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Abdullatif, Noor Isa, and Isra Hashim Taher. "The Influence of the Partition on the Indian Family in Anita Desai's Clear Light of Day." Al-Adab Journal 3, no. 137 (June 15, 2021): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v3i137.1667.
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Anita Desai's Clear Light of Day (1980) is a partition novel which depicts the influence of the Partition between India and Pakistan on the unity of the Indian family. In 1947, India witnessed a civil war which led to partitioning it into two countries along religious lines. These events coincided with the end of the British rule in India. As a result of that, the Indian individual started questioning his real identity. During the period (1947-1970), India witnessed dramatic social, political, economic changes and transformations In her sixth novel Clear Light of Day, Anita Desai studies the impact of the Partition on the country and on the personal lives of the Indian individuals. The novel is precisely a depiction of family disintegration which parallels the disintegration of India under the Partition circumstances. The aim of the study is to investigate the influence of the Partition on the Indian families which survive the civil wars between the Hindus and the Muslims. Also the study tackles the role of women in the Indian society and the influence of the western principles on them.
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Kumarasingham, Harshan. "Partition of India: Why 1947?" Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 302–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795297.
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Copland, Ian. "The Master and the Maharajas: The Sikh Princes and the East Punjab Massacres of 1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 657–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003050.
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EventDuring the spring, summer and autumn of 1947 India's richest province, the Punjab, played host to a massive human catastrophe. The trigger for the catastrophe was Britain's parting gift to its Indian subjects of partition. Confronted by a seemingly intractable demand by the All-India Muslim League for a separate Muslim homeland—Pakistan—a campaign which since 1946 had turned increasingly violent, the British government early in 1947 accepted viceroy Lord Mountbatten's advice that partition was necessary to arrest the country's descent into civil war. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi notably excepted, the leadership of the Congress party came gradually and reluctantly to the same conclusion. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru's deputy, likened it to the cutting off of a diseased limb. But in accepting the ‘logic’ of the League's ‘two-nation’ theory, the British applied it remorselessly. They insisted that partition would have to follow the lines of religious affiliation, not the boundaries of provinces. In 1947 League president Muhammad Ali Jinnah was forced to accept what he had contemptuously dismissed in 1944 as a ‘moth-eaten’ Pakistan, a Pakistan bereft of something like half of Bengal and the Punjab and most of Assam.
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Rey-Schirr, Catherine. "The ICRC's activities on the Indian subcontinent following partition (1947–1949)." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 323 (June 1998): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400091026.
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In 1945, at the end of the Second World War, the British government clearly stated its intention of granting independence to India.The conflict between the British and the Indian nationalists receded into the background, while the increasing antagonism between Hindus and Muslims came to the fore. The Hindus, centred round the Congress Party led by Jawaharlal Nehru, wanted to maintain the unity of India by establishing a government made up of representatives of the two communities. The Muslims, under the banner of the Muslim League and its President, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, demanded the creation of a separate Muslim State, Pakistan. The problem was further complicated by the fact that the approximately 300 million Hindus, 6 million Sikhs and 100 million Muslims in British India were not living in geographically distinct regions, especially in Punjab and Bengal, where the population was mixed.
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PURUSHOTHAM, SUNIL. "Federating the Raj: Hyderabad, sovereign kingship, and partition." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 157–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000981.
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AbstractThis article explores the idea of federation in late-colonial India. Projects of federation sought to codify the uncodified and fragmented sovereign landscape of the British Raj. They were ambitious projects that raised crucial questions about sovereignty, kingship, territoriality, the potential of constitutional law in transforming the colonial state into a democratic one, and India's political future more broadly. In the years after 1919, federation became a capacious model for imagining a wide array of political futures. An all-India Indian federation was seen as the most plausible means of maintaining India's unity, introducing representative government, and overcoming the Hindu–Muslim majority–minority problem. By bringing together ‘princely’ India and British India, federation made the Indian states central players in late-colonial contestations over sovereignty. This article explores the role of the states in constitutional debates, their place in Indian political imaginaries, and articulations of kingship in late-colonial India. It does so through the example of Hyderabad, the premier princely state, whose ruler made an unsuccessful bid for independence between 1947 and 1948. Hyderabad occupied a curious position in competing visions of India's future. Ultimately, the princely states were a decisive factor in the failure of federation and the turn to partition as a means of overcoming India's constitutional impasse.
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Gilmartin, David. "Partition, Pakistan, and South Asian History: In Search of a Narrative." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 4 (November 1998): 1068–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659304.
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Few events have been more important to the history of modern South Asia than the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan in 1947. The coming of partition has cast a powerful shadow on historical reconstructions of the decades before 1947, while the ramifications of partition have continued to leave their mark on subcontinental politics fifty years after the event.Yet, neither scholars of British India nor scholars of Indian nationalism have been able to find a compelling place for partition within their larger historical narratives (Pandey 1994, 204–5). For many British empire historians, partition has been treated as an illustration of the failure of the “modernizing” impact of colonial rule, an unpleasant blip on the transition from the colonial to the postcolonial worlds. For many nationalist Indian historians, it resulted from the distorting impact of colonialism itself on the transition to nationalism and modernity, “the unfortunate outcome of sectarian and separatist politics,” and “a tragic accompaniment to the exhilaration and promise of a freedom fought for with courage and valour” (Menon and Bhasin 1998, 3).
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Sharma, Shivam. "Partition of India: The Gurdaspur Dispute." Journal of University of Shanghai for Science and Technology 23, no. 07 (July 27, 2021): 1270–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.51201/jusst/21/07271.
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The Partition of India was arguably one of the largest Two-way migration in human history. There are several sets of census data and other verified sources which strengthens the argument that the exchange of population since 1947 has caused immense harm to the integrity of the Indian Sub-continent which is beyond repair. The paper discusses a brief history and the sequence of events that lead to the allotment of three out of four tehsil’s of Gurdaspur district to the Indian dominion despite having a majority Muslim population. The importance of Gurdaspur was remarkable for both the dominions and the contested area was earlier assumed to be allotted to Pakistan while a later amendment made it a part of India, which opened routes for a direct pathway to Kashmir. It also discusses the Radcliffe Commission that was appointed to demarcate the two new separate dominions, India, and Pakistan in just eight weeks.
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Choudhury, Suranjana. "The Box, the Fish, and Lost Homes." Migration and Society 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 259–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arms.2020.030124.
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The Partition of 1947 is a seminal episode in the history of the Indian subcontinent. Partition is still a living reality; it continues to define the everydayness of lives in the partitioned states. Memory is an important topic in the field of Partition Studies: the act of remembering and the subject of remembrance illuminate our understanding of Partition in more ways than one. Personal memories hold special significance in this regard. This article comprises two personal memory pieces on the cascading effects of Partition in individuals’ lives. The first story is a retelling of my grandmother’s experience of displacement and her subsequent relocation in newly formed India. The story brings forth memories associated with her wedding jewelry box, which she brought with her across the border. The second story focuses on the life experiences of my domestic helper, a second generation recipient of Partition memories.
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ANKIT, RAKESH. "G.A. Naqvi: from Indian Police (UP), 1926 to Pakistani Citizen (Sindh), 1947." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 28, no. 2 (January 26, 2018): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186317000700.
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AbstractThis is the story of how G. A. Naqvi (Indian Police, 1926) of the United Province (UP) was affected by the events of 1947–1948 in British and independent India and Pakistan and had to become what he did not wish to be: a private citizen in Pakistan. It shows how he, like so many others, had to become reconciled to the idea of British India breaking-up into independent India and Pakistan. This process changed forever the relationship between institutions of the Indian State and individual lives of Indian Muslims; the ‘long’ Partition of British India prompted new questions of legitimacy, citizenship and sovereignty, while producing “displacement, disruption and disappointment”. This was especially so in the so-called ‘Muslim-minority provinces’, among which the UP held the pre-eminent position and to which Naqvi belonged. After 21 ½ years of service, Naqvi found himself unwanted in both India and Pakistan, in a time of deepening communal divide, suspicion and hostility. A much sought-after officer during the Second World War, how was he to know that over 1947–1948, not one of the four governments to which he was and/or could be affiliated with would want to have anything to do with him.
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Zobaer, Sheikh. "Pre-partition India and the Rise of Indian Nationalism in Amitav Ghosh’s 'The Shadow Lines'." Rainbow: Journal of Literature, Linguistics and Cultural Studies 9, no. 2 (October 23, 2020): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/rainbow.v9i2.40231.
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The Shadow Lines is mostly celebrated for capturing the agony and trauma of the artificial segregation that divided the Indian subcontinent in 1947. However, the novel also provides a great insight into the undivided Indian subcontinent during the British colonial period. Moreover, the novel aptly captures the rise of Indian nationalism and the struggle against the British colonial rule through the revolutionary movements. Such image of pre-partition India is extremely important because the picture of an undivided India is what we need in order to compare the scenario of pre-partition India with that of a postcolonial India divided into two countries, and later into three with the independence of Bangladesh in 1971. This paper explores how The Shadow Lines captures colonial India and the rise of Indian nationalism through the lens of postcolonialism.
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Choudhary, Sejal. "Understanding The Trauma of 1947 India-Pakistan Partition – An Account of Toba Tek Singh." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 7, no. 5 (2022): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.75.18.
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The year 1947 saw the birth of India’s freedom and the death of its people’s joy, leaving behind slaves of religious chauvinism, communal barbarity and inhumane cruelty. The partition of 1947 was a gruesome and landmark incident in the history of both the nations. The ‘bloody’ line of partition that was drawn by Cyril Radcliffe has not stopped bleeding since 1947. This line, drawn by a man who never visited the nation before, had marked the fate of millions, causing an unceasing chaos which eversince has been the reason behind tension between the two nations today. The two nations that were one community; a community which lived in peace and harmony once. The high spirits of the nation after its victory in the struggle for freedom was supressed by the pain of partition. Author Moni Mohsin, in her literature piece, throws light on the way India won this freedom at the cost of happiness and lives of millions. In her words – “The creation of India and Pakistan in 1947 led to horrific sectarian violence and made millions refugees overnight” (Mohsin). The partition of India was nothing less than a heart cut into two pieces and though wounds will heal, memories will fade but the pain will always reside in the hearts of the families that were destroyed. This grotesque event led by greed for political powers had caused one of the largest massacres and migrations in the history of mankind. Although the partition was a landmark incident in the geopolitical history of India, “Toba Tek Singh” by Sadat Hassan
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Larson, Gerald James. "Partition: The “Pulsing Heart that Grieved”." Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 1 (November 26, 2013): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001666.
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By way of framing Manan Ahmed Asif's intriguing personal (and poetic) reflection entitled “Idol in the Archive” in this current issue of the Journal of Asian Studies, it must always be remembered that in August 1947, the old British Raj gave birth to not one but two independent nation-states, namely India and Pakistan. India became a “Sovereign Democratic Republic” when its Constitution came into effect on January 26, 1950, following adoption of its draft Constitution by its Constituent Assembly on November 26, 1949. Pakistan took a bit longer, becoming the “Islamic Republic of Pakistan” when its first Constitution came into effect on March 23, 1956. Furthermore, of course, Pakistan underwent secession of its Eastern Province with the founding of the “People's Republic of Bangladesh” in 1971. It is hardly an exaggeration to suggest that partition is the defining event of modern independent India and Pakistan, and, more than that, continues to be the defining event of India and Pakistan even after more than fifty years of independence.
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Philips, Cyril. "Was the partition of India in 1947 inevitable?" Asian Affairs 17, no. 3 (October 1986): 243–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068378608730233.
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Majchrowicz, Daniel. "Fingernails Torn from Flesh: Intiz̤ār Ḥusain, Rām Laʿl, and Travel Writing across the India-Pakistan Border." Journal of Urdu Studies 1, no. 2 (December 28, 2020): 241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659050-12340012.
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Abstract Studies on the Partition of India have historically examined the years immediately before and after 1947, drawing heavily on Urdu fiction. Recent historiographic advances, however, emphasize “partitioning” to convey partition’s prolonged, indeterminate, and ongoing nature. This article suggests that the Urdu travel account is a primary literary space to negotiate the long-term signification of Partition and, as such, exemplifies processes of partitioning. It argues for the existence of a distinct category, the “cross-border travel account,” offering a critical and comparative reading of works by Intiz̤ār Ḥusain and Rām Laʿl to explore how the genre negotiates the legacy and future of Partition.
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Loveridge, Jack, and Somidh Saha. "Lessons learned from India’s Green Revolution." TATuP - Zeitschrift für Technikfolgenabschätzung in Theorie und Praxis 29, no. 2 (July 17, 2020): 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14512/tatup.29.2.58.
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Partition of British India in 1947 triggered a huge refugee crisis in India. In addition, low agricultural yield and high population growth fueled food insecurity. The fear of the Bengal Famine of 1943 was still fresh and the Indian Government wanted to prevent further famines. The philanthropic organizations of the USA (Rockefeller and Ford Foundation) collaborated with Indian policymakers and scientists that helped in the groundwork of the Green Revolution. Jack Loveridge explains how technology and international cooperation contributed to India's Green Revolution and what lessons can be learned for the future. The challenges related population control, environment, social and economic inequality in the Green Revolution were highlighted. Interview by Somidh Saha (ITAS-KIT).
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Chhabra, Meenakshi. "Memory Practices in History Education about the 1947 British India Partition." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 7, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2015.070202.
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This article is an epistemological reflection on memory practices in the construction, deconstruction, and reconstruction of collective memories of a historical event involving collective violence and conflict in formal and informal spaces of education. It focuses on the 1947 British India Partition of Punjab. The article engages with multiple memory practices of Partition carried out through personal narrative, interactions between Indian and Pakistani secondary school pupils, history textbook contents, and their enactment in the classroom by teachers. It sheds light on the complex dynamic between collective memory and history education about events of violent conflict, and explores opportunities for and challenges to intercepting hegemonic remembering of a violent past.
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Talbot, Ian. "SAFETY FIRST: THE SECURITY OF BRITONS IN INDIA, 1946–1947." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 23 (November 19, 2013): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440113000091.
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ABSTRACTA month into his viceroyalty, Lord Mountbatten took time out from sounding Indian political opinion about independence to discuss the future security of British residents with his provincial governors. By this stage, the concerns stemmed from fears of a general breakdown in law and order and Hindu–Muslim conflict rather than nationalist assault. Detailed plans were developed for a sea-borne evacuation. In the event, the only Britons who were evacuated were those airlifted from Srinagar in November 1947 as they were in the path of an invasion of the disputed Kashmir territory by Pakhtun tribesmen from Pakistan. Despite numerous articles on the British departure from India and the aftermath of Partition, little has been written about either the airlift or the broader strategic planning for European evacuation. The paper will focus on this neglected corner of the history of the transfer of power. It argues that while anti-British sentiment declined from a peak around the time of the Indian National Army trials, of 1945–6, the memories of the wartime chaotic flight from Burma and Malaya and the irreparable damage this had done to British prestige in Asia coloured the safety first approach adopted in 1947.
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Ali, Kamran Asdar, and Tabish Khair. "Unfinished stories of the Partition: Across 75 years." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 57, no. 3 (September 2022): 562–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219894221115911.
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This conversation between two second cousins born and brought up on different sides of the India/Pakistan border and now, as academics and writers, engaged in examining the Partition, looks at what the tumultuous and tragic events of 1947 have meant for families most obviously impacted by them, and how their impact has unfolded over the past 75 years. Educated, Muslim, Urdu-speaking middle-class families ( ashráf) from North India were sundered by the Partition, and, as they remain divided between the two (later three) countries — unlike the bulk of Hindu refugees from Pakistan, who relocated to India over the next few years — the traces of the Partition can be observed with particular vividness in this large group. The dialogue explores what it meant for post-Partition Indian Muslims to have Pakistani relatives, and how Pakistani immigrants reacted to the home regions of India. It also examines some of the ways in which the division of colonial India continued and continues to shape post-Partition events, such as the creation of Bangladesh or the rise of religious nationalisms. Progressive politics, socio-economic fissures, and related tensions are also examined.
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Kumar, Ashish. "Nationalising the Harappan Past." Atna Journal of Tourism Studies 15, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12727/ajts.24.1.
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The Harappan civilisation that was discovered in the early 1920s became a matter of intense debate in the decades following the partition of India in 1947. As the boundaries of the newly created nation-states, Pakistan and India were drawn, almost entire excavated area associated with the Harappan civilisation went to Pakistan. And it inaugurated an era of academic politics in which Pakistani scholars and politicians claimed a five thousand years old antiquity for their nation-state based on the Harappan civilisation. On the other hand, the Indian archaeologists began searching for the Harappan sites in the valley of the Ghaggar (identified with Rigvedic Sarasvati River) – now dry, to justify India’s linkages with the same civilisation. In this academic politics, one British archaeologist, R. E. Mortimer Wheeler (the Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India; from 1944 to 1948, and Archaeological advisor to Pakistan ministry; from 1948 to 1950) played a central role. Both, colleagues and several erstwhile students of this Englishman in India and Pakistan, this paper argues that participated in this academic politics. As they formulated a new national historical framework, the Harappan civilisation was transformed into a first civilisational landmark in the history of their respective countries.
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Singh, Dr Pralayankar Kumar. "The Shadow Lines: Interrogating the Great Divide." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 3 (March 28, 2020): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i3.10468.
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The article The Shadow Lines: Interrogating the Great Divide questions the concept of border and Partition- a solution to the problems of social unrest on religious grounds or political motivation. During the British Raj feeling of suspicion and hatred were planted in the heart and mind of millions of Indian people. The gulf of communal disharmony widened with time and this resulted in the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947. The ulterior motives of British Empire, the Congress Party and the Muslim League caused the partition of India. The then political leaders failed to resolve their difference over power-sharing. The ever widening gulf between the Hindus and the Muslims on communal issues was said to be the main cause of partition, though both the communities had a long history of peaceful co-existence for more than a thousand years. The Partition divided friends, families, lovers and neighbours. It led to the disintegration of human values, rootlessness and alienation
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Bhatti, Muhammad Nawaz. "Politics of Water Resource Management in the Indus River Basin: A Study of the Partition of Punjab." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (November 14, 2020): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.6.
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The British Government of India divided the Muslim majority province of Punjab into Eastern and Western Punjab. But the partition line was drawn in a manner that headworks remained in India and irrigated land in Pakistan. The partition of Punjab was not scheduled in the original plan of the division of India. Why was it partitioned? To answer this question, the study in the first instance tries to explore circumstances, reasons, and conspiracies which led to the partition of Punjab which led to the division of the canal irrigation system and secondly, the impact of partition on water resource management in the Indus River Basin. Descriptive, historical, and analytical methods of research have been used to draw a conclusion. The study highlights the mindset of Indian National Congress to cripple down the newly emerging state of Pakistan that became a root cause of the partition of Punjab. The paper also highlights why India stopped water flowing into Pakistan on 1st April 1948 and the analysis also covers details about the agreement of 4th May 1948 and its consequences for Pakistan.
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Brown, Judith M., and Anita Inder Singh. "The Origins of the Partition of India, 1936-1947." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 832. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873913.
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Khan, Kamran Ahmad. "The Qur’an in South Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 39, no. 3-4 (February 16, 2023): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v39i3-4.3068.
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Kamran Bashir’s The Qur’an in South Asia addresses the question of how Sunni Muslims in India dealt with their intellectual heritage and identified with their past tradition in the wake of European colonialism and missionary activism. He focuses mainly on the Muslim scholars Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (d. 1898), Ashraf ʿAlī Thānawī (d. 1943) and Ḥamīd al-Dīn Farāhī (d. 1930), who wrote extensively on approaches to understanding the Qur’an after the mutiny/uprising that occurred in 1857 and the partition of India in 1947.
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Sushil, Jey. "Making Sense of Fragmented Bodies across Generations: Tamas and Kitne Pakistan." Metacritic Journal for Comparative Studies and Theory 8, no. 2 (December 19, 2022): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/mjcst.2022.14.05.
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What is the real extent of 75 years when discussing a traumatic event like the Partition of 1947, at least in fiction? In a bid to explore this, the article analyzes two Hindi novels divided by a span of 27 years: the first, Bhisham Sahni’s Tamas (1973), was considered an early and now classic fictional intervention (though late by the standards of some other Indian languages, such as Urdu and Punjabi) in the narratives of Partition, and the other, Kamleshwar’s Kitne Pakistan (2000), was published at the cusp of the new millennium. Much had changed in India over those three decades. Did these changes brought about by globalization, liberalization, and new technology also influence the representation of violence, communalism, and relationships between communities, maybe even an understanding of the causes of the Partition? While examining the differences in narration of time and space, as well as stylistic divergences, the article notes and highlights the different ways in which both the novels lack a hero and deals with the idea of hope and utopia that is read in the context of violence during Partition/Partitions.
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Zaidi, Najia A. "Woman Subjection As Reflected In Sidhwa’s Cracking India." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 2, no. 1 (September 8, 2009): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v2i1.356.
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The Indian subcontinent gained independence from the British Raj in 1947, and got divided into two states: India and Pakistan. This division was the result of religious conflict that turned into a great tragedy of the region forcing millions to leave the part they were living in and killing large number of innocent people. Women became the worst victims of partition on both sides of the border. Sidhwa captures the position of woman through historical perspective. This paper examines the retelling of partition by Sidhwa in her novel Cracking India and portrays the exploitation, manipulation and oppression of women in relation to politics, religion and society. The publication of this novel establishes it as feminist text that calls for reconsideration of women’s rights and status in Post-Colonial Pakistan.
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Hashmi, Sohail. "Book review: Rakhshanda Jalil, Tarun K. Saint and Debjani Sengupta (Eds), Looking Back: The 1947 Partition of India, 70 Years On." Social Change 48, no. 1 (March 2018): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085717743853.
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Rakhshanda Jalil, Tarun K. Saint and Debjani Sengupta (Eds), Looking Back: The 1947 Partition of India, 70 Years On. Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan, 2017, 355 pp., ₹1095, ISBN: 9789386689566 (Hardbound).
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Talbot, Ian. "Legacies of Partition for India and Pakistan." Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (December 31, 2019): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.01.
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South Asia’s political and socio-economic landscape has been greatly transformed in the seven decades since India and Pakistan achieved their independence. Nonetheless, many features are only explicable with reference to the legacies of the 1947 Partition. This essay traces these legacies with respect to ethnic and religious nationalism, state construction and the contrasting trajectories with respect to democratic consolidation. It argues that while the recent scholarship has acknowledged the enduring presence of the Partition on the lives of refugees and their descendants, accounts of its ongoing impact on statecraft are less developed. It is only when such legacies are analyzed that a fuller understanding is possible both of domestic developments and of the enduring rivalry between the two states.
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Zobaer, Sheikh. "Religious Division and Otherness as Portrayed in 'Shame' and 'The Ministry of Utmost Happiness'." Linguaculture 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/lincu-2021-2-0203.
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After the partition of India in 1947, religion has become a major catalyst for division and othering in most of South Asia. Bangladeshi author and activist Taslima Nasrin was exiled from her country, primarily for revealing the mistreatment of the Hindu minorities in Bangladesh in her novel Shame. Indian author Arundhati Roy has also faced severe backlash due to her portrayal of the mistreatment of the Muslims in India in her novel The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. Religion has become an extremely fraught issue in South Asia, making almost any criticism of religious fundamentalism a highly perilous endeavor. Yet, both Nasrin and Roy had the courage to do that. This paper explores how the aforementioned novels expose the process of othering of the religious minorities in India and Bangladesh by highlighting the retributive nature of communal violence which feeds on mistrust, hatred, and religious tribalism – a cursed legacy that can be traced back to the violent partition of the Indian subcontinent based on the two-nation theory.
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Cháirez-Garza, Jesús Francisco. "‘Bound hand and foot and handed over to the caste Hindus’: Ambedkar, untouchability and the politics of Partition." Indian Economic & Social History Review 55, no. 1 (January 2018): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464617745925.
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This article examines B. R. Ambedkar’s dramatically shifting politics in the years prior to Partition. In 1940, he supported the creation of Pakistan. In 1946, he joined Winston Churchill in his demands to delay independence. Yet, in 1947, Ambedkar rejected Pakistan and joined the Nehru administration. Traditional narratives explain these changes as part of Ambedkar’s political pragmatism. It is believed that such pragmatism, along with Gandhi’s good faith, helped Ambedkar to secure a place in Nehru’s Cabinet. In contrast, I argue that Ambedkar changed his attitude towards Congress due to the political transformations elicited by Partition. Ambedkar approached Congress as a last resort to maintain a political space for Dalits in independent India. This, however, was unsuccessful. Partition not only saw the birth of two countries but also virtually eliminated the histories of resistance of political minorities that did not fall under the Hindu–Muslim binary, such as Dalits. In the case of Ambedkar, his past as a critic of Gandhi and Congress was erased in favour of the more palatable image of him as the father of the constitution. This essay reconfigures our understanding of Partition by showing how the promise of Pakistan shaped the way we remember Ambedkar.
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Ranjan, Amit. "Book Review: Kaushik Roy (Ed.), Partition of India: Why 1947?" South Asia Research 34, no. 2 (July 2014): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728014540389.
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Sikander, Mushtaq Ul Haq Ahmad. "Islamophobia in India." Journal of the Contemporary Study of Islam 2, no. 2 (August 24, 2021): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37264/jcsi.v2i2.66.
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The Indian Muslims are numerically largest among the South Asian nations. They constitute the largest minority in India. Since the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 that ended British colonialism and resulted in freedom of India and creation of Pakistan, those Muslims that remained in India have been suffering immensely at the hands of Indian State, save for a minority of elites who have ‘progressed.’ This paper explores systematic Islamophobia in India against Kashmiris and Indian Muslims and how it impacts Muslims across the country despite diversity in the community. A historical analysis is first offered, tracing the long history of Islamophobia in India to British rule which acted as a catalyst in furthering the divide, animosity and hatred among the two communities. Through an analysis of Hindu communal organizations, the role of media and politics, the paper deliberates on the relationship between Islamophobia and communal riots in India, with case studies about the lived realities of Indian Muslims, who are legally entitled to be equal citizens of free India.
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Chatterji, Joya. "The Fashioning of a Frontier: The Radcliffe Line and Bengal's Border Landscape, 1947–52." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 1 (January 1999): 185–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x99003066.
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The partition of India is customarily described in surgical metaphors, as an operation, an amputation, a vivisection or a dismemberment. By extension, the new borders created in 1947 are often thought of as incision scars.
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Sengupta, Debjani. "The dark forest of exile: A Dandakaranya memoir and the Partition’s Dalit refugees." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 57, no. 3 (September 2022): 520–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219894221115908.
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The Partition of India in 1947 has often been studied through the lenses of territoriality, communal identity, and the high nationalist politics of the attainment of the two nation-states of India and Pakistan. However, the history of nation-making is inextricably linked with the account of Dalit communities in divided Bengal, their aspirations and arrival in West Bengal, and their subsequent exile outside the newly formed state to a government-chosen rehabilitation site called Dandakaranya in central India. From the 1950s, the Dalit population of East Pakistan began migrating to West Bengal in India following their leader Jogendra Nath Mandal who had migrated earlier. Subsequently, West Bengal saw a steady influx of agriculturalist Dalit refugees whose rehabilitation entailed a different understanding of land resettlement. Conceived in 1956, the Dandakaranya Project was an ambitious one-time plan to rehabilitate thousands of East Bengali Namasudra refugees outside the state. Some writings on Dandakaranya, such as those by Saibal Kumar Gupta, former chairman of the Dandakaranya Development Authority, offer us a profound insight into the plight of Dalit refugees during post-Partition times. This article explores two texts by Gupta: his memoir, Kichu Smriti, Kichu Katha, and a collection of essays compiled in a book, Dandakaranya: A Survey of Rehabilitation. Drawing on official data, government reports, assessments of the refugee settlers, and extensive personal interaction, Gupta evaluates the demographic and humanitarian consequences of the Partition for the Dalit refugees. These texts represent an important literary archive that unearths a hidden chapter in the Indian Partition’s historiography and lays bare the trajectory of Scheduled Caste history understood through the project of rehabilitation and resettlement in independent India.
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Preckel, Claudia. "Hey Ram! Oh God! Communal Riots and Religious Fundamentalism as Depicted in a Partition Film." Archiv orientální 81, no. 1 (May 12, 2013): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.81.1.103-118.
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In South Asia, hardly any historical subject is discussed with such emotion as the Partition of 1947. In the new millennium, after many decades of almost complete silence, writers and film directors (not only) in India have started dealing with 1947. One of the film directors who is keen to show the effects of death, loss and pain on the individual as well the entire Indian nation is the Tamil director Kamal Hāsan. His film Hey Ram! (He Rām!, 2000) is set against the backdrop of the Partition and the assassination of Gandhi in 1947 and the destruction of the Bābrī Masjid in Ayodhya in 1992, which led to a wave of violence and communal riots throughout India. The (Hindu) protagonist, Saket Rām, an archaeologist, is traumatized after his wife is killed by Muslims in Calcutta. Later, Saket Rām is deeply influenced by the proponents of hindutva and he even plans to shoot Gandhi. Only an unexpected encounter with his Muslim friend stops him…
The paper aims at analysing the role of religions as portrayed in the film. Special focus is put on the roots of religious fundamentalism and the question as to whether Hāsan blames anybody for the outbreak of communal violence. Another important issue is the role of history in the prevention of violence.
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Das, Suranjan. "The 1992 Calcutta Riot in Historical Continuum: A Relapse into ‘Communal Fury’?" Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 2 (April 2000): 281–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0000336x.
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Calcutta's failure to insulate itself from the communal hysteria that plagued the length and breadth of India in the aftermath of the demolition of Babri Masjid on 6 December 1992 came as a rude shock to the city's intelligentsia. True, the Great Calcutta Killing of August 1946 had initiated a vicious circle of communal rioting in the subcontinent climaxing in the ‘truncated settlement’ of 15 August 1947. The events of 1946–47 were viewed by left-wing intellectuals as a defeat of radicalism in post-Second World War Bengal politics. But the structural disarticulation between class and politics experienced during these Partition days was rapidly bridged in the western half of British Bengal that came to form a part of the Indian union. While other regions of India continued to be struck by periodic bouts of Hindu–Muslim violence, West Bengal remained relatively free of the communal virus. Calcutta, its capital city, emerged as the crucible of the country's left and democratic politics.
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Mehra, Aryaan. "ECONOMIC IMPACT OF THE PARTITION ON INDIA AND PAKISTAN." International Journal of Advanced Research 8, no. 10 (October 31, 2020): 982–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/11924.
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The paper reflects on the events of partition that took place in 1947, following the nation gaining its independence from 200 years of imperial British rule. The occasion resulted in the birth of two dominion states - India and Pakistan, with the later also occupying the territory of Bangladesh, then referred to as East Pakistan. In this paper, factors that impacted the economic conditions of both countries have been analyzed to understand their outcomes in the post-independence period.
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Ray, Antara. "Book review: Rakhshanda Jalil, Tarun K. Saint and Debjani Sengupta (eds.), Looking Back the 1947 Partition of India 70 Years On." Sociological Bulletin 69, no. 2 (May 19, 2020): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022920923248.
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Rakhshanda Jalil, Tarun K. Saint and Debjani Sengupta (eds.), Looking Back the 1947 Partition of India 70 Years On. Hyderabad: Orient Blackswans Private Limited, 2017, xxxviii + 355 pp., ₹795 (pb). ISBN 978-93-5287-620-4.
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Ranjan, Amit. "Disputed Waters: India, Pakistan and the Transboundary Rivers." Studies in Indian Politics 4, no. 2 (October 22, 2016): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023016665529.
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Water disputes between India and Pakistan reflect the political relationship between the two countries since partition of British India in 1947. That partition broke the interdependent hydraulic system. In following decades, tensions between India and Pakistan have led to emergence of ‘water nationalism’ in both countries. In the past, many groups, in both countries, have made appeals to their respective government to scrap the Indus Water Treaty (IWT) of 1960, but no steps were taken in such direction by either of the two states. The IWT has survived two full wars (1965 and 1971), one limited war (1999) and a series of political-cum-military tensions (1987, 1989–90, 2002 and 2008) between India and Pakistan.
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Rahman, Md Mahbubar, and Willem Van Schendel. "‘I Am Not a Refugee’: Rethinking Partition Migration." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 3 (June 25, 2003): 551–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03003020.
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In the wake of Partition—the break-up of British India in 1947—millions of people moved across the new borders between Pakistan and India. Although much has been written about these ‘Partition refugees,’ a comprehensive picture remains elusive. This paper advocates a rethinking of the study of cross-border migration in South Asia. It argues especially for looking at categories of cross-border migrants that have so far been ignored, and for employing a more comparative approach. In the first section, we look at conventions that have shaped the literature on Partition refugees. The second section explores some patterns of post-Partition migration to East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), and the third uses oral evidence from cross-border migrants to present a number of case studies. The concluding section underlines that these cases demonstrate the need for re-examining historiographical conventions regarding Partition migration; it also makes a plea for linking South Asia's partition to broader debates about partition as a political ‘solution’ to ethnic strife.
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Afridi, Hikmat, Manzoor Khan Afridi, and Ijaz Khalid. "Kashmir at Crossroad: The Partition’s Unfinished Agenda." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).05.
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Independent dominions in shape of Pakistan and India emerged as result of partition on 14 August and 15 August 1947 respectively while the fate of over 500 princely states awaited decision. Due to overwhelming majority of Muslims, Jammu and Kashmir should have acceded to Pakistan. The hardness in Indian stance resulted in the two wars i.e. of 1965 and 1971 besides two limited wars of 1947-48 and 1999Kargil war. South Asia remained on the brink of war in 2002 standoff and the current escalations in Azad Kashmir. Contrarily, both Pakistan and India had agreed upon the United Nations resolutions, including, "the accession of the state of Jammu and Kashmir will be decided through free and impartial plebiscite under the auspices of United Nations". The Indian strategy was to gain time on the pretext that "Indians are superior to Pakistanis in military and industrial power therefore Pakistan would accept a settlement imposed by the Indians". Additional India pleaded that Pakistan had joined defence Pacts with west, so India moved away from the process of Plebiscite. Now, India wants to discuss only terrorism brushing aside the core issue of Kashmir. Resultantly, the people of Kashmir are at the mercy of despotic and tyrant Indian Forces and they are suffering the most. How long the innocent population of Kashmir will be looking to ask the world to come forward for an open hearted settlement of this long outstanding dispute? The situation may escalate into a nuclear flashpoint.
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Dr. Asma Aftab, Sadia Akram, and Dr. Muhammad Asif. "Digitalizing 1947: A Postmodernist Analysis of the Shifting Faces of Communitarian Identity." sjesr 3, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss4-2020(215-222).
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This paper deals with the problem of identity during and after the Partition of the Indian Subcontinent in 1947. It focuses on the portrayal of the shifting faces of communitarian identity/politics by analyzing two digital versions of this historical event – one is Mehreen Jabbar's drama-film Ramchand Pakistani and the other is the adapted version of Razia Butt's novel Bano, broadcast by a private T.V Channel with the title of Dastaan. Based on the postmodernist shift from performance to performance, our argument foregrounds the digital representation of 1947 which offers new angles to view the subaltern story(ies) vis-à-vis the official history of nationalism by showing different characters who experience a fleeing sense of identity in their attempt to cope with the trauma of displacement and violence during 1947. In this article, the textual and digital versions of 1947 are read as cultural texts which embody the human and subjective experience and perceptions of ordinary human subjects from both sides of the divide, either during the historical event of Partition as sufferers or survivors or in current scenario in the wake of the politics of mistrust between Pakistan and India. The study concludes that digitalizing the history of 1947 offers an introspective representation of myriad experiences of people and their past which is different from a retrospective illustration of official history with its nationalist certitude and xenophobia.
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Lamichhane, Yog Raj. "No more “Us’’ Versus “Others”: Critique of Cultural Trauma in the Movie Partition by Vic Sarin." Literary Studies 34, no. 01 (September 2, 2021): 213–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/litstud.v34i01.39541.
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On 15 August 1947, the glory of Indian Independence has introduced with a political hubris, dividing British India into two separate independent nations: secular India and Islamic Pakistan. The partition brings trauma in the life of millions; nevertheless, this trauma itself becomes the victim of nationhood and community both in official history and literary writing. In this background, the study examines how a Hollywood movie Partition directed by Vic Sarin in 2007, exceptionally surpasses that tendency of dividing the community into ‘‘as’’ and ‘‘others’’ imparting Indian partition trauma politically. While analyzing the behavior and action of major characters along with the overall imparted theme of the movie, it rethinks the customary archives of community and nationhood depicting partition memory objectively. The protagonist never pronounces a single word of communal intolerance even when he has been mocked and tortured in the name of religion. Conversely, some characters in the movie always attempt to massacre the truth of trauma spreading communal bile; however, the overall essence and message of the movie keep that alive. Rethinking cultural trauma and using the approach of memory, the study concludes that this in-between movie appears as “West Running Brook” that exceeds the common communalization and perpetual politicization in the history of depicting Indian partition. Eventually, the study establishes that sharing pain seems to work as a healer among victims to overcome their trauma on one side and uniquely it adjoins the British as a party in Indian partition trauma in the next, which has been blurred considering insignificant in the one-to-one conflict between two giants.
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Shamim, Jazib, and Muhammad Farooq. "NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION IN SOUTH ASIA –TOWARDS WORLD WAR-III." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 56, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v56i2.44.
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The world witnessed a major historical event in 1947 when subcontinent, which was governed as a one unit from Khyber to Burma since almost last one thousand years, partitioned by the ruling British Empire resulting into two states namely India and Pakistan. The major reason behind partition of the subcontinent was the religious and cultural differences between the Hindus and Muslims. This difference made them hostile towards each other and India having superiority in all aspects, compelled Pakistan to become a security state right after its inception. To expand its superiority over the whole region, the Indian nuclear program started in 1944, even before its independence. India conducted first nuclear tests in 1974 and continued expanding its nuclear program. This forced Pakistan to work seriously on its nuclear program with a fast pace. India announced its formal entry to the nuclear weapons club in May 1998 with 5 nuclear tests at Pokhran, Pakistan, having nuclear capability at that time, replied back in merely two weeks with 6 nuclear tests and became the 7th nation in the world and first Islamic country to join the nuclear countries club. The lives of over a billion people are at mercy of the two nuclear powers state heads, especially India having an extremist government poses a serious threat to the peace of subcontinent which needs great attention especially from the global community otherwise a nuclear Armageddon could be expected.
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Chakraborty, Swarnendu. "The partition of Bengal in 1947 and The Role of the Hindu MahaSabha." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 25, 2022): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.5.
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According to Encyclopedia Britannica, the English word “De-colonization” means liberation of colonies from their foreign overlords. After the 2nd world war, the De-colonization of the Asia African continent began due to different economic-political-strategic factors. However, in many instances, this process brings partition of an undivided country into 2\3 smaller successor States with forceful mass migration, refugee crisis, loss of monetary and human resources due to violent civil wars between different ethno-religious groups. After the battle of Plessey (1757) granting of Dewani to the English East India Company (1765), Bengal became the center of the British power in East India. The British city of Calcutta became the most prominent city in Asia as the capital of British India. Through the efforts of some European and native academicians, a mixture of Anglo-British culture happened. The Bengali thinkers taught the nation the first lessons of patriotism during the colonial period. At the beginning of the 20th century, the then Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, divided Bengal into two parts in 1905. The Bengali masses protested publicly against the partition. R.Tagore and other Bengali thinkers guided the agitation. This protest movement was known as the Swadeshi movement. In 1911, the division was cancelled, but the capital of British India had been shifted from Calcutta to Delhi. After the establishment of the Muslim League. (1906), The Hindu MohaSabha (1915) and enactment of the Morle-Minto (1909), Montegu-Chamesford (1919), the communal harmony between the Bengali Hindu and Muslim community decreased. After the 2nd world war, it became clear that the British Empire in the Indian sub-continent would collapse soon. During the power transfer process, the division of the sub-continent into two different countries became inventible. My aim in this study is to point out the role of the Hindu MahaSabha in the partition of Bengal in 1947. I will try to point out whether the division of Bengal was necessary or the rise of Bengali communalism forced it. I will try both analytical and descriptive research methods to answer my questions.
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Mandal, Sudeshna. "Freedom or Suffering: Post-Partition Memories and Fractured Identity Reflections in Jhumpa Lahiri’s Select Short-Fictions." Green University Review of Social Sciences 7, no. 1-2 (November 6, 2022): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/gurss.v7i1-2.62684.
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The liberation of India from British domination in 1947 was the most significant historical event in the South Asian history. Despite the fact that freedom promised only liberty, equality, and fraternity, the only result was widespread violence, which eventually led to British-India being divided into two sovereign dominions (India and Pakistan). This Partition resulted in the loss of houses, properties, friends, relatives, and, most importantly, identity. The purpose of this paper is to look at how Jhumpa Lahiri addresses diasporic concerns, unpleasant partition experiences, and fractured cultural identity in two of her short- stories, “When Mr. Pirzada Came to Dine” and “A Real Durwan”, from her collection, Interpreter of Maladies. Lahiri, an Indian immigrant from the United Kingdom, is well aware of the difficulties that immigrants experience in their host country. She has brilliantly depicted the painful consequences of partition in the works described above, especially the bloodshed that occurs during the civil war between East and West Pakistan. The goal of this article is to examine how Lahiri uses these two short stories to emphasize the deceiving features of freedom.
Green University Review of Social Sciences Dec 2021; 7(1-2): 105-111
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Butalia, Urvashi. "Hidden histories." Index on Censorship 24, no. 4 (July 1995): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209502400423.
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The history of the bloodstained partition of India in 1947 is well known: 12 million displaced, over one million dead. The story of tens of thousands of women killed ‘for the honour of their community’, abducted, raped, abandoned, has yet to be told
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Briskey, Mark. "The Foundations of Pakistan’s Strategic Culture: Fears of an Irredentist India, Muslim Identity, Martial Race, and Political Realism." Journal of Advanced Military Studies 2022, special (January 24, 2022): 130–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21140/mcuj.2022sistratcul008.
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This article examines the early foundations of the strategic culture of the Pakistan Army. By exploring the impact of the partition of British India in 1947 and the First Kashmir War of 1947–48, the article identifies the pivotal factors in the development of strategic culture of Pakistan. In also examining Pakistani fears of a “vengeful” Hindu India and a persistence in the belief of discredited martial race theories as well as the idea of a Muslim military exceptionalism, the article concludes that the foundation of this culture remains evident while it is also malleable to contemporaneous events.
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TALBOT, IAN. "A Tale of Two Cities: The Aftermath of Partition for Lahore and Amritsar 1947–1957." Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 1 (December 11, 2006): 151–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x05002337.
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Such modern cities as Breslau and Smyrna have suffered widespread destruction and demographic transformation in the wake of armed invasion. The neighbouring Punjabi cities of Lahore and Amritsar shared this experience, at the time of the 1947 division of the Indian subcontinent. Almost 40 per cent of Amritsar's houses were destroyed or damaged and its Muslim population fell from 49 per cent of the population on the eve of partition to just 00.52 per cent in 1951. Six thousand houses were damaged in Lahore and its Hindu and Sikh population who formed over a third of the population departed for India. The Luftwaffe had destroyed some 4185 houses in Coventry in an air raid for ever associated with the concept of concentrated bombing. The greater damage in peacetime Lahore and Amritsar was a result of disturbances surrounding the end of British rule. The cities lay at the heart of the region which bore the brunt of the 1947 upheaval. Ten million Punjabis were uprooted. In all around 13 million people were displaced by partition. This was the largest migration in a century whose wars and ethnic conflicts rendered millions of people homeless. The cities' proximity to the border (see map.) meant that they received large numbers of refugees. There were a million in Lahore alone in April 1948, two fifths of whom were housed in camps.
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van Schendel, Willem. "Working Through Partition: Making a Living in the Bengal Borderlands." International Review of Social History 46, no. 3 (November 26, 2001): 393–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859001000256.
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Partition, the break-up of colonial India in 1947, has been the subject of considerable serious historical research, but almost exclusively from two distinctive perspectives: as a macropolitical event; or as a cultural and personal disaster. Remarkably, very little is known about the socioeconomic impact of Partition on different localities and individuals. This exploratory essay considers how Partition affected working people's livelihood and labour relations. The essay focuses on the northeastern part of the subcontinent, where Partition created an international border separating East Bengal – which became East Pakistan, then Bangladesh – from West Bengal, Bihar, Assam, and other regions which joined the new state of India. Based largely on evidence contained in “low-level” state records, the author explores how labour relations for several categories of workers in the new borderland changed during the period of the late 1940s and 1950s.
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Paunksnis, Šarūnas. "The lost identity of Mother India: Rape, mutilation and a socio-political critique of Indian society." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 11, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2010.3647.
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Vytautas Magnus UniversityThe article discusses a film by Deepa Mehta, a filmmaker who is a part of the so-called Indian Parallel Cinema, and a critic of Indian culture and society. The main argument of the article is that in the landmark film Earth, Mehta portrays a character to personify the idea of Mother India. Mehta’s vision of Mother India is rendered psychoanalytically as being raped by her sons—something that had started during the partition of India and continues till our times. The article introduces and re-thinks categories of Indianness, rape, alienness, which are vital to our understanding of contemporary Indian culture and society. One of the main operating categories of the article is identity—what it means in our modern times, and what it means to lose it—something that happened in 1947 during the partition, and is still continuing. The article also stands in opposition to the traditional understanding of the Mother—in contemporary times, as it is argued, Mother is not cherished by her Sons, instead, she is raped and mutilated, as a consequence of ontological insecurity and desire for identity.