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1
Larionova, M. V. "Slogan in the Spanish political discourse: cognitive, linguistic and pragmatic dimension." Philology at MGIMO 23, no. 3 (September 17, 2020): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-3-23-121-130.
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The article explores the cognitive, linguistic and pragmatic potential of Spanish political slogans as an integral part of political communication. The relevance of the investigation, carried out as part of a comprehensive methodology combining discursive, pragmalinguistic and content analysis, is determined by the need for a profound study of discursive mechanisms of influence on public consciousness and behavior, as well as ways to recognize and resist manipulative tactics. Slogans represent a variety of discursive texts and operate in the communicative-pragmatic contexts of “Protests” and “Elections”. Their illocutionary characterization is determined by the discursive situation: for protest slogans, demand dominates as the main speech act, while for electoral slogans, the main task is the desire to attract voters, to force them to vote for a particular candidate or party. Due to the linguistic, pragmatic and structural features, slogans influence the conceptual picture of the world of the electorate and serve as a mechanism for controlling public opinion and behavior. The addresser creates a slogan with regard to its perception by a recipient. Metaphors and other language techniques serve as linguistic means to create a desired perception vector and behavior algorithm, as well as cognitively integrate images and symbols, which often become precedents for the national language community.
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SEREDIUK, Mariia. "FROM INDEPENDISTS SLOGANS TO NORMALIZATION: THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR TSELEVYCH (1931–1939)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 32 (2019): 274–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2019-32-274-283.
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The author provides an analysis of the organizational and political work of a well-known figure of the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDO). Specific examples show the struggle of one of the leaders of Ukrainian national democracy for raising the national consciousness of Galician Ukrainians, establishing in the public mind the idea of the unity and statehood of Ukrainian lands, and also highlight the contribution to the normalization of Polish-Ukrainian relations in the second half of the 1930s. The study demonstrated that Volodymyr Tselevych not only joined the Central Committee of the Party, but was elected Secretary-General (1925–1928, 1932–1937), and later became Deputy Chairman (1928–1930, 1937–1939). The UNDO leader has made great efforts to rebuild UNDO county organizations, to rebuild the activities of the party centers in villages and the party movement in general. At numerous meetings, V. Tselevych explained the main political line of the party –- to acquire an independent unite Ukrainian state, called on members for intensive work, organization of county congresses and local elections of the party leadership. It has been found out that the UNDO II and III congresses unreservedly approved the political line and tactics of the organization, expressed confidence in D. Levitsky and V. Tselevych. However, in the first half of the 1930s, the party's tactics underwent a fundamental change – has evolved towards finding ways of understanding with the Polish authorities based on the idea of Western Ukraine's autonomy within Poland. This was evidenced by the IV People's Congress, which intensified intra-party confrontation. From the perspective of V. Tselevych's political biography, the author shows the complex combination of political, social, and national aspects of the Ukrainian socio-political movement in the studied period. Keywords Volodymyr Tselevych, UNDO, Poland, social and political activity, normalization.
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Astakhova, E. "STORM THE HEAVENS OR SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF THE NEW SPANISH PARTY PODEMOS." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-1-21-28.
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The report analyzes the features of political discourse, rhetorical techniques and marketing methods of the Spanish party Podemos , which in a short period of existence in the political arena of the country - little more than a year and a half after the official proclamation - has managed to achieve significant progress in the electoral field. Aims to win power, the party’s ideology appeal to the Spanish citizens , using simple , accessible and emotionally meaningful slogans , building on the achievements of cognitive psychology and linguistics. Attaches great importance to the effects on the public consciousness with the help of words and metaphors.
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Tanca, H. Altug, and Fatma Unal. "Student Views about the Public Spot Advertisement Signs in the Context of Lifelong Learning (The Example of Reading Culture Themed Public Spot Advertisement)." Journal of Education and Learning 7, no. 2 (December 21, 2017): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v7n2p100.
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It’s important that the messages and information in the public spot advertisements that is wanted to be conveyed to the individuals to be reached at the desired level and an asymmetric structure existing between the message prepared with a fictional structure and the perception between the message and the receiving party. Because, a decent perceptional connection between the receiving party and the fictionalized message shows the message has reached its purpose normally. From this angle, there’s an important connection between the public spot advertisements which has the purpose of creating a common consciousness and the concept of lifelong learning. In this research it’s aimed that the student views about lifelong learning and public spot advertising signs in the example of “Reading Culture Themed Public Spot Advertisement” to be examined. In the research phenomenology which is one of the qualitative research patterns has been used. The working group has been established with the method of criterion sampling and a research has been conducted with 9 volunteering participants. For data collection interview forms have been used and the data has been analysed with the method of descriptive analysis. In the research, it has been revived that public spot advertisements contribute to the lifelong learning of the participants. As a result of the analysis conducted in the research, the themes of lifelong learning, education-themed public spot advertisements, acquirement of lifelong learning experience and its contribution to the educational process, sharing, attitudes, visual coding, book-reading, attention and slogans have been arisen. In the research, significant differences haven’t occurred between positive and negative views of the participants according to the slogans broadcasted at the end of the public spot advertisements, however it’s been determined that there are positive critical approaches that the slogans are successfully conveying the messages expected to be given. More public spot advertisements to be prepared and working on social awareness on this subject has been suggested.
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Sugiarto, M. Dwi, and Yuwanto Yuwanto. "Celebrities in the Recruitment of Candidates for Legislative Members of the Indonesian Parliament in the Legislative Elections." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 19, no. 2 (July 25, 2020): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.19.2.2020.117-136.
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The 2019 Legislative Election featured many celebrities involved in the contestation, where a total of 11 of the 16 political parties had legislative candidates from the celebrity circles. Democratic National Party (NasDem) became the party that nominated most celebrities as legislative candidates. Armed with the popularity that has made celebrities attract political parties to nominate them to increase the vote acquisition and even the number of seats. The process of recruiting legislative candidates from celebrities by the NasDem Party is the focus of this research on how the approach and process are carried out. The study uses qualitative analysis with a descriptive approach to describe the process that occurs through interviews and review of documents and news as a source of data. The results obtained indicate that the NasDem Party’s legislative candidate was recruited using an approach that involved the NasDem Party elite and fellow celebrities as intermediaries. Factors driving celebrities to become the NasDem Party’s legislative candidates are moral support (debriefing, fostering, and active interaction with party elites) and material (Campaign Props, campaign costs, financial reimbursement), Indonesian Restoration slogans, and anti-dowry politics, as well as egalitarian politics attitudes. Celebrity-related research in politics has focused a lot on the role of transformation from entertainment to politics. In contrast, this research has focused on recruiting celebrities as legislative candidates by the NasDem Party.
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Bhatti, Muhammad Ahsan, Dr Imran Muslim, and Muhammad Imran. "Analysis of Cognition Trends of Political Advertisement Through Mass Media." Volume-04 Issue-2 04, no. 02 (September 30, 2020): 124–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v04-i02-07.
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Political campaigns are usually a combination of interpersonal and “Mass” communication with the expectation of positive outcomes by the political representatives. This study is an attempt to give an idea regarding respondent’s ability and trends of processing the political contents of Mass media. Elaboration Likelihood Model is taken as a framework for evaluating the content processing trends. A questionnaire comprising of two parts and consisting the cue list of central and peripheral notations commonly used by political representatives. A sample of 1032 young people was selected by using a combination of stratified and multistage cluster sampling techniques. Results of the study revealed that majority of the youth did not bother to process the political content by effortful cognition, rather they followed attractive slogans and political personalities. Moreover it was found that people used the same approach for decision making in favor of a political party as they use to hate the opponent parties.
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Slipetska, Julija. "Technology of political branding during the parliamentary election campaign 2019 in Ukraine: an analysis of successful cases." Grani 24, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172102.
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The article is devoted to the study of features and patterns of formation of party brands, analyzes colors, party symbols, key slogans of parliamentary parties in 2019. The essence of the concept of "political brand" and "party brand" is clarified, their characteristics and structure are defined. Article outlines the features of the processes of virtualization and mediatization of politics, pointing to the place of the political and party brand in these processes. The author outlines the features of political branding as a technology of political marketing, analyzes the technology of formation and promotion of political and party brand. Examining the practical experience of using political branding by modern Ukrainian political parties during the parliamentary election campaign in 2019, the author points to successful cases and explains their features. Installed. that the party brand is a virtual social phenomenon that creates in voter a sense of belonging to a particular community.It was found, that the common features of all party brands include: the presence of integral components of the party brand, the hypertrophied nature of the personal factor in the construction and promotion of political and party brand, the use of political advertising, co-branding and "star brand". Established, that the party brands of modern parliamentary parties of Ukraine can be identified as those that are recognizable by the majority of the population, have similar popularity at both local and national levels, have potential for long stay in the political space, are constantly mentioned in the media. It was revealed, that the distinctive features of party brands during the 2019 election campaign are various communication channels in which the brand is popularized, as well as the dominant technology of brand construction.
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Koźbiał, Krzysztof. "Znaczenie eurosceptycyzmu na scenie politycznej Republiki Czeskiej." Politeja 17, no. 3(66) (June 25, 2020): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.66.18.
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The Importance of Euroscepticism on the Political Scene of the Czech Republic. Conditions and Consequences
Czech society is one of the most eurosceptic in the European Union. One of the reasons is a low degree of trust in authority (government, parliament) in general, also at the supranational level. Consequently, Czech political parties have eurosceptic slogans in their programs that do not prevent voters from supporting them, both in the elections to the Czech and European Parliaments. The political system is dominated by parties presenting the so‑ called „soft euroscepticism” (according to Taggart’s and Szczerbiak’s approach), such as: Action of Dissatisfied Citizens (ANO 2011), Civic Democratic Party (ODS) or Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM). In the 2017 election, they received a total of almost 50% of the vote. However, euroscepticism is not a threat to the Czech presence in the EU. Extremely eurosceptic parties do not enjoy great public support.
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Khozikova, N. "Party slogans as means of electoral mobilization at the elections in the Republic of Bashkortostan in the autumn of 2016." Transbaikal State University Journal 23, no. 1 (2017): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2017-23-1-101-107.
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Koc, Erdogan, and Ayse Ilgun. "An Investigation into the Discourse of Political Marketing Communications in Turkey: The Use of Rhetorical Figures in Political Party Slogans." Journal of Political Marketing 9, no. 3 (July 2010): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2010.497742.
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Kores, Maiken Ana. "Powerful posters." Ars & Humanitas 14, no. 1 (June 23, 2020): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.14.1.105-124.
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Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties’ political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties’ choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes.
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Swain, Amanda Jeanne. "Hooligans, Hippies, and Immature Youth: Negotiating Communist Party Narratives of May 18, 1972 in Kaunas." Lithuanian Historical Studies 17, no. 1 (December 28, 2012): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01701006.
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In the aftermath of the street demonstrations in Kaunas in May 1972, Communist Party leaders developed a narrative of the events that downplayed nationalism or political dissent as motivating factors for the unrest. Initially, Soviet authorities blamed marginal elements in society, specifically hooligans and hippies, for instigating what they called a ‘disturbance of public order’. However, the demographics of participants forced Party leaders to explain why young people who were students, workers and even Komsomol members would take to the streets shouting slogans such as ‘freedom for Lithuania’ and ‘freedom for hippies’. As a result, the Communist Party focused on the failure to inculcate Soviet youth with proper ideological values, making them susceptible to manipulation by ‘hostile elements’. In doing so, Party leaders were able to use the political practice of self-criticism to keep the events of May 1972 within acceptable ideological bounds. However, the recognition of its own weaknesses did not stop the Lithuanian Communist Party from blaming other groups, such as parents, schools and cultural organizations, for failing to provide a proper upbringing for Soviet Lithuanian youth. Although cultural and intellectual organizations were only one of the factors blamed for the political immaturity of youth and their susceptibility to corrupting influences, they were the ones to suffer the consequences of the Soviet authorities’ crackdown after the street demonstrations. Through a process of applying and discarding various discursive options, Lithuanian communist officials were able to use Soviet ideological narratives to protect themselves from criticism and to eliminate disruptive cultural and intellectual leaders in Kaunas.
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Potikha, Oksana. "Strategy and Tactics of Political Activity of the Ukrainian National Democratic Union in the first half of the 1930s." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no. 46 (December 20, 2017): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2017.46.26-32.
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The article analyzes the features of changing the political strategy and tactics of one of the toppolitical parties of Western Ukraine of the Inter-War Period - the Ukrainian National Democratic Union. The aggravation of the Polish-Ukrainian contradictions and the Soviet policy of destroying the Ukrainian heritage in the Dniprоregion duringthe early 1930s prompted the Ukranian National Democratic Union to search for new methods of activity and caused the political line of the party to change in the direction of finding ways of mutual understanding with the Polish authorities. In the second half of 1930s the slogans of independence and national unitywere excludedfrom the party's arsenal and replaced by their demand for national-territorial autonomy for all Ukrainian lands in Poland. The anti-Ukrainian terror in Soviet Ukraine denuded theUkranian National Democratic Unionof hopes for the growth of National forces in the Dniprоregion. These circumstances movedthe party leaders of the National Democrats forward in mending thePolish-Ukrainian relations.
Keywords: Western Ukraine, Ukranian National Democratic Union, political platform, Polish authorities
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Susloparova, Elena. "Antiwar campaign of the British Labour Party in the early World War I." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2021): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.1.31944.
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This article is dedicated to the protest campaign of Labour Party of Great Britain, which unfolded in the early World War I. Based on the range of sources, such as socialist workers’ press of Great Britain, party documents, parliamentary debated, the author sets a goal to examine the key arguments of the opponents, namely activists of the Independent Workers’ Party, which became a stronghold of antiwar sentiment of the Labours. Special attention is given to such publicists as R. MacDonald and K. Hardy. The article also traces the evolution of antiwar campaign and reveals the reasons. Research methodology is based on the systematic approach towards analysis of public speeches of British activists printed in the workers' socialist publications of antiwar orientation. It is demonstrated how in the space of a few days, in August 1914, the moods of majority of the British workers changed dramatically, from unreserved condemnation of the war expressed in the slogans of the Second International towards support of the government in the fight against militaristic Germany. The conclusion is drawn that in the initial months of war, the antiwar campaign has experienced significant transformation. If in the early period it was characterized mostly by the emotional and somewhat sarcastic rhetoric, then later on the background of tremendous human losses, the campaign adopted a rather moderate tone. Attempts of the publicists to grasp on causes of war and focus the need to rebuild society after its completion comes to the forefront.
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Gaido, Daniel. "The Origins of the Transitional Programme." Historical Materialism 26, no. 4 (December 17, 2018): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001323.
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AbstractThe origins of the Transitional Programme in Trotsky’s writings have been traced in the secondary literature. Much less attention has been paid to the earlier origins of the Transitional Programme in the debates of the Communist International between its Third and Fourth Congress, and in particular to the contribution of its largest national section outside Russia, the German Communist Party, which had been the origin of the turn to the united-front tactic in 1921. This article attempts to uncover the roots of the Transitional Programme in the debates of the Communist International. This task is important because it shows that the Transitional Programme’s slogans are not sectarian shibboleths, but the result of the collective revolutionary experience of the working class during the period under consideration, from the Bolshevik Revolution to the founding conference of the Fourth International (1917–38).
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Empson, Rebecca, and Tristan Webb. "Whose Land is it Anyway?" Inner Asia 16, no. 2 (December 10, 2014): 231–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340017.
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This paper looks at the roles and interests that motivate different kinds of ‘trusting partnerships’ in Mongolia. Such partnerships are not only in marketing slogans that herald new private investment agreements, they also underlie the relationship between the Mongolian government and other governments (in the form of ‘strategic partnerships’) and even between the Mongolian State and its people. The concept serves as a framework for partners to achieve mutual ambitions, but is ambiguous and its content evolves through negotiation and cumulative articulation. We offer certain observations about the form of relationship between the Mongolian State and its people, drawing from fieldwork in 2012 on how loans are used and perceived, and suggest that this relationship is a fruitful lens through which we can observe vernacular attitudes to the economy and the State, and to the different kinds of relationships the Mongolian State maintains with outsiders. We conclude with an observation on the inter-related and at times conflicting ‘trusting partnerships’ to which the Mongolia government is party.
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Marples, David R. "Stalin: authoritarian populist or great Russian chauvinist?" Nationalities Papers 38, no. 5 (September 2010): 749–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.498471.
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David Brandenberger argues that contemporary Russian identity was mainly a result of a “historical accident.” He maintains that this national identity was a product of the twentieth century rather than the nineteenth, which is more commonly cited, and that in terms of the state formulating a conception of what it meant to be Russian, the first decade of the Soviet period achieved little. However, by the late 1920s Soviet ideologists began to seek something more appealing than the mundane party slogans and eventually added non-proletarian, historical Russian heroes to the Soviet pantheon, particularly after the purges when the latter group was sorely depleted. This campaign was largely successful in inducing an understanding of national identity from a non-proletarian past as is evident today. He perceives this process as the formation of a Soviet populism, designed to mobilize society “on the mass level” and compares Stalin's USSR with Latin American dictatorships in this regard. Stalin, he argues, “was an authoritarian populist rather than a nationalist.” By 1953, Russians had a much better idea about their identity than in the period before 1937.
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Figiel, Dominik. "The experience of the Hitler Youth - boys in the national-socialism." Journal of Education Culture and Society 5, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20142.112.125.
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Losing the First World War, unemployment, the generation gap and the cult of youth led to the party of Adolf Hitler gaining popularity in the Weimar Republic. Using slogans of the restoration of a strong Germany the national socialists organized structures, which formed and educated German Youth. Hitler Youth – brought up according to the rule: “youth leads youth” – was a very fertile environment for the spread of the idea of national-socialism. The specific values – racial supremacy, honour, obedience – handed down by parents were the beginning of the Nazi indoctrination. In the later period such organizations as Bund Deutscher Madel or Hitlerjugend took power over German youth. Education, upbringing, ideological content used by the institutions in Nazi Germany are described in the extensive literature on the subject. However, very important are the experiences of individual members of the Hitler Youth that show the Nazi youth activities from a time perspective. Experiences such as the wisdom of life, and gained knowledge, enable recognition and description of the reality which is discussed. The scope of historical and pedagogical research shows the essential facts constituting the full picture of the life of young people during Nazi era.
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MALIK, ANUSHAY. "Public Authority and Local Resistance: Abdur Rehman and the industrial workers of Lahore, 1969–1974." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (May 2018): 815–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000469.
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AbstractIn 1968 a popular movement emerged on the streets of Pakistan which toppled the regime of General Muhammad Ayub Khan and ushered in the Pakistan People's Party (PPP). After a decade of military rule this movement was heralded as a turning point in the country's political fortunes. However, the war in 1971, the failure of the PPP to live up to its radical slogans, and Pakistan's eventual return to military rule in 1977 were seen as clear indications of the failure of both the movement and the PPP. This article focuses on the area of Kot Lakhpat in Lahore and the emergence of a worker-led court under Abdur Rehman to argue that this narrative of the failure of the movement does not leave space for local success stories which, while temporary, had an important impact on the role that the working classes imagined for themselves within the state. The Kot Lakhpat movement was part of a longer history of labour politics, and its story challenges the centrality of the PPP and shows how local structures of authority can be formed in response to the greater space for radical action opened up by a wider national resistance movement.
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Gieszczyński, Witold. "Joseph Stalin’s birthday celebrations in December 1949 (the example of the Olsztyn Voivodeship)." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 305, no. 3 (November 25, 2019): 567–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134901.
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The celebrations related to the 70th anniversary of the birth of Joseph Stalin began well before their culmination, which was to take place on December 21, 1949. The communist authorities issued a special instruction which strictly regulated the course of these celebrations. Special party meetings were organized to celebrate the dictator. Young people gathered in workplaces, schools and youth organizations were also expected to participate in the celebrations. Furthermore, it was recommended to study the biography of Stalin and decorate public buildings with Polish and Soviet colours, as well as portraits of Stalin and related slogans. In Olsztyn, as in other Polish cities, the Provincial Committee for the celebration of the 70th anniversary of Stalin was established, which included members of the political and administrative authorities, as well as representatives of the army, trade unions, social, scientific, creative and artistic organisations, and industry leaders. However, compared to other regions in the Olsztyn Voivodeship, the celebrations of the jubilee of the birth of Joseph Stalin had a much more modest dimension, mainly due to the typically agricultural character of the region, as well as the relatively small population of Warmia and Masuria at that time
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Dmowski, Artur, and Sylwester Bogacki. "THE ECONOMIC DIRECTIONS FOR RATIONALIZING THE SYSTEM OF PUBLIC FINANCE IN POLAND AS A RESULT OF THE EFFECTS OF THE COVID-19 EPIDEMIC." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.2282.
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Public finance management has a very global nature. Here decisions are made that determine everything related to collecting and allocating public means. However, we need to realize that this level is also highly entangled politically, with political transformations accompanying changes of governments and cooperating party coalitions. This accounts for the fact that some general recommendations are formed, specifying the ways of managing public means. This is manifested in various slogans, such as “cheap state”, which stands for reduction of expenditure on administrative purposes. In this context some discussions take place in the government or in the parliament on seeking possibilities of limiting expenditure. Another direction of political disputes turns to public income. This is expressed, for example, in aiming at lowering tax bur-den. Thus public attention is drawn to two sides of the finance economy, namely on processes of gathering and allocating public means. In this system we often oversee a fundamental issue – instructions to manage public finance. As already stated, this cannot have a general shape, as there is no uniformity in the area of public finance even though the general assumption is the same for all areas.
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Tkach, Bohdan, Lesia Lytvynchuk, Ihor Popovych, Olena Blynova, Larysa Zahrai, and Liybomyra Piletska. "Research on the Experience of Users of Political Slogans in Ukraine." BRAIN. BROAD RESEARCH IN ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND NEUROSCIENCE 12, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/brain/12.1/173.
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The study partly reveals “Zelenskyi’s phenomenon”, when a person without any political experience confidently won a victory over an experienced politician at the presidential and parliamentary elections. The paper considered neuropsychological understanding of a brand as a multi-modal image with emotional connection and as an artificial addiction. Specific features of the perception of political slogans were studied with EMOTIV Epoc+ 14-channel mobile neurointerface and EmotivPRO and EMOTIV Brain Activity Map software. The ranking of slogans in terms of the efficiency of perception of the individuals of 40-60 years old was carried out on the basis of EEG and the cognitive and emotional indexes: obtained stress, interaction, interest, excitement, concentration, relaxation. The study involved 30 men and 30 women who intended to vote in the presidential elections of 2019. It was established which slogans are the best, good, average, ambiguous, with little effect, ineffective, with a negative effect. It was determined that the most effective and at the same time efficient slogan that evokes emotions and really encourages to support is PRESIDENT IS PEOPLE’S SERVANT. The best slogan that appeals to support it is “We Are Ukraine”, “New Policy of Ukraine”, “Country of Strong People!” The basic cognitive and emotional indexes that would contribute to the creation of effective psychological impact on voters’ behavior are the presence in the slogan of the word “Ukraine”, the avoidance of the so-called “stop words” (for women it is “army” and everything related to violence and death, and for men it is everything related to the provision of material benefits), the use of religious sentimentality in women and gender differences in slogans targeting. The value of the studied phenomenon and the efficiency of slogans and other media products before launching them into mass advertising has been proved.
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Ruger, Yu B., A. A. Yurchenko, and O. V. Shpyrnya. "INDUSTRY OF KUBAN: EXPERIENCE IN MANAGEMENT AND CONSTRUCTION IN THE EARLY 20-ies OF THE 20-th CENTURY." Scientific bulletin of the Southern Institute of Management, no. 3 (October 7, 2018): 114–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31775/2305-3100-2018-3-114-119.
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The article describes the conditions and nature of the transfer of the Kuban industry from the policy of “war communism” to the new economic policy. The economy was based on medium-sized and small-scale industries. Large enterprises were either closed or were on the verge of closure due to the Civil war, the General decline of the economy and the rupture of economic ties. Under these conditions, the creation of a system of trusts and the transfer of small and large parts of mediumsized enterprises to private hands, as required by the party and government, the transition to the NEP were not implemented. The created trusts included medium and small enterprises that provided economic stability to associations. Established during the Civil war, the administrative and managerial apparatus has been eliminated. Certain restrictions were imposed on the phraseology, slogans, that is, in fact, external manifestations of direct and strict leadership,” command “ of the industry. The administrative apparatus has not lost the levers of direct administrative management in the economy. Maintaining direct management over the trusts described actively fighting the existing administrative-command system for their survival. Once established, the system gradually regains its right to manage the entire economy. Following some democratization of government and the weakening of the dictatorship of the state over the economy, the methods of military communism once again became leading. But this will happen after the industry and the economy as a whole will be restored, thanks to the use of market methods of management.
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Taub, Sara. "Slogans for Body Parts." Professional Ethics, A Multidisciplinary Journal 11, no. 4 (2003): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/profethics200311420.
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Ellis, John S. "“The Methods of Barbarism” and the “Rights of Small Nations”: War Propaganda and British Pluralism." Albion 30, no. 1 (1998): 49–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052383.
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The “methods of barbarism” and the “rights of small nations” are perhaps the most recognizable of British slogans arising out of the wars of the early twentieth century. They are instantly associated with the Boer War and the First World War respectively, but seldom are they associated with each other. However, the Pro-Boer rhetoric of “the methods of barbarism” and the First World War propaganda of “the rights of small nations” are intimately linked through their roots in the pluralist Liberal vision of Britishness.These slogans and the propaganda campaigns that they epitomized must be understood within the context of a multicultural Britain and opposing notions of British national identity. Defining “barbarism” as the oppression of small nations through the brutal use of force, the Pro-Boers associated the term with the Anglocentric vision of the British nation reflected in the “New Imperialism” of the Conservatives. Through their belief in Anglo-Saxon racial superiority, the Conservative imperialists maintained that small nations like those of the Irish, the Welsh, and the Boers would either be assimilated or swept aside by the historical progress of an expanding Anglo-Saxon nation state. In contrast to this notion of Conservative “barbarism,” the Pro-Boer Liberals drew on the Gladstonian heritage of their party in defining the United Kingdom as a multinational state at the center of a multinational empire. They eschewed the use of force in the maintenance of empire and argued that the bonds of imperialism must be based upon mutual goodwill, voluntarism, and the recognition of the principle of nationality.When the First World War broke out in 1914, propagandists drew upon these contrasting constructions of Liberal cultural pluralism and Conservative cultural uniformity. In terms similar to those employed by the Pro-Boers, British propagandists depicted the First World War as a struggle against German “barbarism” and as a fight to vindicate the “rights of small nations.” Solidly based upon the Liberal construction of the multicultural and multinational nature of Britishness, Britain's role as the champion of the principle of nationality was proclaimed with an eye not only to the international context of Europe but to the domestic context of the British state and empire as well.
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Rogowska, Barbara I. "Stanowisko PPR/PZPR wobec obchodów święta 11 listopada." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 26 (August 23, 2019): 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.26.11.
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Position of the Polish Workersʼ Party on the celebration of Independence Day The history of the anniversary celebrations on 11 November reflects the complicated traditions of the nation and the Polish state. For years the celebrations were accompanied by numerous changes in the ideological, legal, political and ritual layer. Individual political and social formations as well as subsequent generations of Polish citizens celebrated the anniversary of regaining independence by assigning to it different ideological, political and axiological values. Ove the course of a hundred years, it has gained a different legal and political status. From the celebration of local military circles, then political, through national anniversaries, school ceremonies to the establishment of a public holiday.In the 21st century, the holiday is additionally used by various political forces. The main form of the celebration is the Independence March. During the march Polish patriotic and human values are presented. But it also becomes the grounds for publicizing various values and anti-values. International interest in the march is dictated by the propagation of sometimes anti-democratic slogans and the political situation in Poland and the EU. Various political forces sometimes try to use the Independence Day in a spectacular way for political purposes, for media coverage, for election fights with political opponents.
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Mulej, Oskar. "Gospodarski in družbeni nazori v slovenskem naprednem taboru, 1930-35. II. del – idejnozgodovinski vidiki." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 2 (November 9, 2016): 40–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.2.03.
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ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL VIEWS IN THE SLOVENE PROGRESSIVE CAMP, 1930–35. PART II – THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORICAL ASPECTSIn the period between 1933 and 1935 the ideas about an extended and stronger role of the state in the economic life were inrepressibly spreading throughout Yugoslavia and thus also among the politicians of the Slovene progressive camp. This fact was evident not only from the changed rhetoric, revealing a shift in the political-economic paradigm, but also from the programme documents of the Yugoslav National Party (JNS), which demonstrated a substantive deviation as well as a clear programmatic departure from the liberal principles of the socio-economic order. The aforelying second part of the treatise deals with the following questions: in what way and to what extent did the popular ideas of that time – about building a “new order” and “man” – resonate in the Slovene progressive camp; and whether the economic doctrines were in fact adopted or newly formed (including the ideas about “planned economy” and “corporatist state”). The discussion transcends the framework of party politics and attempts to encompass, from a wider intellectual historical aspect, the various viewpoints which emerged inside the broader ideological camp. These viewpoints ranged from the indisputably liberal to the entirely socialist ones, while also including such which criticised the unbound economy from explicitly liberal positions. Intellectual heterogeneity also manifested in diverse understandings and assessments of the so-called corporatist state. It can be claimed that the “corporatist state” and “planned economy” represented nothing more than fancy slogans and a rhetorical adaptation to the spirit of the age. Kramer's circle was thereby distinctly characterised by a categorical rejection of Nazism, fascism and communism, while the younger generation was more susceptible to certain aspects of the non-liberal “socio-economic models”.
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Zapata Hincapie, Oscar Javier. "Atraer el pueblo a las urnas: la campaña electoral de Enrique Olaya Herrera." HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local 3, no. 6 (July 1, 2011): 193–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/historelo.v3n6.20193.
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El artículo estudia la campaña electoral del liberal Enrique Olaya Herrera por la presidencia que tuvo lugar en 1930, en la que se disputó el triunfo con los candidatos conservadores Guillermo Valencia, Alfredo Vázquez Cobo y Alberto Castrillón. El enfoque desarrolla una perspectiva particular a la historia cultural aplicada a fenómenos de la política. Analiza los procedimientos empleados por el candidato liberal y sus organizaciones para acercarse al elector y ganar su respaldo en una disputa abierta, la evolución de esa nueva relación y de qué manera se incrementó la participación ciudadana en este evento electoral. Los espacios de sociabilidad como la calle y la plaza pública son utilizados y re-significados para el despliegue de esa relación emocional que se da entre Olaya Herrera y la multitud a través de concentraciones y marchas que fueron fotografiadas y comentadas en diferentes diarios de la épocadurante la campaña electoral, todo un acto que se puebla de imágenes, símbolos, emblemas, eslóganes, de banderas, de frases distintivas y consignas.Palabras claves: Campaña electoral, ciudadanía, sufragio, manifestación, discurso político, candidatos. Attracting people to the polls: the Enrique Olaya Herrera’s election campaign AbstractThe article examines the liberal party candidate Enrique Olaya Herrera’s election campaign, as a presidential candidate, hold in 1930, in which he competed against the conservative party candidates Guillermo Valencia, Alfredo Vázquez Cobo and Alberto Castrillón. The approach develops a unique perspective to the cultural history put into practice in political phenomena. It analysis the procedures and organizations used by the Liberal Party candidate to come closer to the elector and get his support in an open competition; the development of that new relationship and how the citizen participation in this election event increased. Are used socializing areas such as the street and the main square, and they have a new meaning for the spreading of that emotional relationship between Olaya Herrera and the people. This relationship is shown in marchs which were taken in photograph and discussed in different newspapers from that time during the election campaign. It is all a manifestation full of pictures, symbols, emblems, slogans, flags and distinctive words.Keywords: Election Campaign, Citizen, Vote, Demonstration, Political Speech, Candidate.
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Elizarieva, Maria A., Marina A. Chigasheva, Boris Blahak, and Maria Yu Mikhina. "Intertextuality of Political Discourse in Germany (on the Example of “Political Ash Wedfnesday”)." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 7 (July 30, 2020): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-7-76-90.
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The article is devoted to the role of intertext in public speeches of politicians of the Christian Social Union in Bavaria within the framework of the “political ash Wednesday”. On the example of the speeches of M. Söder, A. Scheuer and M. Blume in 2018, the relationship between the type of intertext and its pretext, on the one hand, and the speaker’s intention, on the other, was analyzed. As a result of the analysis of 23 intertextual inclusions, four intentions were revealed, among which (48 %) criticism of political opponents (SDPG, “The Greens”, AfD, “Free Voters”) prevails. Quotes from representatives of these parties, political slogans, a paraphrase of the name of the eco-movement and a quote from an artist are used to express it. As the intertextual analysis showed, to verbalize the second intention (appeal to authoritative opinion and emphasize the continuity of the party course), the former chairman of the CSU F. J. Strauss is cited, while the third intention (opposing Bavaria to the rest of Germany) is implemented using a quote from the Bavarian anthem, a paraphrase of a television commercial and quotations from a literary work. In addition, the authors found that the fourth intention (emphasizing the dialogic nature of communication with ordinary people) is found only in M. Söder’s speech in the form of a retelling of his dialogues with ordinary citizens.
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Ahmad, Akhlaq, Farhan Navid Yousaf, and Muhammad Bilal. "The Protest, Transformation of the Public Sphere and Notions of Femininity; Women Experiences in Pakistan." sjesr 3, no. 1 (April 19, 2020): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss1-2020(20-26).
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This research analyzes women’s participation in a sit-in organized by a mainstream political party, Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) in the capital territory of Pakistan. This sit-in continued for 86 days. Taking theoretical insights from Jurgen Habermas and Max Weber, this study looks at women’s experiences during the sit-in. The research discusses how the women transformed this ‘political sit-in’ into the public sphere and created alternative discursive space/s to looked into/evaluate their social, cultural, economic and political conditions and voiced their narratives into the present masculine/ patriarchal political structure of Pakistan. Interpretivist’ epistemology was a guiding methodological application for this research. The data come from 10 women participants. The thematic analysis helps the interpretation. Findings reveal that women exercised their agency as their religious duty, which in turn enabled them to develop their feminine social capital. Women transformed political sit-in into a distinct political space and challenged the traditional notions of Pakistani femininity. They lived in an open space for 86 days without their families, mostly taking decisions at their own, chanting anti-government slogans, having clashes with police, getting married and giving birth. Media facilitated projection, visibility and public support. Women’ commitment to the change disrupted dominant stereotypes about women, their role and voice in Pakistan. Charismatic leadership instrumentalized religious teachings for persuading participants and the advancement of the political agenda of socio-political change in Pakistan.
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Salama, Amir H. Y. "Whose face to be saved? Mubarak’s or Egypt’s? A pragma-semantic analysis." Pragmatics and Society 5, no. 1 (May 5, 2014): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.5.1.06sal.
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The 25th of January, 2011 witnessed a wave of political unrest all over Egypt, with repercussions that have re-shaped the future of contemporary Egypt. For the first time in the modern history of Egypt since the 1952 Nasserite revolution, grass-root protestors went to streets chanting slogans against the military regime headed by the (since then ex-) President of Egypt, Hosni Mubarak. This placed the then regime, as well as its mainstay, the National Democratic Party (NDP), in a political crisis on both local and international scales. It is this critical moment that led Mubarak to give his unprecedented speech on February 1st, 2011. The speech has brought about epoch-making political changes in the history of contemporary Egypt. Under public pressure, two seminal declarations were made in this speech: (1) Mubarak’s intention not to nominate himself for a new presidential term; (2) a call on the Houses of Parliament to amend articles 76 and 77 of the constitution concerning the conditions on running for presidency and the period for the presidential term in Egypt. The present paper seeks to answer the following overarching question: what are the discursive strategies used for saving the political face of Mubarak in his speech on February 1st, 2011? I follow a text-analytic framework based on the socio-semantic theory of social actors and the pragmatic models of speech acts and face-threatening acts. The analysis reveals Mubarak’s attempt to save his positive political face as a legitimate President who regarded himself as the official ruler invested with absolute power over Egypt.
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Yerokhin, Vladimir. "CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.
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The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central
power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive
development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an
established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture
and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands
rather than social class ones in their activities.
During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the
article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.
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Susanti, Nurmalia, Nana Supriatna, and Yeni Kurniawati Sumantri. "Lekra Vs Manikebu: Perlawanan Majalah Sastra terhadap Politik Kebudayaan Pemerintah Masa Demokrasi Terpimpin (1961-1964)." FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 8, no. 1 (September 23, 2019): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v8i1.20121.
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This research emerged from the author’s interest in cultural magazines’ involvement regarding a political situation in Indonesia. The main problem discussed “how was the Sastra magazine’s resistance against cultural politics of the Leaded Democracy periodin 1961-1964?” The main problem elaborated into four research questions, namely: (1) how was the background of Sastra magazine’s publication?; (2) how was the culture concept from Sastra magazine’s perspective?; (3) how was the Sastra magazine’s efforts to defended its perspective in addressing anti-mainstream cultural concepts?;and (4) how was the impact received by the Sastra magazine due to maintaining the anti-mainstream cultural concept?. The method used in this study is the historical method which is divided into four stages, such as heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Based on the study, it can be explained that Sastra published in 1961 was a continuation of Kisah, the publication of this magazine has acted as aneffort to provide good reading for the community. In its development, Sastra has its own view of the cultural concept of the Leaded Democracy era, that Indonesian culture is an honest culture that was born from the conscience of the people based on humanity, not based on the slogans of party interests. That was considered not following the spirit of revolution that had not been completed at the time, which led to attacks from various parties, especially from the Lekra. Sastra maintained its stance, one of which was through its involvement in the Manifes Kebudayaan, which was a statement of a group of artists regarding Indonesia’s national culture. But not even a year, theManifes Kebudayaan declared forbidden by President Sukarno because he considered competing with the Indonesian Political Manifesto. The prohibition statement became a trigger for Sastra to disappear from circulation because it was labelled as a tool for the reactionaries.
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Prokopovych, Markian. "Scandal at the Opera: Politics, the Press, and the Public at the Inauguration of the Budapest Opera House in 1884." Austrian History Yearbook 44 (April 2013): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000088.
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On 2 January 2012, a mass demonstration took place in Budapest in front of the Opera House. The rally was the culminating event in a series of street protests that had shaken Hungary during the previous months when many inhabitants of the Hungarian capital, along with their co-nationals elsewhere, felt increasingly uneasy with the symbolic politics initiated by the government of Viktor Orbán and his center-right FIDESZ Party. In particular, the crowd that collected in front of what is still Hungary's most representative institution of culture, on the main boulevard Andrássy út, protested against the inauguration of the new constitution that had come into force the previous day. Despite opposition inside and outside of Hungary, the ruling political elite comprising the prime minister and his political entourage celebrated the new constitution—and themselves—at a gala event in the opera house. A number of other celebratory events in connection with Hungary's new constitution were also staged, among them a controversial exhibition of paintings in the National Gallery, located to date in the Buda Palace, meant to highlight the most important events in recent Hungarian history. Inside the opera house, Orbán and his political supporters listened to a collection of works by, among others, Franz Liszt, Ferenc Erkel, and Béla Bartók, but the composition of the program was a matter of minor importance on that day. Instead, as he and his government representatives congratulated each other that night on their party's achievements in power, the crowd outside the opera house jeered in reference to Hungary's fall in international economic rankings and the methods of rule that they saw as authoritarian, if not dictatorial, and appealed to a wider international community, for example, with slogans such as, “Hey Europe, sorry about my Prime Minister.”
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Cêa, Georgia Sobreira dos Santos, Sandra Regina Paz da Silva, and Inalda Maria dos Santos. "DE “EDUCAÇÃO PARA TODOS” PARA “TODOS PELA EDUCAÇÃO”." REVISTA TRABALHO, POLÍTICA E SOCIEDADE 4, no. 6 (June 30, 2019): 181–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.29404/rtps-v4i6.252.
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O texto tem como objetivo destacar movimentos históricos que ensejaram e sustentaram o ideário político-ideológico e a força social que estimularam, no Brasil, a mudança do slogan “Educação para Todos” para “Todos pela Educação”, ambos utilizados para sumarizar o espírito mobilizador de propostas e medidas em diferentes momentos da política educacional nas décadas recentes. Parte-se do pressuposto de que, neste movimento, as dimensões superestruturais (políticas, culturais e ideológicas) foram produzidas e se manifestaram em relação intrínseca com a dimensão estrutural (relações sociais de produção), de forma que constituíram uma totalidade social característica do bloco histórico atinente aos contextos em questão. Com base em fontes bibliográficas e documentais, são recuperados elementos da gênese da construção dos referidos slogans e indicados seus fundamentos e intencionalidades, compreendidos como expressões de distintos e conexos momentos da ofensiva do capital na educação.
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MATIIV, Yuliia. "SOCIAL POLICY IN THE DISCOURSE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SNAP ELECTION TO THE VERKHOVNA RADA IN 2014." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 234–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-234-242.
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The article describes the political parties' approach to implementing the state's social policy during the snap election to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2014. A discursive dimension of political parties' activities in the area of social policy was studied. Specific examples have shown political parties as a subject of social policy formation. It was found out that the events of the Revolution of Dignity and the beginning of Russia's military aggression against Ukraine forced Ukrainian politicians to reconsider existing approaches to the formation of party programs. The author analyzed the reflection of social policy in the election programs of the parties that had formed parliamentary groups: «Blok Petra Poroshenka «Solidarnist», «Narodnyi front», Radykalnoi partii Oleha Liashka, «Opozytsiinyi blok», «Obiednannia «Samopomich», «Vseukrainskoho obiednannia «Batkivshchyna». Domestic political events were reflected in the party's discourse on social policy, shifting the priorities in the election programs of political forces in the direction of security policy, improving defense capabilities, and fighting corruption. The main tendencies related to the change of political parties' approaches to forming state social policy are revealed. Dominating the liberal approach to social policy issues in parliamentary parties' programs was aimed at reducing the state's role. At the same time, the speeches of political forces on social policy were mostly full of populist slogans and, in most cases, did not contain any specifics, including ways to solve social problems in society. Trying to get as much electoral support as possible, politicians did not bother to develop real program steps in the social sphere. Instead, the social sphere problems, which had a systemic character, were not solved based on a clear "road map" of actions. The discourse of the political parties participating in the election race, which eventually formed the parliament, did not present a comprehensive program for forming and implementing social policy in the new political environment. Keywords: political parties, social policy, social state, Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, political discourse.
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Lestari, Forina, Melasutra MD Dali, and Norbani Che-Ha. "LOCAL IDENTITY CONSIDERATION IN MAINTAINING PLACE BRANDING SUSTAINABILITY (THE CASE OF INDONESIA)." Journal of Tourism, Hospitality and Environment Management 5, no. 19 (June 10, 2020): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/jthem.519002.
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The development of place branding has increased in various parts of the world. Competition in attracting investment, tourists, and other resources encourages city managers to think hard in order to be able to sell their potentials and uniqueness. Local identity is considered as one of the uniqueness that may attract people and money. This study will focus on the extent to which local characteristics and culture of the local community are considered in the formation of the city identity. The study undertook a content analysis of around thirty literature of city branding development in Indonesia, both national and international journals, to gain insight into the particular issue. The results of the study show that the imagery of cities in Indonesia is generally still limited to the formation of slogans and logos, which pay little attention to the cultural elements and aspirations of the local community. As a result, several cities had to replace their slogan and logo within a few years due to public criticism.
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Diotallevi, Giovanni. "Obbligatorietŕ dell'azione penale, slogans e luoghi comuni." QUESTIONE GIUSTIZIA, no. 3 (July 2009): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qg2009-003003.
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- Il nostro ordinamento giuridico č caratterizzato da una costituzione rigida. La legge ordinaria, dunque, non puň modificare la Costituzione né introdurre deroghe o eccezioni alla Carta costituzionale. Tra i princěpi fondamentali del Titolo IV della Costituzione, all'art. 112, vi č il principio dell'obbligatorietŕ dell'azione penale. L'azione penale deve essere esercitata dal pubblico ministero ogni volta che egli viene a conoscenza di una notitia criminis e il carattere di obbligatorietŕ dell'azione penale rappresenta per i cittadini una fondamentale garanzia di uguaglianza di fronte alla legge. Eppure il principio viene ciclicamente contestato da piů parti, soprattutto in questi ultimi anni, complici anche le gravi carenze organizzative dell'amministrazione della giustizia.
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Oleh, Boginich. "The metaphysical meaning of right force." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 31 (2020): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2020-31-71-79.
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Introduction. Right force is known as the antipode of force law. Meanwhile, the practice of relations between states and within states - between the state and its citizens, and between citizens themselves, is often replete with examples of the use of law rather than force of law (rules of law). Such vitality of the right of force gives grounds to speak of the existence of metaphysical grounds for its revival in social relations. The aim of the article. This article is dedicated to finding these reasons. Results. Philosophical science differentiates metaphysics into general and particular. The first examines all things (objectively existing), the second examines the reasons for existing. It is from the point of view of causality that the power of right phenomenon is to be considered. A retrospective analysis of the first written legal sources testifies to the fixation of the right of power in these sources by the representatives of the most powerful social groups. From this it follows that inequality arises as a result of the presence of advantages in the most able members of such groups. And we call these advantages a force that has the potential to be used by the bearers of that power. Thus, the power is understood to have any advantages in individuals who enter into communication with each other, and in the case of legal relations between them (involves the emergence of mutual rights and obligations) - the force acquires its metaphysical status - the right of force in the form the corresponding authority of the stronger side is relatively weaker. The question is: in the majority of cases, whether the exercise of the right of power by a more powerful party has been decided in favor of such a party. Slave right, serfdom - a vivid confirmation of that. Only with the first bourgeois revolutions and the introduction of the law of formal equality, the right to inequality as the official fixation of the right of power disappeared from the historical arena. But the right of force ceased to exist with the introduction of the right of formal equality. It lost its institutional forms in the form of fixation of the status of slaves, other groups of "dependent" in the first legal acts of antiquity, guilds and other restrictions of the medieval era, etc. Instead, it has taken other forms - economic, political, organizational, and so on. In other words, the power of law has become a veiled form today, where representatives of these circles exercise their power indirectly, hiding behind the “fig” piece of popular slogans of democracy, equality, and solidarity among the general public. The foregoing may suggest that the right to power is a negative factor in the development of human civilization, which every means must counteract. In the case of the open exercise of the right of force in the form of aggression, crime or other forms of abuse of the right of force, it really must be recognized as a deconstructive force that damages the normal development of the social organism. In the absence of a sign of abuse of the right force, the latter should be considered as a means of "pulling" to its level of the weaker party, which is in relations with representatives of such force. There is nothing accidental in nature, including social, and therefore the right of force should be regarded as an integral attribute of its development. We must combat the abuse of the right of power, not its overcoming, which we regard as having any advantages in various spheres of human activity. Conclusions. Based on the above, the following areas of study are promising: political and legal mechanisms for counteracting institutional manifestations of abuse of the right of force, axiological problems of self-limitation of the right of force.
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Goldman, Wendy Z. "Industrial Politics, Peasant Rebellion and the Death of the Proletarian Women's Movement in the USSR." Slavic Review 55, no. 1 (1996): 46–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500978.
Full textAbstract:
In December 1927 delegates to the XV Party Congress of the Soviet Union adopted the slogan, “Face toward Production.” Over the next five years, as the Party embarked on a massive effort to industrialize the country and collectivize agriculture, this slogan came to define policy in every area of life. The Party daily exhorted the people to speed up production, increase the harvest, reconstruct agriculture. Workers erected behemoths of heavy industry as artists emblazoned the image of belching smokestacks everywhere, symbols not of pollution but of the transformative promise of industrialization. Stalin and his supporters purged the unions, the planning agencies and the Party of “rightists” who were seen as obstacles to the new tempos of production and the collectivization of agriculture.
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Bakken, Børge. "Norms, Values and Cynical Games with Party Ideology." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 16 (March 10, 2002): 106–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v16i0.7.
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The Chinese Communist Party is based on an ideology that was once fundamentally
linked to social norms and values. The original charisma of the party
and its leaders seems to have gone in the direction predicted by Max Weber: that
charisma cannot stand the test of everyday routines; it will eventually be rationalized
and bureaucratized. The party's slogan of 'three representations' seems to
reach out to the 'new social strata,' allowing entry to those who 'became rich first,'
namely the entrepreneurs. At the same time, the party struggles to redefine the
Marxist paradigm of exploitation in a situation where workers increasingly live
under conditions akin to those in England at the time of the Industrial Revolution.
Sweeping changes are being implemented but without any modification to
the verbal baggage of socialist propaganda.
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Itkonen, Esa. "“The whole is greater than the sum of its parts” - True, false or meaningless?" Public Journal of Semiotics 7, no. 2 (March 15, 2017): 21–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37693/pjos.2016.7.16454.
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The slogan in the title of this article is meaningless in a context where the notion of “sum” does not apply. It is false in a context where the whole is equal to (or indistinguishable from) the sum of its parts. Having only a metaphorical meaning, it is neither clearly true nor clearly false in a context where no numerical value can be assigned to this relation of magnitude (which is typically the case in linguistics). In this article, however, a unit of measurement is devised which makes it possible to decide whether a linguistic whole is greater or smaller than the sum of its parts. In the former case the slogan is true whereas in the latter case it is, once again, false.
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Costa, Marilda de Oliveira. "Terceiro Setor, teoria das organizações e qualidade na educação." Perspectiva 30, no. 3 (September 18, 2012): 1011–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-795x.2012v30n3p1011.
Full textAbstract:
Este artigo é parte de estudos realizados no doutorado em educação e tem por objetivo discutir a qualidade da educação apresentada nos materiais instrucionais de uma entidade do Terceiro Setor que tem influenciado políticas educacionais de diferentes esferas de governo desde finais da década de 1990 no Brasil. A ideia de qualidade veiculada nesses materiais é tomada de empréstimo das teorias das organizações empresariais, como a Gerência da Qualidade Total. Atualmente, tem se evidenciado que a polissemia de ideias envolvidas no termo qualidade da educação possibilita diversas interpretações e facilita os discursos ou slogans sobre a temática. Apesar da relevância desses discursos, os materiais analisados mostram que a defesa da qualidade tem se dado no plano discursivo ou em slogans, como um recurso de poder, sem uma definição clara e objetiva da qualidade que se defende para a educação brasileira.
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Lih, Lars T. "A Fully Armed Historiography." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 53, no. 1-2 (July 11, 2019): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05301005.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This essay disputes the traditional view of Lenin’s April Theses as radical, pitting him against his own party shortly after his arrival in Petrograd. Instead, Bolsheviks before and after Lenin’s arrival in 1917 remained true to the party’s class scenario of revolution embodied in the slogan, “All Power to the Soviets.”
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Wall, Irwin M. "Front Populaire, Front National: The Colonial Example." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900016823.
Full textAbstract:
The popular front strategy, by which the French Communist party (PCF) came to mean a tactical alliance of the left including the Socialists and the left-leaning elements of the petty bourgeoisie represented by the Radical party, was pursued only briefly by the PCF in the 1930s, from 1934 to 1936. This is ironic, since it is by the slogan of the Front Populaire that the period of the 1930s in French history was to be subsequently known and remembered. The popular front was actually a transitional strategy between the famous (or infamous) “Third Period” of Comintern history from 1928–34, characterized in France by the class-against-class policy, and the policy of Front National, in which the PCF pursued a policy of alliance with anyone, including the right, against fascism at home and abroad. The PCF launched the national front in August 1936, and although the slogan did not catch on and was withdrawn, the party pursued that strategy for the remainder of the period until the war. But it was the popular front that would be remembered as having resulted in a wave of social legislation following the Blum government's assumption of power in June 1936 and which has ever since become a point of reference for the PCF. The wage increases, rights to unionize, paid vacations, forty hour week and nationalizations remain accomplishments for the party, to be built upon in each successive experience of participating in, or supporting the French government.
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Wall, Irwin M. "Front Populaire, Front National: The Colonial Example." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900003847.
Full textAbstract:
The popular front strategy, by which the French Communist party (PCF) came to mean a tactical alliance of the left including the Socialists and the left-leaning elements of the petty bourgeoisie represented by the Radical party, was pursued only briefly by the PCF in the 1930s, from 1934 to 1936. This is ironic, since it is by the slogan of the Front Populaire that the period of the 1930s in French history was to be subsequently known and remembered. The popular front was actually a transitional strategy between the famous (or infamous) “Third Period” of Comintern history from 1928–34, characterized in France by the class-against-class policy, and the policy of Front National, in which the PCF pursued a policy of alliance with anyone, including the right, against fascism at home and abroad. The PCF launched the national front in August 1936, and although the slogan did not catch on and was withdrawn, the party pursued that strategy for the remainder of the period until the war. But it was the popular front that would be remembered as having resulted in a wave of social legislation following the Blum government's assumption of power in June 1936 and which has ever since become a point of reference for the PCF. The wage increases, rights to unionize, paid vacations, forty hour week and nationalizations remain accomplishments for the party, to be built upon in each successive experience of participating in, or supporting the French government.
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Simon, Djerdj. "Economic transition in Yugoslavia: A view from outside." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 1 (2003): 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.
Full textAbstract:
Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.
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Qudratov, Davlatbek. "EDUCATING YOUNG PEOPLE IN PRESERVING THE MEMORY OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 3 (April 30, 2020): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2020-4-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the state of schools and education in General during the Second World war. The slogan "Everything for the front, everything for victory!" defined the goal not only of all military mobilization activities of the Soviet state, but also became the center of all organizational, ideological, cultural and educational activities of the party and state bodies of Uzbekistan.
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Geisler, Gisela. "Who Is Losing Out? Structural Adjustment, Gender, and the Agricultural Sector in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1992): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007758.
Full textAbstract:
In Zambia's first multi-party elections for two decades, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (M.M.D.) won a landslide victory over Kenneth Kaunda's United Independence Party (U.N.I.P) on 31 October 1991. Many observers believe that the sweeping 80 per cent majority gained by Frederick Chiluba and his M.M.D. in both urban and rural areas was to a large degree due to the increasing economic hardships most Zambians have been subjected to over the last years. The opposition's slogan ‘The Hour Has Come’ captured the mood of many who had lost patience with the gross economic mismanagement and wastefulness that characterised the Government.
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Ramos, Conrado, João Eduardo Coin de Carvalho, and Maria Angélica da Silveira Corrêa Mangiacavalli. "Impacto e (i)mobilização: um estudo sobre campanhas de prevenção ao câncer." Ciência & Saúde Coletiva 12, no. 5 (October 2007): 1387–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1413-81232007000500036.
Full textAbstract:
Nos últimos anos, o governo e parte da sociedade brasileira têm-se mobilizado intensificando o planejamento de ações de prevenção, controle e assistência aos pacientes com câncer. A análise das estimativas da incidência e mortalidade por câncer no Brasil colocam em cheque a efetividade das campanhas de prevenção. Uma das dimensões que parece não ter sido levada suficientemente em conta nas estratégias de formação das campanhas diz respeito aos fatores psicossociais implicados nestas campanhas. Neste trabalho, analisamos as respostas de quinze universitárias quanto aos slogans de sete campanhas de prevenção ao câncer. Foram avaliados o poder de mobilização das campanhas, tendo como referente sua associação com a representação de câncer como morte. Os resultados sugerem uma diferença importante entre o impacto das campanhas e seu poder de efetivamente mobilizar a população para a prevenção e o tratamento. Concluímos que elementos de natureza psicossocial, como a representação social de câncer, a auto-estima, as relações entre individualidade e coletividade, os discursos de gênero e o caráter ideológico dos slogans devem ser levados em conta na elaboração de campanhas de prevenção ao câncer.