Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Party manifestos / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Party manifestos.

Journal articles on the topic 'Party manifestos'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Party manifestos.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

España-Nájera, Annabella. "Party manifestos in newer party systems." Party Politics 24, no. 3 (November 24, 2016): 307–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678891.

Full text

Abstract:

This research note analyses the role that party manifestos play in El Salvador and Guatemala, two newer democracies. In recent elections, the importance of manifestos has increased in both systems. This study examines this development. It explores the ‘ why’s’ (purpose) and ‘ how’s’ (the method of production) of party manifestos to learn more about the internal workings of parties and their relationship with society. The findings from this study suggest that in new democracies, international party assistance programmes can play a crucial role in making manifestos relevant. Whether manifestos enhance democracy in the long term, however, depends on party system institutionalization. These results point to an opportunity for research in new and younger party systems.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Dolezal, Martin, Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik, Wolfgang C. Müller, Katrin Praprotnik, and Anna Katharina Winkler. "Beyond salience and position taking." Party Politics 24, no. 3 (November 22, 2016): 240–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678893.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines aspects of election manifestos that are largely ignored by extant manifesto-based studies focusing on issue saliencies and policy positions. Drawing on the literatures on negative campaigning, retrospective voting, party mandates and personalization, we develop a scheme of categories that allows for the analysis of attacks on competitors, references to a party’s track record, subjective and objective policy pledges and the prominence of party leaders in manifestos. We also show that these elements are present in manifestos of major European parties. The relevance of these categories, we argue, should be influenced by a party’s status in government or opposition, its ideology, its size, the relative popularity of party leaders and the occurrence of early elections. Our systematic examination of 46 Austrian election manifestos produced between 1986 and 2013 demonstrates that many of these expectations are supported by the evidence. Most notably, it emerges that government and opposition parties write manifestos that differ with respect to all of the five characteristics analysed. This suggests that there are systematic differences between government and opposition party manifestos that should be taken into consideration by scholars engaged in manifesto-based research.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Harmel, Robert. "The how’s and why’s of party manifestos." Party Politics 24, no. 3 (November 21, 2016): 229–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678880.

Full text

Abstract:

It is the purpose of this article to highlight some of the variants that can serve as important avenues for future exploration into the “how’s” (production methods) and “why’s” (purposes) of party manifestos (aka platforms). Beyond discussing conceptual and theoretical issues pertaining directly to the how’s and why’s, the piece also includes a section on alternative dimensions of the “what” of manifesto content (i.e. alternatives to the much more studied “salience” and “position” dimensions). While it draws heavily from literature on established, western democracies, attention is also paid to special needs for extending manifesto research to include newer, less institutionalized democracies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Protsyk, Oleh, and Stela Garaz. "Politicization of ethnicity in party manifestos." Party Politics 19, no. 2 (June 10, 2011): 296–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811398058.

Full text

Abstract:

In this article we present a content analysis framework for textual analysis of programmatic documents with the goal of identifying party positions on the ethnic dimension of political competition. The proposed approach allows for evaluation and comparison of how party systems in multi-ethnic states process ethno-cultural claims and demands. Our method of content analysis of party programmatic texts provides adequate granularity by which to capture the subtleties of ethno-cultural political rhetoric. It also addresses some of the misclassification and measurement problems raised in the literature with respect to the dominant Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) approach to textual analysis. We demonstrate how estimates generated by our method for human-based coding constitute an improvement on the CMP’s estimates of party positions on ethno-cultural issues.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Clark, Alistair, and Lynn Bennie. "Parties, mandates and multilevel politics." Party Politics 24, no. 3 (November 16, 2016): 253–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678892.

Full text

Abstract:

The three main statewide British parties – Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats – all produce different versions of their manifestos in British general elections. Many policies debated in a British general election no longer apply at the subnational level, where separate devolved institutions control large areas of policy. This article therefore assesses the roles of national party manifestos at the subnational level in British general elections. It develops an original theory linking Strom’s alternative party goals to Ray’s typology of mandate/contract manifestos, advertisement manifestos and identity manifestos. It then explores a comparative overview of British parties’ general election manifestos at the subnational level, before focusing in detail on Labour’s 2010 and 2015 general election manifestos, which reflect the party’s strategic difficulties caused by devolution. The expected variation is found between the national and subnational manifestos. In some instances, multiple goals are pursued simultaneously and this is reflected in manifestos which assume elements of more than one manifesto ideal type. This supports the additional conclusion that manifestos can perform multiple functions in complex multilevel systems of government.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Lo, James, Sven-Oliver Proksch, and Jonathan B. Slapin. "Ideological Clarity in Multiparty Competition: A New Measure and Test Using Election Manifestos." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 3 (July 14, 2014): 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000192.

Full text

Abstract:

Parties in advanced democracies take ideological positions as part of electoral competition, but some parties communicate their position more clearly than others. Existing research on democratic party competition has paid much attention to assessing partisan position taking in electoral manifestos, but it has largely overlooked how manifestos reflect the clarity of these positions. This article presents a scaling procedure that better reflects the data-generating process of party manifestos. This new estimator allows us to recover not only positional estimates, but also estimates for the ideological clarity or ambiguity of parties. The study validates its results using Monte Carlo tests, a manifesto-drafting simulation and a human coding exercise. Finally, the article applies the estimator to party manifestos in four multiparty democracies and demonstrates that ambiguity can enhance the appeal of parties with platforms that become more moderate, and lessen the appeal of parties with platforms that become more extreme.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Ceron, Andrea, and Zachary Greene. "Verba volant, scripta manent? Intra-party politics, party conferences, and issue salience in France." Party Politics 25, no. 5 (March 11, 2019): 701–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068819836034.

Full text

Abstract:

Intra-party groups influence parties’ policy priorities. However, scholars have yet to map the pathways with the greatest impact. We argue that party congresses serve as venues for decision-making, allowing speeches and motions to support differing priorities. Considering parties’ internal process, we propose that deliberations and alternate motions independently affect resulting policy statements. We examine this perspective focusing on meetings of the French Socialist Party. We use Structural Topic Models to analyze the issues included in 74 motions, 1439 speeches, and 9 manifestos from congresses held between 1969 and 2015 to evaluate whether factional motions or individual speeches better reflect the content of manifestos and to assess the internal agenda-setting process. Results suggest that motions better predict the content of parties’ manifestos. However, when focusing solely on majority faction, we find that both motions and speeches predict manifestos’ contents. This supports a theory of intra-party decision-making and factional dominance.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Burki, Talha Khan. "Medical research in the UK party manifestos." Lancet 389, no. 10085 (June 2017): 2180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(17)31542-8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Bara, Judith. "A Question of Trust: Implementing Party Manifestos." Parliamentary Affairs 58, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 585–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsi053.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Allen, Nicholas, and Judith Bara. "Clear Blue Water? The 2019 Party Manifestos." Political Quarterly 92, no. 3 (May 22, 2021): 531–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13009.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Homolková, Lenka. "Voter policy emphasis and party electoral manifestos: Assessing parties’ reflections of voter policy shifts in the 2010 and 2013 Czech parliamentary elections." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 19, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2017.1.25.

Full text

Abstract:

The party manifesto is a crucial document identifying a party’s ideological position. Measuring the response of political party manifestos to both the mean voter as well as party constituency positions remains extensively difficult given the lack of available data, but also the complex political realities and factors which the parties must take into consideration e.g. the economy, globalization, the demands of the market, and pressure from rival parties. In spite of these complexities, this article analyses the extent to which political parties reflect voter policy emphasis in their political manifestos. Through the content analysis of electoral manifestos the article determines the policy positions of Czech political parties during the 2010 and 2013 elections to the Lower House of the Parliament. Identifying also key voter policy preferences the article looks into the possible congruence between shifts in voter emphasis and changes in party electoral manifestos. Employing an approach not yet fully applied in academic research, the article examines shifts within ideological space, while focusing also on specific key policy areas. It concludes that in the short term – from the 2010 to 2013 parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic - political parties responded to shifts in voter policy emphasis in just one quarter of cases. The responsiveness differed significantly from one party to another.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Ishiyama, John, Christopher Pace, and Brandon Stewart. "Foreign threat and political party change: Russia and changes in party manifestos." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51, no. 4 (October 23, 2018): 325–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.10.003.

Full text

Abstract:

How do political parties react to foreign security threats? There has been very little attention paid in the literature generally to how parties react to international events, particularly how parties react to foreign policy threats. Using data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, we examine how political parties in countries in Europe have reacted to Russian actions in terms of their emphasis on security issues. Based upon our analysis of the manifestoes from 331 parties in 36 countries we find that, generally, interstate threats have no significant effect on the military position adopted by political parties, although these effects vary by party type and by the type of threat. Russian based threats appear to be associated with the Far Left becoming more dovish (which is consistent with what would be expected by the literature) and the Far Right becoming significantly less hawkish.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Doult, Bill. "Party manifestos focus on health as election looms." Nursing Standard 14, no. 52 (September 14, 2000): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.14.52.8.s20.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Mitev, Petar‐Emil. "The party manifestos for the Bulgarian 1994 elections." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 13, no. 1 (March 1997): 64–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279708415332.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Malghani, Mehwish, Shabana Akhtar, and Farhat Farooqi. "Analysis of Political Discourse in Pakistani Party Manifestos." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 231–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-ii).30.

Full text

Abstract:

Political discourse is inarguably deemed an essential tool, impercetably influencing people’s perception within a socio-political zone. The present research revolve around the critical discourse analysis of manifestos of Pakistani political parties, pertaining to the general election of 2013. The theoretical framework for the study triangulates VanDijks (1998) Socio-Cognitive Model, along with the support of Turner and Tajfels (1979) Social identity approach and Budge and Farlies Salience theory (1983). The research revealed that all the political parties under study used the discursive strategies in their party manifestos in order to enhance the positive self-image of party to in-group people, by focusing the negative aspects of the out-group, thereby (re)constructing peoples political identities and ideologies and achieving the desired hegemony for itself.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

LIBBRECHT, LISELOTTE, BART MADDENS, WILFRIED SWENDEN, and ELODIE FABRE. "Issue salience in regional party manifestos in Spain." European Journal of Political Research 48, no. 1 (January 2009): 58–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2008.00820.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Winkler, Christian G., and Ken Victor Hijino. "Party Ideologies and Regional Inequality: An Analysis of Party Manifestos in Japan." Asian Studies Review 42, no. 4 (September 20, 2018): 586–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2018.1511683.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Bräuninger, Thomas, and Nathalie Giger. "Strategic Ambiguity of Party Positions in Multi-Party Competition." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 3 (April 22, 2016): 527–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.18.

Full text

Abstract:

Party competition is largely about making policy promises to voters. We argue that the clarity of the expressed policy position may be equally important. If blurred messages toward different audiences and therefore ambiguous positions can attract votes from different groups, parties have incentives to present ambiguous rather than clear-cut policy platforms. We present a formal model of multi-party competition with stochastic voting where party leaders make strategic choices on both the position and the level of ambiguity of their platforms. Leaders respond to the demands of two principals, the general public and party core constituencies. We derive two hypothesis on the location and ambiguity of party platforms and provide initial tests of these hypotheses in a comparative setting in 14 Western European democracies gathering data on voter and party left-right positions from Eurobarometer surveys and electoral manifestos. Ambiguity of party profiles is estimated using a variant of Wordscores on a newly established data set of electoral manifestos. We find that platforms become more ambiguous as the preferences of the two principals diverge. Our findings imply that ambiguity can be a winning strategy for parties, especially in settings with strong partisan lines.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Pettitt, Robin T. "The ‘how’ of election manifestos in the British Labour Party." Party Politics 24, no. 3 (November 24, 2016): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678889.

Full text

Abstract:

The organizational history of the British Labour Party is to a significant degree the story of an ongoing struggle over the ‘how’ of election manifestos, a struggle, partly driven by a broad-based agreement over the ‘why’ of manifestos. This is a struggle between a ‘parliamentary independence’ wing and a ‘grass-roots control’ wing. Because the manifesto is seen as a programme for government action, this also means that the answer to the how takes on huge importance, because controlling the how means controlling government action. This article will show the nature and extent of the disagreement between the two wings and argue that it has repeatedly damaged the Labour Party’s ability to operate effectively. In this struggle, the two opposing sides have at various times scored temporary ‘victories’. However, whichever argument ‘won’ at any given time, the long-term result was damage to the party’s ability to function properly. The article will also argue that after multiple generations of struggle, this issue is essentially still unresolved.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Dietrich, Simone, Helen V. Milner, and Jonathan B. Slapin. "From Text to Political Positions on Foreign Aid: Analysis of Aid Mentions in Party Manifestos from 1960 to 2015." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (September 10, 2020): 980–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa063.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Looking at texts of election manifestos, this paper examines systematic differences among political parties within and across countries in how they position themselves on foreign aid and in how these manifesto pledges translate into commitments to disburse aid. Conventional wisdom suggests that left-leaning parties may be more supportive of foreign aid than rightwing parties, but also that foreign aid may not be sufficiently electorally salient for parties to stake out positions in campaign materials, such as manifestos. We leverage a new data set that codes party positions on foreign aid in election manifestos for 13 donors from 1960 to 2015. We find that parties differ systematically in how they engage with foreign aid. Left-leaning governments are more likely to express positive sentiment vis-à-vis aid than right-leaning governments. We evaluate the effects of positions on aid outcomes and find that positive aid views expressed by the party in government translate into higher aid commitments, though only for left-leaning parties.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Smith, Craig Allen, and Kathy B. Smith. "A Rhetorical Perspective on the 1997 British Party Manifestos." Political Communication 17, no. 4 (October 2000): 457–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584600050179068.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Dolezal, Martin, Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik, Wolfgang C. Müller, and Anna Katharina Winkler. "The Life Cycle of Party Manifestos: The Austrian Case." West European Politics 35, no. 4 (July 2012): 869–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2012.682349.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Horiuchi, Yusaku, Daniel M. Smith, and Teppei Yamamoto. "Measuring Voters’ Multidimensional Policy Preferences with Conjoint Analysis: Application to Japan’s 2014 Election." Political Analysis 26, no. 2 (March 19, 2018): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.2.

Full text

Abstract:

Representative democracy entails the aggregation of multiple policy issues by parties into competing bundles of policies, or “manifestos,” which are then evaluated holistically by voters in elections. This aggregation process obscures the multidimensional policy preferences underlying a voter’s single choice of party or candidate. We address this problem through a conjoint experiment based on the actual party manifestos in Japan’s 2014 House of Representatives election. By juxtaposing sets of issue positions as hypothetical manifestos and asking respondents to choose one, our study identifies the effects of specific positions on the overall assessment of manifestos, heterogeneity in preferences among subgroups of respondents, and the popularity ranking of manifestos. Our analysis uncovers important discrepancies between voter preferences and the portrayal of the election results by politicians and the media as providing a policy mandate to the Liberal Democratic Party, underscoring the potential danger of inferring public opinion from election outcomes alone.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Braun, Daniela, and Hermann Schmitt. "Different emphases, same positions? The election manifestos of political parties in the EU multilevel electoral system compared." Party Politics 26, no. 5 (October 12, 2018): 640–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818805248.

Full text

Abstract:

Political parties increasingly operate at multiple political levels. Nevertheless, we do not yet know much about the consequences of these multilevel electoral systems (MLESs) on party behaviour. To fill this gap, we examine party manifestos for European Parliament (EP) elections and compare them with party manifestos for national elections. Using manifesto data and covering 15 European Union (EU) countries between 1979 and 2014, we focus on European issues and ask whether parties’ issue emphasis and the positions they take are the same in both kinds of documents and respectively at both levels of the MLES. We show that although parties put more emphasis on EU issues in EP than in national elections, they behave sincerely regarding their position towards the EU – these are very similar irrespective of the electoral context. As many elections take place in MLES environments, in Europe, in particular, but far beyond, this noteworthy finding is highly relevant for scholars of party competition in general and even more instructive for the so far fragmented literature exploring the implications of MLESs.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Krotký, Jan. "When Migration Unites Political Parties: The Securitisation of Migration in Czech Party Manifestos." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (2019): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2019-3-181.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Mikhaylov, Slava, Michael Laver, and Kenneth R. Benoit. "Coder Reliability and Misclassification in the Human Coding of Party Manifestos." Political Analysis 20, no. 1 (2012): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpr047.

Full text

Abstract:

The Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) provides the only time series of estimated party policy positions in political science and has been extensively used in a wide variety of applications. Recent work (e.g., Benoit, Laver, and Mikhaylov 2009; Klingemann et al. 2006) focuses on nonsystematic sources of error in these estimates that arise from the text generation process. Our concern here, by contrast, is with error that arises during the text coding process since nearly all manifestos are coded only once by a single coder. First, we discuss reliability and misclassification in the context of hand-coded content analysis methods. Second, we report results of a coding experiment that used trained human coders to code sample manifestos provided by the CMP, allowing us to estimate the reliability of both coders and coding categories. Third, we compare our test codings to the published CMP “gold standard” codings of the test documents to assess accuracy and produce empirical estimates of a misclassification matrix for each coding category. Finally, we demonstrate the effect of coding misclassification on the CMP's most widely used index, its left-right scale. Our findings indicate that misclassification is a serious and systemic problem with the current CMP data set and coding process, suggesting the CMP scheme should be significantly simplified to address reliability issues.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Clarke, Scott D. "An analysis of Britain's party manifestos for Europe, 1979–94." British Elections and Parties Yearbook 5, no. 1 (January 1995): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689889508412959.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Gabel, Matthew J., and John D. Huber. "Putting Parties in Their Place: Inferring Party Left-Right Ideological Positions from Party Manifestos Data." American Journal of Political Science 44, no. 1 (January 2000): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2669295.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Ares, Cristina, and Andrea Volkens. "'Business as usual': The Treaty of Lisbon and transnational party manifestos." Política y Sociedad 58, no. 1 (May 7, 2021): e74092. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/poso.74092.

Full text

Abstract:

The Treaty of Lisbon was a milestone in the enduring process of empowerment of the European Parliament and its connections to the European Commission. This latest reform of the Treaties, in force since December 2009, placed the only supranational institution whose members are directly elected by all citizens of the EU (since 1979) on an equal footing with the Council as a co-legislator in around thirty additional policy areas. The Treaty of Lisbon also strengthened the European Parliament in terms of the annual and multiannual budgetary decisions, and it granted it the right to elect the President of the European Commission according to the results of the European elections. This article examines various possible effects of this major boost of the European Parliament, along with links to the European Commission in the manifestos issued by five European parties: the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), European Free Alliance (EFA), European Green Party (European Greens or EGP), European People’s Party (EPP), and Party of European Socialists (PES). It studies variations from 2004 onwards in the scope of the programmatic proposals regarding EU domains of power, the footprint in the manifestos of the transnational party organisations themselves, and eventually also of their candidates for the presidency of the European Commission. To do so, the twenty manifestos issued by the abovementioned parties for the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 European elections were content analysed. The results point to the lasting distance between these transnational parties and the European elections, despite the reinforcement of the role of the European Parliament over time.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Dobos, Gábor, and Attila Gyulai. "Promising Europe: EU Related Pledges and their Fulfilment in Hungarian Party Manifestos (1998–2010)." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (2015): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2015-2-87.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Belchior, Ana Maria. "Media, public opinion and parliamentary agendas’ effect in political parties’ agenda-setting." Mass Media Effects and the Political Agenda 4, no. 1 (April 10, 2020): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/asj.19008.bel.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Why do parties pay more attention to some policy issues than to others? To what extent does policy attention conveyed by the media, public opinion, and parliament explain party agenda-setting? And, more specifically, to what extent does the media agenda influence other agenda effects? This paper addresses these questions in an original manner by analyzing the influence of these three agendas – media, public opinion, and parliament – in party manifesto elaboration. The analysis relies on an extensive database of the Portuguese Policy Agendas Project that includes media attention, voter preferences, parliamentary questions and pledges in manifestos, between 1995 and 2015. Our findings show that the media agenda is the most influential in party manifesto elaboration, and that the other agendas have a stronger effect when the media also give attention to the issue. This depends, however, on the political party being in cabinet or in opposition, as well as on the economic context. These findings have important implications for party competition literature.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Hyvärinen, Matti. "‘The People’s Power’ (Democracy) as an Argument in Finnish Party Manifestos." Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.7.1.3.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Allen, Nicholas, and Judith Bara. "Marching to the Left? Programmatic Competition and the 2017 Party Manifestos." Political Quarterly 90, no. 1 (January 2019): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12638.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Pogorelis, Robertas, Bart Maddens, Wilfried Swenden, and Elodie Fabre. "Issue salience in regional and national party manifestos in the UK." West European Politics 28, no. 5 (November 2005): 992–1014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380500310667.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Borghetto, Enrico, and Ana Maria Belchior. "Party Manifestos, Opposition and Media as Determinants of the Cabinet Agenda." Political Studies 68, no. 1 (June 4, 2019): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718820738.

Full text

Abstract:

Cabinets are the engine of policy change in parliamentary systems. Yet, we still know little about how cabinets micro-manage the content of their multifaceted agenda during their term in office. Drawing on the party and agenda-setting literature, this article addresses this gap by focusing on three main determinants of cabinet priorities: issue priorities in the electoral platforms of majority and opposition parties, and new and unforeseen problems as conveyed by the media. Our analysis reveals that (1) majority platforms have a stronger impact on the cabinet agenda than those of opposition parties, but this effect decreases as the legislative term progresses; (2) cabinet agendas do take into consideration opposition electoral priorities but only when the latter are expressed by mainstream competitors or when the media focus on them and (3) an externally imposed adjustment programme can also create the conditions for strengthening the congruence between electoral and cabinet agendas.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Ormrod, Robert P., and Stephan C. Henneberg. "Different Facets of Market Orientation: A Comparative Analysis of Party Manifestos." Journal of Political Marketing 8, no. 3 (July 17, 2009): 190–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377850903044742.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Onderco, Michal. "Partisan views of Russia: Analyzing European party electoral manifestos since 1991." Contemporary Security Policy 40, no. 4 (September 12, 2019): 526–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2019.1661607.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Breedon., Francis, Paul Levine, and Peter Smith. "THE PARTY MANIFESTOS: AN EVALUATION OF LABOUR AND ALLIANCE ECONOMIC POLICIES." Economic Outlook 11, no. 8 (May 1987): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0319.1987.tb00428.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Schwarzbözl, Tobias, Matthias Fatke, and Swen Hutter. "How party‒issue linkages vary between election manifestos and media debates." West European Politics 43, no. 4 (June 4, 2019): 795–818. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2019.1609292.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Madalitso Anastanzio Nahuku, Aeron, Alinune Musopole, Harrison Bokola, and Doreen Mdzeka Nahuku. "Greening up and the Political Manifestos: A Review of Political Party Manifestos on Issues of the Environment in Malawi." International Journal of Environmental Protection and Policy 8, no. 5 (2020): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ijepp.20200805.11.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Weldon, Steven, and Hermann Schmitt. "European Integration and Party Competition in German Federal Elections." German Politics and Society 32, no. 2 (March 1, 2014): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2014.320204.

Full text

Abstract:

Europe has been hit by a global financial crisis, and so has Germany. This crisis is associated, among European Union citizens, with the degree of support for European integration: those who are skeptical about the Euro and the debt crises in parts of the Eurozone tend also to be skeptical about European integration more generally. Our main question in this article is whether the pledges of political parties (as issued in their election manifestos) can add to our understanding of electoral choices in Germany. Relating German election results to the German data provided by the Comparative Manifesto Project MRG/CMP/MARPOR research tradition, our expectation is that political parties' European pledges have been irrelevant for the vote over half a century. Now that the European Union is rapidly moving in its postfunctional phase, the election of 2013 is expected to mark a turning point in that regard.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Dolezal, Martin, Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik, Wolfgang C. Müller, and Anna Katharina Winkler. "Analyzing Manifestos in their Electoral Context A New Approach Applied to Austria, 2002–2008." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 3 (August 26, 2015): 641–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.38.

Full text

Abstract:

We present a new method to analyze party manifestos to benefit the placement of political partiesper seand to advance the study of elections. Our method improves on existing manual coding approaches by (1) generating semantically complete units based on syntax, (2) standardizing units into a subject–predicate–object structure, and (3) employing a fine-grained and flexible hierarchical coding scheme. We evaluate our approach by comparing estimates for the 2002, 2006, and 2008 Austrian national elections with those yielded by previous studies that employ the entire range of available measurement strategies. We also demonstrate how we link our new manifesto data with other kind of data produced in theAustrian National Election Study, especially mass and elite (party candidate) surveys.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Bennie, Lynn, and Alistair Clark. "Labour party adaptation to multilevel politics: evidence from British general election manifestos." British Politics 15, no. 4 (June 18, 2019): 411–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41293-019-00122-7.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Pennings, Paul. "An Empirical Analysis of the Europeanization of National Party Manifestos, 1960–2003." European Union Politics 7, no. 2 (May 8, 2006): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116506063716.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Allen, Nicholas, and Katja Mirwaldt. "Democracy-Speak: Party Manifestos and Democratic Values in Britain, France and Germany." West European Politics 33, no. 4 (June 14, 2010): 870–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402381003794662.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Mazzoleni, Martino. "The Saliency of Regionalization in Party Systems." Party Politics 15, no. 2 (March 2009): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099981.

Full text

Abstract:

The article centres on the saliency that regional decentralization has had for British, Italian and French political parties in the past 60 years. A longitudinal analysis of the emphasis that parties have assigned to this issue in their manifestos confirms the hypothesis that certain environmental factors influence the changes of attention of parties on regionalization in their electoral discourse. Electoral threats and institutional reforms have a relevant impact and are mediated by the nature of party goals (policy-, vote- or office-seeking).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Nagel, Jack H., and Christopher Wlezien. "Centre-Party Strength and Major-Party Divergence in Britain, 1945–2005." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (March 24, 2010): 279–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990111.

Full text

Abstract:

British elections exhibit two patterns contrary to expectations deriving from Duverger and Downs: centrist third parties (Liberals and their successors) win a large vote share; and the two major parties often espouse highly divergent policies. This article explores relations between the Liberal vote and left–right scores of the Labour and Conservative manifestos in the light of two hypotheses: the vacated centre posits that Liberals receive more votes when major parties diverge; the occupied centre proposes a lagged effect in which major parties diverge farther after Liberals do well in the preceding election. Data from elections since 1945 confirm the vacated-centre hypothesis, with Liberals benefiting about equally when the major parties diverge to the left and right, respectively. The results also support the occupied-centre hypothesis for Conservative party positions, but not for Labour’s. After considering explanations for this asymmetry, we identify historical events associated with turning points that our data reveal in post-war British politics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Kosmidis, Spyros, Sara B. Hobolt, Eamonn Molloy, and Stephen Whitefield. "Party Competition and Emotive Rhetoric." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 6 (September 30, 2018): 811–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018797942.

Full text

Abstract:

When do parties use emotive rhetoric to appeal to voters? In this article, we argue that politicians are more likely to employ positive affect (valence) in their rhetoric to appeal to voters when parties are not ideologically distinct and when there is uncertainty about public preferences. To test these propositions, our article uses well-established psycholinguistic affect dictionaries to generate scores from three time series of political text: British party manifestos (1900-2015) and annual party leaders’ speeches (1977-2014) as well as U.S. Presidents’ State of the Union addresses (1880-2016). Our findings corroborate our expectations and have important implications for the study of party competition by illuminating the role of valence in the way politicians communicate their policies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Dandoy, Régis. "The Impact of Government Participation and Prospects on Party Policy Preferences in Belgium." Government and Opposition 49, no. 4 (November 25, 2013): 630–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.38.

Full text

Abstract:

This article analyses the impact of government prospects and government participation on party policy preferences. Comparing the content of manifestos of governing and opposition parties in Belgium during three decades, I observed that the relationship of a party to the act of governing influences the content of its manifesto. In that sense, party preferences are not only driven by ideology and vote-seeking arguments but are part of a larger party strategy: parties adapt their electoral platform when they are in government or are willing to enter into it. The conclusion of the article also discusses the literature on government formation. Such literature hypothesizes that parties that are ideologically similar would form a coalition. However, results for the Belgian case demonstrate that parties strategically adapt their electoral platform when wanting to enter the government. Coalitions are made up of parties with similar policy preferences, not because they ‘are’ alike but because parties strategically ‘make’ them alike.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Polk, Jonathan, and Ann-Kristin Kölln. "The lives of the party." Party Politics 23, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 3–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816655572.

Full text

Abstract:

Intraparty politics is a precursor to political parties’ policy proposals, manifestos, selected leaders and candidates, which often involves many actors and is regularly accompanied by tensions. This essay introduces the contents of a special issue devoted to the internal dynamics of political parties in Europe. We connect each contribution of the issue to three key aspects of intraparty research: (1) sources of information on internal party politics and methods of analysis, (2) how contemporary parties reconcile or otherwise address disagreements within the party and (3) the electoral and other ramifications of internal party tensions or divisions. Overall, the comparative case studies and cross-national comparisons across Western and Eastern Europe included in this issue show that considerations of intraparty dynamics advance scholarly research on alliances and coalitions, party organizations and party competition.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!