of Ahmedabad, India economically and politically between Indian independence in 1947 and 1968, the year communal riots shattered that city's self-image. It examines the role modern architecture played for these elites in projecting Ahmedabad as a modern, cosmopolitan city, though one steeped in a unique history and culture. On the one hand, modern architecture was used to promote the city as a node in the global network of capital and industry that developed after the Second World War. As such, most of the architects selected by these industrialists came from the ranks and institutions of the global modern movement, mirroring the industrialists' attempt to place the city's industry into global networks of capital and development. On the other hand, the millowners employed modern architecture as a way to naturalize Ahmedabad's sweeping social changes, so that they appeared as an inevitable outgrowth of Ahmedabad's and India's own history. In this, the modern architecture of Ahmedabad was suffused with references both to Ahmedabad's textile industry and India's imagined and historical past.

The first chapter examines projects that represent the industrialists' earliest overtures towards the global network of modern architects and institutions. The goal of the projects, which included an unbuilt store by Frank Lloyd Wright, a store inspired by Buckminster Fuller's geodesic domes, and Achyut Kanvinde's Gropius influenced ATIRA headquarters, was to instantiate a capitalist model of modernity in Ahmedabad through the fostering of consumer markets and the rationalization of industry. The second chapter delves further into the millowners' use of modern architecture for the instantiation of capitalist values and self-representation by comparing the city's two most famous modern projects: Louis Kahn's Indian Institute of Management and Le Corbusier's Millowners' Association Building.

The third and fourth chapters turn to the cultural and domestic sphere, exploring projects that negotiated modern, Indian identity in the public and private context. Cultural institutions by architects like Le Corbusier, Charles Correa, and Balkrishna Doshi interrogated the relationship between the elite's new vision for Ahmedabad and the city's history. Meanwhile houses by many of the same architects for industrialists showed a modern domesticity that negotiated between community, the joint family and the individual by fusing modern forms to older domestic spatial organizations.

This dissertation contributes to the growing body of research focused on the role modern architecture played in shaping postcolonial Indian identity and subjectivity. While previous research has often focused on the patronage of the socialist state, the examination of the patronage of an elite group of capitalists shows how modern architecture became the locus for debates about the direction of modern Indian society. Further, the dissertation's focus on capitalist patronage places this dissertation in a larger body of research that traces the connections between capital and modern projects, though such issues have rarely been explored in the Indian context.

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Ansari, Khizar Humayun. "The emergence of Muslim socialists in North India, 1917-1947." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.360454%7C.

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31

Moëd, Madeleine. "The political department and the retraction of paramountcy in India 1935-1947." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001855.

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The Political Department and the Indian Political Service stand accused of sins of omission and commission. The evidence suggests that they were badly hampered by ill-conceived training prodecures, a lack of manpower and above all the incoherent policy of the British government towards the Indian states. The failure of the 1935 Federation Act which formally established the Political Department was not due to princely intransigence inspired by political officers. Between 1935 and 1947 the Political Department embarked on a vigorous programme of combining the resources of the smaller states to strengthen them as viable partners in a new India. Their lack of success in effecting the federation of the states with India in 1947 was not a result of the disinclination of political officers to implement reform as much as their inability to do so. Many princes were also unwilling to sacrifice a measure of sovereignty for efficient government and paramountcy precluded forcing internal reform on the princes. Paramountcy was never clearly defined and thus its retraction in 1947 took place amidst confusion and misunderstanding on all sides. The Indian Political Service was always treated as secondary to the Indian Civil Service and the states to British India. Britain's emphasis on constitutional change in British India, reflected in the Cripps Mission of 1942, the Cabinet Mission of 1946 and the rush towards independence in 1947 resulted in her inattention to the Political Department and the princes which culminated in the abandonment of both in 1947.
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Tomsky, Teresa Maria. "Representing partition : anxious witnessing and trauma in India and the former Yugoslavia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/15292.

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“Representing Partition,” a comparative study on state division in India and the former Yugoslavia, investigates the way partition literatures, that body of texts covering the violent impact of state-partitioning, register their anxieties in a bid to alter political landscapes. The thesis argues that traumatic affects play a critical role in initiating an antipartitionist consciousness, a vital awareness which is key to the imagining, transformation, and enabling of political communities. My focus on different affects – including anxiety, melancholia, and nostalgia – and their ability to fuel forms of communal solidarity extends current work by postcolonial scholars. “Representing Partition” breaks with the theoretical focus on the nation-state by exploring how partition functions materially as well as symbolically in the generation of new political identities, at the levels of the individual, the regional, the diasporic, and in the creation of new institutions. In representing partition’s traumas, writers seek to perturb and provoke their audience, with a view to reshaping the subjectivities of the reading classes. In four chapters, I examine the way literary narratives insistently return to partition as a site of multiple traumas and suggest new modes of commemoration, that are linked to political praxis. In naming partition’s heterogeneous traumatic effects, such discourses present an alternative to the ethno-national rhetoric of independence proclaimed by the post-partitioned state and gesture towards the formation of future communities. Chapter One analyses the important role of cosmopolitanism and affect in galvanising a form of commemorative ethics that responds to communal, class, and caste violence in novels by diasporic Indian writer Amitav Ghosh. Chapter Two examines the genre of the Indian partition anthology as a vehicle for articulating and, ultimately, institutionalising various collective traumas engendered by partition. Chapter Three concerns questions of recovery, retribution, and restitution as it investigates the break-up of Yugoslavia and its repercussions on self-avowed and traumatised Yugoslavs in the novels of Dubravka Ugresic. Chapter Four looks at testimonies to the 1992-1995 Bosnian war in the comic books of Joe Sacco. Sacco’s visual, self-reflexive strategies and his focus on the international media industry provide a critique of the way trauma is mediated, (re)produced, and commodified.
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Georgekutty, Thadathil V. (Thadathil Varghese). "India's Nonalignment Policy and the American Response, 1947-1960." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331601/.

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India's nonalignment policy attracted the attention of many newly independent countries for it provided an alternative to the existing American and Russian views of the world. This dissertation is an examination of both India's nonalignment policy and the official American reaction to it during the Truman-Eisenhower years. Indian nonalignment should be defined as a policy of noncommitment towards rival power blocs adopted with a view of retaining freedom of action in international affairs and thereby influencing the issue of war and peace to India's advantage. India maintained that the Cold War was essentially a European problem. Adherence to military allliances , it believed, would increase domestic tensions and add to chances of involvement in international war, thus destroying hopes of socio-economic reconstruction of India. The official American reaction was not consistent. It varied from president to president, from issue to issue, and from time to time. India's stand on various issues of international import and interest to the United States such as recognition of the People's Republic of China, the Korean War, the Japanese peace treaty of 1951, and the Hungarian revolt of 1956, increased American concern about and dislike of nonalignment. Many Americans in high places regraded India's nonalignment policy as pro-Communist and as one that sought to undermine Western collective security measures. Consequently, during the Truman and Eisenhower presidencies the United States took a series of diplomatic, military, and economic measures to counter India's neutralism. America refused to treat India as a major power and attempted to contain its influence on the international plane by excluding it from international conferences and from assuming international responsibilities. The Russian efforts to woo India and other nonaligned countries with trade and aid softened America's open resistance to India's nonalignment. As a result, although tactical, a new trend in America's dealings with India was visible during the closing years of Eisenhower's presidency. Therefore, America sought to keep nonaligned India at least nonaligned by extending economic aid.
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Sen, Uditi. "Refugees and the politics of nation building in India, 1947-1971." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252187.

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35

Niclas-Tölle, Boris [Verfasser]. "The Socialist Opposition in Nehruvian India 1947-1964 / Boris Niclas-Tölle." Frankfurt : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1080460284/34.

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36

Singh, Alaka. "The Political Economy in India: Interest Groups and Development (1947-1990)." W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625751.

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Roy, Indrajit. "Capable subjects : power and politics in Eastern India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0e1bb214-020e-4f9e-864f-9037c104660d.

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The principal aim of this thesis is to elaborate a politicized reading of Amartya Sen's Capability Approach. It explores how capabilities are augmented through the forging of contentious political subjectivities. In it, I build on the criticism that Sen's framework can be more sensitive to questions of power and politics. Against some of his critics, however, I argue that its 'politicization' must focus analytical attention on politics as the struggle to produce subjects rather than limiting its understanding to negotiations over authority, resources and allocations. I draw on quantitative and qualitative analysis of ethnographic data from rural eastern India to substantiate my argument. The first two chapters outline the contours of the debates and introduce the social, economic and political life of the study localities. Each of the four subsequent chapters elucidates the manner in which the contentious processes through which political subjectivity are forged augments capabilities. In Chapter 3 I advance the case that any discussion on capabilities needs to analyze how subjects interrogate the relations of domination and subordination which they have hitherto been compelled to inhabit. Based on an analysis of the contentions spawned by the Indian Government's National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, I point to how the notion of cooperative conflict is helpful in understanding these processes. In Chapter 4, I draw attention to the analytic importance that needs to be accorded to 'voice' in order to understand how subjects contest and reconstitute these relationships: I base my analysis on the claims made on elected representatives by different groups of people in respect to 'poverty cards'. This emphasis leads in Chapter 5 to an investigation of the ways in which agonistic exchanges in public spaces augments capabilities: this I do through an examination of two specific disputes involving a variety of local actors. I develop these insights further in Chapter 6 to show how our understanding of the processes through which capabilities may be enhanced gains analytically from an analysis of the manner in which subjects construct their identities. Chapter 7 concludes.
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Renold, Leah Madge Young. "Hindu identity at Banaras Hindu University 1915-1947 /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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39

Saeed, Humaira Zaineb. "Persisting partition : gender, memory and trauma in women's narratives of Pakistan." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/persisting-partition-gender-memory-and-trauma-in-womens-narratives-of-pakistan(f98704ee-424b-4639-ab10-b08f9e35560b).html.

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This project centres on the continuing relevance of the 1947 Partition of India in texts that engage with the national landscape of Pakistan. This approach proposes that Partition cannot be understood outside of a discussion of Pakistan, as Partition emerged through demands for liberty and enfranchisement for India’s Muslims that became articulated through the discourse of the nation-state; my analysis of cultural texts asks what the implications are of this proposal. This study moves beyond looking at Partition as an isolated series of events in 1947 and contextualises its processes, interrogating why Partition and Pakistan became such a persuasive demand, and what the ongoing ramifications are of its happening. This thesis also considers what the 1971 secession of Bangladesh suggests regarding the attempts of the original cartographic articulation of Pakistan to maintain a unified nation. This project seeks to understand Partition in new ways by utilising a framework that takes into account the broader context of Partition both temporally and spatially. It moves beyond work that solely focusses on texts that discuss the moment of Partition directly, by examining texts that approach the time that preceded Partition, and that which succeeded it. In so doing this thesis charts how texts articulate the arguments for Pakistan’s creation against the events and commemoration of its becoming. I aim to be broad temporally, geographically, and in how I engage with the notion of violence, extending this to include the bureaucratic violence of drawing borders and colonial withdrawal. This study maintains a focus on women’s narratives, arguing that due to the gendered experience of violence at the time of Partition, such as rape, abduction, and honour killing, women’s stories have a particular intervention to make. As such this thesis proposes that there is a pattern of specifically gendered trauma that emerges which disrupts dominant nationalist remembering of Partition. This work takes an interdisciplinary focus by analysing fiction, feature film and documentary. Central to the study is the deployment of a number of theoretical methodologies, such as affect, cultural memory and trauma. Engagement with this critical material enables a discussion of the cultural texts that considers the role of affects in generating and maintaining national belonging, the impact of trauma on individuals who lived through Partition and on the nation writ large, and the implications of how trauma and affect are negotiated when texts imagine reparative futures.
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Roye, Susmita. "Confrontation and coalescence : women's fiction in English in colonial India, 1870-1947." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546217.

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41

Caleb, Sunil Michael. "A Christian evaluation of economic policy and development in India (1947-1997)." Thesis, University of Kent, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369688.

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42

Trentini, Chiara. "La detenzione in India dei militari italiani prigionieri dei britannici (1940-1947)." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2021. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/23600/.

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La volontà che muove questo studio è quella di ripercorrere la storia dei militari italiani della Seconda Guerra Mondiale detenuti in India prigionieri dei britannici partendo dalla cattura in Africa settentrionale nel giugno 1940 con la successiva diaspora sui cinque continenti dettata da questioni logistiche e timori della Gran Bretagna, ma anche dalla sua volontà di aderire alle norme della Convenzione di Ginevra del 1929. Analizzando gli internati in India, il focus verrà posto, in primo luogo, sul political warfare attuato per mezzo della propaganda in ottica di una rieducazione politica dei POWs. L’obiettivo, reso possibile grazie alla stretta collaborazione del PWE con gli organi dell’Intelligence britannica operanti nei campi, era la defascistizzazione dei “black” e dei “grey” che portò alla creazione dell’unità Italia Redenta. Successivamente, l’attenzione sarà posta nello specifico sul campo Yol, ai piedi dell’Himalaya, per mettere in luce le condizioni di vita dei POWs qui detenuti e mostrare come queste vennero sensibilmente influenzate dalla scelta che i prigionieri fecero a seguito dell’armistizio di rimanere fedeli al fascismo o supportare le forze Alleate. Infatti, se da un lato nel gruppo campi di Yol il campo 25, ribattezzato la Repubblica Fascista dell’Himalaya, venne creato appositamente per la segregazione degli irriducibili con l’adozione di misure più stringenti, dall’altro i pro-britannici godettero di libere uscite sulla parola. Per terminare, si vogliono mostrare le difficoltà del rimpatrio alle quali i reduci dovettero far fronte al rientro in Italia, dopo una lontana reclusione protrattasi ben oltre la fine del conflitto: l’esclusione da un paese distrutto dal punto di vista materiale, ma con una nuova forma di governo che non avevano contribuito a creare, la mancanza, per alcuni, dei propri cari e il faticoso reinserimento dettato dalla volontà dell’Italia di gettarsi alle spalle il suo passato fascista di cui i POWs facevano parte.
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43

Khan, Furrukh Abbas. "Memory, dis-location, violence and women in the partition literature of Pakistan and India." Thesis, University of Kent, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252569.

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44

Khan, Abdul Rashid. "The all India Muslim educational conference : its contribution to the cultural development of Indian Muslims 1886 - 1947 /." Oxford [u.a.] : Oxford Univ. Press, 2001. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0611/2001289263-d.html.

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45

Purushotham, Sunil. "Sovereignty, violence, and the making of the postcolonial state in India 1946-52." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648623.

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46

Ali, Syed Mahmud. "Nation-building and the nature of conflict in South Asia : a search for patterns in the use of force as a political instrument within and between the states of the region." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319383.

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47

Shoesmith, Brian Patrick. "Crisis and Struggle: The formation of the cinema in British India, 1913-1947." Thesis, Shoesmith, Brian Patrick (1989) Crisis and Struggle: The formation of the cinema in British India, 1913-1947. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1989. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/36529/.

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The formative period of the Indian film industry occurred against a background of political turmoil that emerged from the Congress struggle to win independence from Britain. The political struggle induced a state of crisis for British rule that had economic, cultural and psychological dimensions. This crisis of hegemony was displaced by the British onto film. As a new medium af communication film presented the British authorities in India with a set of specific problems that transgressed their conscious desire for the maintenance of political and cultural hegemony. In order to control film, and through this their hegemony, the British sought to establish economic, social and political boundaries in which film could operate. Film, however, in India originated beyond the immediate culture sphere of dominance of the British. In the first place it originated in America and increasingly after the 1920s in the Indian cultural domain. Effectively the cinema was beyond the control of the British. Film production in India was located firmly in the Indian economic and cultural domains and British influence on its formation and development was marginal, which reflects the political situation of the period 1913-47. In taking this view I contest the orthodox accounts of the formative years which implicitly accord the British a central role. The orthodox view sees the British role in film as reflecting the central political role of the British in the events of 1913-1947. However, the British fought essentially rearguard actions against the inevitability of Indian political independence. Their role was similar in respect to controlling the cinema. Another dimension of the orthodoxy is to see the influence of the British as essentially malign. The view arises from the claims of the film industry itself which, through its professional organizations, sought legitimacy for the industry through a variety of means, including government financial support. When the Government of India investigated the problems of the Indian film industry in 1927-28 it found a thriving industry based on the indigenous money markets for its capital. Far from being negligible the industry had grown at a healthy rate from its shaky beginnings in 1913, its rate of production increasing rapidly through the 1920s. Consequently the Government could find no reason for providing financial support to the industry. In constructing my account of the formative period of the Indian film industry I look closely at the complex political, economic, cultural and communal relationship surrounding the industry. In the first place I look at the crisis in British hegemony and show how it shaped the Anglo- Indian discourse of film. Then I go on to trace the development of the various Indian discourses on film, comparing them to the British, showing how it was Indian discourses that shaped the parameters of development. These are related to the influence of the Hollywood staple on both discourse formation and film practice which I show to be a finely measured and complex act of reciprocity. In order to substantiate my claims I examine in close detail the economic base of the film industry and relate it to the development of the Indian film as an indigenous cultural form. The complex set of relations between the form and the economic base, it will be shown, existed entirely in the Indian domain which was both misunderstood and misrepresented by the British. To understand the depth of the disjunction I examine the various interventions on the part of the British into the Indian film discourse to show how marginal their influence really was. This view is augmented by a chapter that addresses the vexed topic of censorship which has hitherto dominated accounts of the British influence on the Indian film industry. Again, through an analysis of censorship data I show the marginalization of the British who found it impossible to constrain Indian film production because of its location within traditional cultural practices. In conclusion I argue that the crises of the formative period of the Indian film industry were determined by Indian considerations: the lack of capital, the struggle to gain cultural legitimacy, the problem of political recognition. The struggle to achieve these represents the struggles within Indian formations more than a struggle against the domination of British control.
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48

Ferreira, Cláudio Esteves. "Nehru e a bomba: o programa nuclear indiano, 1947-1964." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2007. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=887.

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Este trabalho procura analisar as políticas externa e nuclear da Índia, durante a gestão do Primeiro Ministro Jawaharlal Nehru, 1947-64. Durante esse período, Nehru assumiu uma política que visava a manter a Índia fora da bipolaridade típica do sistema internacional durante a Guerra Fria. Enquanto defendia a solução pacífica dos problemas internacionais, o fim do imperialismo, o fim das políticas raciais, a diminuição das desigualdades entre as nações e a eliminação das armas nucleares, Nehru conduziu uma política nuclear ambígua, ostensivamente pacífica. Sob o argumento de preservar a independência e romper com todos os resquícios do imperialismo, ele procurou manter aberta a opção para desenvolver um programa de armas nucleares. Minha hipótese é a de que Nehru tinha como objetivo estratégico garantir as condições para que no futuro o país alcançasse o status de Grande Potência. Neste sentido, busco confrontar as ações de sua política externa e nuclear com algumas das idéias e propostas para a Índia independente contidas em sua obra clássica - The Discovery of India
The objective of this work is the focus on Indias foreign and nuclear policy during the period of government - 1947 to 1964 - when Jawaharlal Nehru was Prime Minister of that country. It was during this period that Nehru initiated policies forecasting Indias strategies and interests to forge a neutral position rather than the military pacts that characterized the Cold War period. Whilst defending the pacification of international conflict; the ending of imperialism and racialism; the decreasing of inequality between nations, and the elimination of all nuclear armaments, Nehru embarked on an ambiguous policy that was ostensibly peaceful, yet it disguised the preservation of independence the breaking of ties with imperialism while still sustaining the option to create a nuclear weapons programme. My premise is that Nehru devised strategic goals to guarantee conditions favourable to India and achieve an international profile as a formidable future power. I have also attempted to confront the actions and the depth of Nehrus nuclear policy combining his ideas and proposals for an independent India as detailed in the seminal publication The Discovery of India.
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49

Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Party politics in a non-western democracy : a test of competing theories of party system change, government formation and government stability in India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48684.pdf.

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50

Pandit, Aishwarya. "From United Provinces to Uttar Pradesh : heartland politics 1947-70." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709289.

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