Academic literature on the topic 'Patrimonial claims'

The author of this paper argues that the rise of cultural heritage is perhaps the chief example of a newfound valuation of cultural practices and objects in terms of their expediency for economic and political purposes. This is culture as a resource: a novel configuration in which culture is now a central expedient in everything from creating jobs to reducing crime, from changing the face of cities through cultural tourism to managing differences and conflicts within the population. In this context, heritage provides a strong but flexible language for staking claims to culture and making claims based on culture. He suggests that the 2003Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritagesignals a reformation of global heritage policy. Where earlier UNESCO efforts were content to document and archive expressions of folklore and traditional culture, its intangible heritage initiatives aim to assure the transmission and continuity of traditional practicesin situ. This requires direct intervention in the communities involved. UNESCO enlists intangible heritage as an instrument for safeguarding community, a social and moral good perceived to be threatened by globalization. Intangible heritage has emerged as an instrument in the production of a strong (but not exclusive) sense of belonging for members of cultural communities within (and sometimes across) states. Population groups objectify their practices and expressions as “intangible heritage” and at the same time they subjectify themselves as “communities”. Government can then act on the social field through communities and by means of, among other things, heritage policies. The author also points out that many heritage practices take the body as their central objects – they turn the body into a site of performance. Indeed, intangible heritage is very much about the ways in which culture is embodied and the ways in which bodies are cultured.

The RAF Amendment Act 19 of 2005 came into effect on 1 August 2008 and sections 17(1) and 17(1A) introduced the concept of “serious injury”. This entails that a third-party claimant who wishes to claim compensation for non-patrimonial loss suffered after a motor-vehicle accident has to prove that his or her injury is “serious”. If the claimant’s injury is not considered “serious” no compensation will be awarded for the non-patrimonial loss suffered and, furthermore, the claimant will also not be entitled to claim any compensation from the wrongdoer in terms of common law (s 21 of the RAF Act). In a sequence of unreported cases the courts have provided guidelines on the procedure to be followed in serious-injury claims. Firstly, a claimant must submit himself or herself to an assessment by a medical practitioner registered under the Health Professions Act. Secondly, the medical practitioner must assess if the injuries sustained by the claimant fall within the list of “non-serious injuries”, and if so, compensation for non-patrimonial loss will not be awarded. If the injury is not on the list of non-serious injuries, the medical practitioner may assess the injuries and if they result in 30 per cent or more of whole-person impairment (“WPI”) compensation for non-patrimonial loss may be awarded. If the evaluation is that the 30 per cent of WPI cannot be reached, non-patrimonial loss may still be claimed if the injuries fall within the “narrative test”, namely (a) resulting in a serious long-term impairment or loss of a body function; (b) constituting permanent serious disfigurement; (c) resulting in severe long-term mental or severe long-term behavioural disturbance or disorder; or (d) resulting in the loss of a foetus. A plaintiff may use either of the two tests to establish serious injury and in such a manner qualify for compensation for non-patrimonial loss. A medical practitioner must complete and submit a serious-injury assessment report on the RAF 4. If the RAF is not satisfied that the injury has been correctly assessed they must (a) reject the serious-injury assessment report within 60 days and furnish reasons for the rejection; or (b) direct that the third party submit himself or herself, at the cost of the Fund, to a further assessment. Thereafter the RAF must either accept the further assessment or dispute the further assessment within 90 days. An Appeal Tribunal, consisting of three independent medical practitioners, has been created to hear these disputes.

AbstractThis article argues that the transition between early-modern and modern organization of empires—especially the administrative outlooks and institutional logics used to govern them—revolved around how moral conflict was viewed within imperial organizations themselves and by metropolitan audiences. Early modern imperial organizations were deeply patrimonial, and hence relied on a style of embedded moral reasoning that distanced and segmented their affairs from the metropole. By contrast, modern empires order what they govern in hierarchies that are nominally objective and whose criteria seem universal. Using a case study of the British Empire’s crisis and transformation at the turn of the 19thcentury, I argue that modern imperial administration emerged because networks of moral justification, which provided the scaffolding for patrimonial early-modern empire, eroded in the face of “disinterested” metropolitan scrutiny. This scrutiny created an audience for bitter political and moral conflicts among imperial administrators, who then used disembedded moral claims to mobilize support.

Conventional wisdom holds that asset owners favor parties on the center-right. This assumption, however, ignores the possibility that party positions may shift over time and across contexts. The electoral payoff from ownership thus depends on how the policies of the major parties treat those assets. In this article, we argue that the prediction that asset holders support right-of-center parties rests on the position-taking strategies of parties. We test this expectation with evidence from six elections in Australia and with a dataset of post-election surveys in 25 advanced democracies. Utilizing different measures for key concepts, both analyses support our claims. Study findings identify the supply side of electoral competition as an important condition for patrimonial economic voting and, more generally, confirm the role of parties in mobilizing voters around issues on which they have a competitive advantage.

Resumen: La STS 1263/2018, de 17 de julio, acepta la aplicación en España del dictamen de un comité internacional creado en el marco de un tratado de derechos humanos del que España es parte y respecto del que aceptó expresamente la competencia de dicho comité para pronunciarse sobre recla­maciones individuales. Y de conformidad con su dictamen, condena al Estado al pago de una indemni­zación como reparación de los daños morales causados a la recurrente. El TS, con su sentencia, rompe con la situación anterior y acepta la relevancia en nuestro Derecho interno de los compromisos inter­nacionales asumidos por nuestro país en materia de derechos y libertades fundamentales de la persona. Bienvenida sea.Palabras clave: efecto en España de los dictámenes de Comités internacionales, Ángela González Carreño, responsabilidad patrimonial de la Administración.Abstract: The STS 1263/2018, of July 17, accepts the application in Spain of the opinion of an international committee created by a treaty of Spain is part, committee in respect of which our country expressly accepted its competence to resolve individual claims. And in accordance with its ruling, it condemns the State to pay compensation as reparation to the appellant for the moral damages suffered. With this sentence, our TS breaks with the previous situation and accepts the relevance in our national Law of the international commitments of Spain on rights and fundamental liberties of the person. Wel­come, be it.Keywords: effect in Spanish of the opinions of international committees, Angela Gonzalez Car­reño, patrimonial responsability of the admmistration.

Subject area Intergenerational transmission is a paramount managerial and patrimonial issue. Although planning and governance tools are being developed and spread in business, the handling of emotions often remains the key to a successful process. It is within the framework of the paternalistic Moroccan society that we are led to question the psychology and emotions of the stakeholders in the transmission of this small services business. Study level/applicability Masters students in Family Business, Management Science, Entrepreneurship, Small Business Management. Case overview After 19 years of existence, Moroccan Shipping is confronted at the beginning of 2010 to the issue of the sustainability of the family business. The founder directs his affair with an iron fist, and his sons, who were educated abroad, are determined not to get fooled. The father claims he wishes to be relieved from daily operations and handover part of his responsibilities to his second son. At the same time, the youngest doesn't feel like he fits in the present firm's configuration and is ready to quit. Expected learning outcomes This case study will lead users to work on several managerial dimensions of small family businesses in emerging economies. At first, the entrepreneur's traits might be highlighted, as they deeply affect the way the succession process may be handled. However, as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) specificity, the Moroccan family system will be taken into consideration to better analyse both the incumbent and the successor behaviours. Management tools may then be discussed to help with the transfer of both power and ownership in family businesses. Supplementary materials Teaching Notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes.

Abstract: One the most praised aspects of the Regulation n° 655/2015 establishing a European Account Preservation Order is its mechanism to gather information about debtor’s bank accounts (Article 14). Situations in which creditors ignore the debtors’ banking details are not unusual. Through Article 14 tool creditors who have already obtained a title (enforceable or not) are entitled to request that information. However, the EAPO Regulation only lays down the skeleton and the main features of this instrument, conferring Member States a wide margin of manoeuvre to decide how to accommodate it in their respective domestic legal systems. Member States are allowed to select the authorities in charge of collecting the information and they can decide on how the information is gathered. This freedom is a source of divergence. The objective of this paper is to provide a comparative analysis on the information mechanism.Keywords: debtors, creditor, assets’ transparency, pecuniary claims, EAPO Regulation, bank accounts, European Civil Procedural Law .Resumen: Uno de los aspectos más alabados del reglamento n ° 655/2014 por el que se establece el procedimiento relativo a la orden europea de retención de cuentas, es su mecanismo para obtener información sobre las cuentas bancarias del deudor (artículo 14). No es inusual que los acreedores ignoren dicha información. A través de este nuevo mecanismo, aquellos acreedores que ya disponen de un título, pueden solicitar búsqueda de la información sobre las cuentas bancarias del deudor. Sin embargo, el reglamento únicamente establece las líneas generales del mecanismo, dejando a los estados miembros un amplio margen de maniobra para implementarlo en sus respectivos ordenamientos jurídicos. Cada estado puede elegir no solo las autoridades encargadas de realizar la búsqueda de información, también los medios a través de los que se obtiene la información. Esta libertad de la que disponen los estados miembros se ha convertido una fuente de divergencias a la hora de implementar el reglamento. El objetivo de este artículo es ofrecer un análisis comparado sobre el mecanismo de información.Palabras clave: deudores, creditors, transparencia patrimonial, crédito pecuniario, Reglamento OERC, cuentas bancarias, Derecho Procesal Civil Europeo.

In this article I set out Hugo Grotius’s account of sovereign entities in the De Iure Belli ac Pacis (The Rights of War and Peace, 1625). In so doing, I seek to challenge a claim not uncommonly encountered in the recent historiography of the work, namely, that Grotius had no account of the state therein. In challenging that claim, I will make a further claim that while Grotius did have an account of the state, it was only one of two forms of sovereign entity, the other being the patrimonial kingdom. While this last claim is occasionally encountered in terms of a distinction between forms of government, I go further, on the basis that the distinction identifies a fundamental conceptual difference between free and unfree nations, which speaks not only to the form of government, but to the nature of the sovereign entity itself. Furthermore, it is my contention that through the patrimonial kingdom, Grotius was able to account for empire. 1

Section 18(b) of the Matrimonial Property Act 88 of 1984 allows for non-patrimonial damages to be claimed by a spouse married in community of property against his/her spouse. In Van der Merwe v Road Accident Fund 2006 4 SA 230 (CC) the court extended this exception to the notional purity of community of property to include patrimonial damages on the basis that section 18(b) discriminated unfairly against spouses married in community of property vis-à-vis spouses married out of community. The implications of this decision on commercial intercourse are discussed in this contribution against the background of prior decisions relating to the insolvency of spouses married in community of property.

Cette thèse cherche à renouveler les cadres d’interprétation sur la conflictualité autour de la ressource en eau au Mexique, en adoptant une approche constructiviste des conflits hydriques. A travers l’analyse détaillée de deux situations de conflit sur l’eau liées à l’urbanisation dans l’Etat du Morelos, et l’étude de la façon dont les groupes mobilisés formulent le problème, nous mettons en évidence que les conflits sur l’eau n’expriment pas uniquement une demande d’accès à l’eau, mais aussi des revendications d’ordre patrimonial : les communautés paysannes se mobilisent pour préserver certains points d’eau, certaines infrastructures (réseaux d’eau, réservoirs), qui ont pour eux une signification particulière. Même si dans le Morelos, les réseaux d’eau sont le support d’une culture hydraulique singulière, le projet patrimonial ne répond pas seulement à la volonté de conserver certaines traces qui se trouvent menacées de disparition et revêt des enjeux politiques et identitaires pour les communautés agraires, qui ont subi de profonds bouleversements à la suite des réformes du statut des terres ejidales. Cependant, la dimension patrimoniale n’est pas prise en compte par les acteurs publics de l’eau, et la conflictualité reste latente
This dissertation aims at renewing interpretations on water conflicts in Mexico, by adopting a constructivist approach. Through the detailed study of two water conflicts linked to urbanization in the State of Morelos and the analysis of the way the actors formulate the problem, we show that water conflicts don’t only express demands on water access, but also patrimonial claims: peasant communities mobilize because they want to preserve some water points, some hydraulic infrastructure (water networks, water tanks) that have a special meaning for them. Although in Morelos, water networks have given rise to a specific hydraulic culture, the patrimonial project is not only linked to the will of preserving a cultural heritage that may disappear and has a political and identity relevance for peasant communities that have been deeply shaken up by the land reforms of the nineties. Nevertheless, water public actors do not take patrimonial claims into account, and conflicts are latent

Mestrado em Finanças
Na elaboração deste trabalho tivemos por objectivo verificar cientificamente a veracidade de uma teoria existente no mercado segurador, de que o ciclo económico tem impacto na sinistralidade dos ramos patrimoniais. Ainda segundo esta teoria, os cortes na segurança efectuados pelas empresas em dificuldades, o aumento do desemprego e, consequentemente, da criminalidade, o chamado risco moral, provocam o aumento da taxa de sinistralidade. Tomam-se muitas decisões de gestão nas seguradoras com base na teoria acima, porém não existe, em Portugal, qualquer estudo que demonstre a correlação entre as variações do PIB e a sinistralidade. Com este estudo pretendemos verificar cientificamente a veracidade desta. teoria e encontrar variáveis explicativas para a sinistralidade. Atendendo a que os dados de mercado estão muito agregados e que os da seguradora em estudo se limitam a cinco anos, os resultados do nosso estudo não permitiram provar a teoria. No entanto, criámos um "ponto de partida" para que, com dados de mais alguns anos, se consiga concluir sobre a existência ou não de impacto do ciclo económico sobre a sinistralidade.
The purpose of this research is to verify scientifically the theory of the Insurance market about the impact of the economical cycle in property insurance losses. Accordingly to the above theory, the reduction on the investment with security measures taken by Insurance Companies with several economical problems, the unemployment increasing and consequently, criminality, i.e moral risk, causes de increasing of accident rates. Companies take many management decisions based in the above theory, however, in Portugal, it did not exist any study that proves the correlation between PIB and claimed values. The aim of this study is to prove scientifically the appointed theory and also find the causes that my support losses. Since the market database are very aggregated and the variables of the study Insurance Company refers only to 5 years, the result of the Case Study did not allow to prove the veracity of the above theory. Although we consider this is a first approach, hereafter, considering a consistent database, enable to prove the economical impact in accident rates and consequently losses.

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo contribuir a la comprensión de los usos políticos del patrimonio en las dinámicas de los nuevos movimientos vecinales patrimonialista surgidos en Chile en los últimos años (2005-2017). Para ello se centra en el estudio del caso del Barrio Yungay de Santiago de Chile —uno de los primeros barrios declarados Zona Típica (categoría de monumento nacional) por demanda de sus propios vecinos y vecinas—, cuyo proceso de patrimonialización se convirtió en un modelo a seguir por las organizaciones vecinales de varios barrios del país. La hipótesis que se maneja dentro de esta tesis, es que el patrimonio está siendo utilizado como una herramienta política reivindicativa por parte de las comunidades locales para promover la cohesión social en el barrio, reclamar ciertos derechos con respecto al acceso a la vivienda, a la diversidad socio-cultural y de clase, detener los procesos de gentrificación, exigir participación vecinal vinculante en los sistemas de gobernanza urbana, etc. La problemática de los usos políticos del patrimonio es un tema que está adquiriendo un interés creciente por parte del ámbito académico en los últimos años. Sin embargo, si bien se han explorado los usos políticos llevados a cabo desde el Estado-Nación y grupos privilegiados como estrategia de gubernamentalidad, pocos autores han profundizado en los usos reivindicativos que grupos minoritarios suelen llevar a cabo (Hernández Ramírez, 2002, 2006; Gómez Ferri, 2004; Smith y Campbell, 2011). La investigación que aquí se presenta establece vínculos entre estos usos reivindicativos y los problemas que afectan hoy en día a las ciudades que siguen un modelo desarrollo neoliberal. Es a raíz de los conflictos presentes en estas ciudades —radicados en la resistencia a políticas de desarrollo urbano hegemónicas; procesos de especulación inmobiliaria; deficiencias en la construcción de equipamientos urbanos; pérdida de derechos sociales; procesos de gentrificación, exclusión y segregación en el territorio, etc.— donde surgen nuevas conceptualizaciones y discursos subalternos de patrimonio generados por los movimientos sociales urbanos: discursos que aún no han sido profundizados en la literatura existente. A través de este estudio de caso, y siguiendo una orientación metodológiga cualitativa con un fuerte sesgo etnográfico, en esta investigación profundizamos en cómo el patrimonio no se trata sólo del pasado, sino también de su negociación y definición en torno a valores e intereses presentes. El comprender desde un ámbito académico como el que nos compete estas nuevas formas subalternas de acercarse al discurso del patrimonio a partir de los conflictos urbanos, implica velar por una democratización del discurso del patrimonio.
The objective of this research is to contribute to the understanding of the political uses of heritage in the dynamics of the new patrimonialist neighborhood movements that have emerged in Chile in recent years (2005- 2017). To this end, it focuses on the case study of Santiago de Chile's Yungay Neighborhood —one of the first neighborhoods declared a Typical Zone (category of national monument) by demand of its own neighbors—, whose patrimonialization process became a model to be followed by other organizations in several neighborhoods of the country. The hypothesis handled within this thesis is that heritage is being used as a vindictive political tool by local communities to claim certain rights and demand binding neighborhood participation in urban governance systems. The problem of the political uses of heritage is an issue that has gained increasing interest from academia in recent years. However, although the political uses carried out by the Nation-State and privileged groups have been explored as a governmentality strategy, few authors have delved into the vindicative uses that minority groups usually carry out. The research presented here establishes links between these vindicative uses and the problems affecting cities today that follow a neoliberal development model. It is as a result of the conflicts present in these cities —rooted in resistance to hegemonic urban development policies; processes of real estate speculation; deficiencies in the construction of urban facilities; loss of social rights; processes of gentrification, exclusion and segregation in the territory, etc.— where new conceptualizations and subaltern discourses of heritage generated by urban social movements arise: discourses that have not yet been deepened in the existing literature. Through this case study, and following a qualitative methodological orientation with a strong ethnographic bias, in this research we delve into how heritage is not only about the past, but also about its negotiation and definition around present values and interests. To understand, from an academic perspective such as ours, these new subaltern ways of approaching the discourse of heritage from the point of view of urban conflicts implies ensuring a democratization of the discourse of heritage.

With his seminal proposal of a rent-gap theory, Neil Smith developed a consistent materialist explanation for gentrification that efficiently contended with individual consumer preference tenets by focusing on the cycles of capital’s disinvestment and reinvestment in the built environment thanks to the necessary mediation of forms of collective social action. However, since the rent-gap theory had been devised to argue against «consumer preference», with the emphasis on the back-to-the-city movement by capital and not people, all understandings of people vanished, including those that hold them to be the bearers of particular class relations and interests. Despite later attempts to mellow such a structuralist approach by teasing out the working-class experience of resistance and displacement, it is hard to find in the original and subsequent work on rent gaps any explicit reference to the actual class relations that take place in the production of space of which gentrification is only one out of many expressions. These class relations are encouraged by the geographical expansion of capital and by the bureaucratic mediations of the State but in the last instance all of these are dependent on the labour of the working class. Such an understanding bears the possibility for thinking and implementing the limits to gentrification. Not only does gentrification have to face the contradictions of capital in its geographical expansion, and the conflictive State mediations encountered at every moment of the rent gap, but it may also encounter the opposition of a working class objectively made within the gentrification process. After theorizing on the role ethnography can play in social anthropology and by extension in all social sciences, and by drawing lessons from the extensive oeuvre of Henri Lefebvre and to some ulterior developments on the production of space, I offer an ethnographic account for Es Barri, an area subject to comprehensive gentrification in the Historic Centre of Ciutat de Mallorca (also known as Palma, Spain). Although only partially successful, I argue the gentrification encountered in the field is comprehensive in so far it has been sought from several different instances and by various means, among which the involvement of so-called civil society organizations specialized in implementing on the ground the ideas of scale (the neighbourhood) and preservation (heritage) the class relation the rent-gap hypothesis holds. Furthermore, with the aim of complementing Neil Smith’s contribution regarding the collective mediator the State is, and acknowledging that gentrification is only yet another a spatial expression of a much more comprehensive social relation, I argue each of the rent-gap moments of disinvestment and reinvestment are laboured by different groups (the so-called underclass and the middle classes) that, despite the fact they carry out a struggle that subjectively brings them together, they are apparently unaware of forming a single working class that produces surplus for others thanks to what I come to call their «urban labour». Likewise, I contend that for rent gaps to be successful and find a profitable closure there is a need to maintain as wide open as possible the class gap on which urban labour is founded upon. Against the description of the spatialisation of classes that are already formed, there is a need to explain politically how spatialisation intervenes in the urban struggle that makes them.
Amb la teoria del diferencial de renda, Neil Smith desenvolupà una sòlida explicació materialista que serví per a entendre els processos de «gentrificació». Per a fer front als postulats de la preferència del consumidor individual, hi fità la ullada en els cicles de desinversió i reinversió del capital en l’entorn construït que estaven subjectes a la necessària mediació de formes d’acció social col·lectiva. En aquesta tesi doctoral hi contribuesc a la hipòtesi del diferencial de renda tot afirmant que cadascun dels cicles es basteixen a partir del «treball urbà» de diferents grups socials («classes marginals« i «classes mitjanes») que fan part d’una mateixa classe obrera del que uns tercers n’extreuen plusvàlues. A fi de confirmar aquest extrem, analitz el paper de l’etnografia en l’antropologia social i per extensió en el conjunt de les ciències socials, extrec lliçons de l’obra de Henri Lefebvre i de desenvolupaments ulteriors entorn de la producció de l’espai, i oferesc un relat etnogràfic de com es construí Es Barri, una àrea sotmesa a una gentrificació integral en el Centre Històric de la Ciutat de Mallorca (a les Illes Balears, Espanya). La hipòtesi del «treball urbà» permet pensar en els límits a la gentrificació com a una expressió més de la producció de l’espai, i ho fa des de posicionaments que fan prevaldre el treball per sobre del capital i de l’Estat gràcies al fet de considerar la formació objectiva d’una mateixa classe obrera a partir de la cooperació de grups ben diferenciats en una mateixa cadena de producció de valor. Ara bé, és precisament per mor d’aquesta diversitat que a nivell subjectiu no trobam una consciència col·lectiva explícita. Sostenc que per a que el diferencial de renda no es pugui tancar profitosament, cal acostar tant com sigui possible el diferencial de classe sobre el que es fonamenta el treball urbà. Contra la descripció de l’espacialització de les classes que ja estan formades, cal explicar políticament com l’espacialització hi intervé en la lluita urbana que les fa.

Notam-se semelhanças fundamentais entre os delitos patrimoniais e os crimes de sonegação fiscal, os quais possuem dignidade penal no ordenamento jurídico nacional. Não obstante isso, ao comparar o tratamento dado a eles pelas agências formais de controle social, percebe-se uma escancarada preferência em criminalizar os autores de crimes contra o patrimônio, que são, em sua grande maioria, pertencentes às classes sociais mais pobres, enquanto se imunizam comportamentos típicos de indivíduos pertencentes às classes dominantes, como a sonegação fiscal. Nota-se que o Direito Penal, supostamente igualitário, é seletivo e discriminatório; é o Direito desigual por excelência. A teoria crítica da Criminologia, a partir do método materialista-histórico de Karl Marx, procura explicar que, em uma sociedade (capitalista) embasada fundamentalmente em relações de propriedade, a diferença de classes estrutural acaba por circunscrever a operacionalidade do sistema de justiça penal. O preconceito de classe conduz toda a seletividade do Direito Penal: as imunidades e a criminalização incidem em medida correspondente às relações de poder entre as classes sociais. Desvenda-se uma ordem legal ideológica e imaginária, fundada em conceitos de igualdade e de justiça social e projetada para legitimar a ordem vigente, em contrapartida a uma ordem real opressiva, que se dirige aos pobres, marginalizados, despossuídos e não proprietários, com uma função distinta da que prega: reproduzir as relações de desigualdade e as massas criminalizadas. A escola crítica, defronte a esse quadro e tratando-se de uma teoria comprometida com a construção de uma sociedade mais igualitária, apresenta propostas para tentar reduzir os mecanismos discriminatórios da justiça penal.
Fundamental similarities can be observed between property crimes and tax evasion, both of which having penal legitimacy in the public legal order. Notwithstanding, by comparing the treatment the official agencies of social control applied to them, it can be noticed a clearly preference to criminalize the agents of property crimes, who, in great number, belong to the poor social class, while typical conducts from high social class, as tax evasion, are immunized. It can be noticed that Criminal Law, supposedly egalitarian, is selective and discriminatory; it is the unequal Law par excellence. The critical theory of Criminology tries to explain, from Karl Marxs historical-materialist method, why in a (capitalist) society, structured mainly on properties relations, the differences between classes limit the criminal justice system operation. The class prejudice conducts the Criminal Law selectiveness: immunities and criminalization are focused correspondingly to power relations between the social classes. It can be unveiled an ideological and imaginary legal order, founded in equality and social justice, projected in order to legitimate the existing order, in contrast to an oppressive real order and directed to the poor, marginalized, dispossessed, nonproprietary, which performs in a different way of its speech: reproducing the unequal relations and the criminalized mass. The critical theory, in front of this frame, as a theory committed to the construction of a more equal society, presents proposals to try to reduce the discriminatory mechanisms of the criminal justice.

Tese no âmbito do Curso de Doutoramento em Direito, ramo de Direito Civil, apresentada à Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de Coimbra.
O presente estudo versa sobre o arresto civil, como meio de conservação da garantia patrimonial, conjugando as suas vertentes substantiva e processual. O arresto constitui um mecanismo jurídico de tutela de direitos de crédito destinado a preservar a conservar a garantia geral das obrigações; esta finalidade específica, comum a outros meios legais, é prosseguida através de uma medida jurídica preventiva que, pelos seus efeitos, assegura ao credor a possibilidade de vir a obter, no futuro, a satisfação coativa do crédito à custa da execução dos bens do devedor. O legislador concebeu esta medida sob a espécie de providência cautelar, como decisão judicial que visa acautelar o efeito útil de uma ação principal, evitando que a demora na obtenção da tutela judicial definitiva se pudesse concretizar numa lesão grave e dificilmente reparável do direito do requerente. Esta providência é tomada no âmbito de um procedimento especificado na lei, caraterizado pela urgência, sumariedade, e acessoriedade face à causa de mérito (ação declarativa ou executiva fundada no direito de crédito ameaçado), e ainda pela ausência de audiência prévia, sendo o contraditório exercido a posteriori através de recurso ou oposição. A eficácia da medida decretada fica depois dependente da sua execução, segundo as regras da penhora, traduzida na apreensão material e jurídica dos bens do devedor suficientes para segurança normal do crédito do arrestante. A natureza cautelar e conservatória do arresto concorrem para afirmar a sua excecionalidade, subsidiariedade e proporcionalidade ou adequação: a intervenção na esfera do devedor e as consequências que derivam para terceiros só se justificam em casos graves de perigo para a garantia patrimonial do crédito, na ausência de outros meios idóneos para garantia ou satisfação do crédito, e se se limitarem ao indispensável para acautelar o interesse legítimo do credor na realização coativa da prestação. O arresto de bens do devedor depende, na sua substância, de dois pressupostos obrigatórios (a provável existência do crédito e o justo receio de perda da garantia patrimonial) e de um eventual (prestação de caução adequada pelo requerente). Para obter proteção legal, o requerente deve demonstrar que é titular de um direito de crédito pecuniário (ainda que incerto, ilíquido ou inexigível) e que esse direito está em risco de se tornar incobrável pelo atraso na obtenção de título executivo judicial ou na promoção da penhora, sendo que esse perigo de frustração ou dificultação da execução por insuficiência patrimonial do devedor é objetivamente fundado, baseando-se em factos concretos que levariam a essa convicção num homem médio. Este último pressuposto é dispensado nas modalidades especiais de arresto de bens de tesoureiros, funcionários ou agentes públicos em situação de alcance, de arresto de bens do depositário e do adquirente na venda executiva, e de arresto de bens transmitidos. Se entender que é conveniente, em função das circunstâncias do caso, o tribunal impõe ainda ao requerente, como condição para o arresto, uma caução adequada ao ressarcimento dos danos do requerido. O arresto recai sobre apenas sobre os bens penhoráveis do devedor, que integram a garantia geral das obrigações, só podendo incidir sobre bens de terceiro se tais bens tiverem sido adquiridos do devedor e a transmissão tiver sido (ou vier a ser previsivelmente) impugnada em ação pauliana ou com finalidade semelhante. O objeto do arresto é sempre limitado pela proporcionalidade, cingindo-se aos bens suficientes para a segurança normal do crédito do requerente e não podendo privar o requerido e a sua família dos bens indispensáveis para uma subsistência condigna. O arresto produz efeitos jurídicos e materiais, destacando-se a apreensão material e depósito judicial dos bens arrestados, a ineficácia dos atos dispositivos dos bens arrestados quanto ao arrestante, a inoponibilidade dos atos extintivos de créditos arrestados, a sub-rogação objetiva em caso de perda, deterioração ou expropriação do bem arrestado, a legitimidade para intervir em ações judiciais relativas aos bens arrestados, e a faculdade de venda antecipada de bens arrestados. O arresto não concede ao arrestante faculdades de pagamento na distribuição do produto da venda dos bens arrestados, nem preferência nesse pagamento; mas não deixa o credor desprotegido face a execuções de terceiro sobre os mesmos bens, impondo a sua citação para requerer a suspensão da graduação de créditos até à obtenção do título executivo na causa de mérito, permitindo-lhe obter (por conversão) a posterior penhora dos bens arrestados e, com base nela, o pagamento prioritário do seu crédito na execução (após a reclamação do crédito). Além da sua extinção funcional, por conversão em penhora (que ocorre ipso iure no momento em que o arrestante adquire o título executivo judicial, embora com eficácia condicionada ao cumprimento das respetivas formalidades processuais), o arresto é suscetível de ser modificado e extinto por decisão judicial, com base em oposição do requerido (incluindo recurso), substituição por caução, embargos de terceiro, desistência do requerente, substituição e reforço dos bens arrestados, alteração das circunstâncias, ainda pela verificação de causas de caducidade especialmente previstas e causas gerais de extinção de direitos de garantia (insolvência e a revitalização do devedor, venda em execução e perda dos bens arrestados). Quando injustificado ou caduco, o arresto é um facto gerador de responsabilidade civil, impondo ao arrestante a obrigação de indemnizar os danos culposamente causados ao requerido com a sua conduta processual imprudente. A natureza jurídica do arresto é sui generis, não se identificando com uma penhora antecipada, nem com uma garantia real, nem com uma causa legítima de preferência de cariz obrigacional, conferindo ao arrestante uma posição jurídica ativa que se traduz numa expectativa real de aquisição do direito de penhora.
The present study deals with attachment, a provisional civil measure conceived to prevent the frustration of enforcement of a monetary claim, combining its substantive and procedural aspects. Attachment is a legal mechanism for safeguarding creditory rights by preserving debtor's assets for future enforcement; this specific purpose, which is common to other conservatory legal means, is pursued by a preventive measure which ensures the creditor that his monetary claim will be satisfied by enforcement on debtor’s assets seized. This instrument was conceived as a provisional measure, ordered by court to protect the effectiveness of the judicial decision that will recognize or enforce the claim, preventing the consummation of the risk of unenforceability of the claim caused by the delay in judicial protection. This measure is obtained as a result of a specified interim procedure, characterized by urgency, summary evidence, and dependency of the main action in wich the monetary claim is recognized or enforced, and also by the absence of a prior hearing of the defendant, that is heard after the decision is taken and executed by appeal or opposition. The judicial order of attachment is then executed by court, according to the legal rules of seizure in executive procedure, seizing debtor´s assets for security of the credit. The provisional and conservatory nature of this measure determines its exceptionality, subsidiarity and proportionality or adequacy: intervention in the debtor's sphere and the consequences that are derived for third parties are justified only in serious cases of danger of unenforceability of the creditory claim, in the absence of other means suitable for securing or satisfying the claim, and if they are limited to what is strictly necessary to protect the creditor's interest in the satisfaction of his credit. Attachment depends, in its substance, on two main conditions (the probable existence of the credit and the well-founded fear of practical unenforceability of the pecuniary claim) and an eventual one (adequate security by the applicant). In order to obtain legal protection, the applicant must demonstrate prima facie that he is entitled to a pecuniary claim (even if uncertain, illiquid or unenforceable), that such claim is threatened by the delay in obtaining a judicial enforcement (so that the recovery of the debt will be impossible or seriously difficult), and also that this fear is objectively founded (based on concrete facts that would lead to that conviction in an average man). This last assumption is not required in the special modalities of civil attachment, like attachment against treasurers, civil servants or public agents in reach, against the judicial depositary and the buyer in judicial sale, and against the buyer of goods. If the judge considers that it is appropriate, depending on the circumstances of the case, may also imposes on the applicant, as a condition for the attachment, adequate security for the compensation of damages caused to the defendant. Attachment shall be limited to the debtor's attachable assets (which form the general security of creditor’s rights) and may only be levied on the assets of a third party if such assets have been acquired from the debtor and if the transmission has been (or is expected to be) challenged in actio pauliana or in action with similar purpose. The object of the attachment shall be always proportional, confining itself to the assets sufficient for the normal security of the claimant's credit and without depriving the defendant and his family of the assets indispensable for a decent subsistence. Attachment produces legal and material effects, including the seizure of goods and placing them under judicial custody, the ineffectiveness relating to the applicant of the acts trough which the defendant disposes of his assets or extinguishes his creditory rights, the substitution of the lost, deteriorated or expropriated seized good for the compensatory claim or amount due by third parties, taking part in legal proceedings concerning the seized goods, and early sale of seized goods. This measure does not grant to the applicant payement in the distribution of the proceeds of seized assets by judicial sale, neither gives him the prerogative of being paid with preference (relating to other creditors), but also protects him in third party enforcement proceedings in which the attached assets are seized, imposing his summons, enabling him to suspend the executive procedures for graduation until he obtains the enforcement order and transform the attachment in seizure, and allowing him to exercise the faculties of seizure. In addition to its functional extinction, by conversion into seizure (which occurs ipso iure at the moment the applicant acquires the enforcement title, although is necessary to comply with all procedural formalities to acquire effectiveness), attachment can be modified and extinguished by decision judicial based on opposition of the defendant (including appeal), substitution by adequate security, opposition of third party, withdrawal of the applicant, replacement and reinforcement of attached assets, change of circumstances, and also based in legal causes of expiry and extinction (insolvency and revitalization of the debtor, executive sales and loss of assets). When unjustified or expired, attachment can generate civil liability (non-contractual), and the defendant may ask for a compensation for the damages caused by the applicant’s unwise conduct. The legal nature of the arrest is sui generis, and cannot be identified as a pre-seizure, a collateral security, or even a legal cause of preference in recovery of debts; this measure grants the applicant with an active position that can only be qualified as a expectation of acquisition of the right of seizure opposable to third parties.

Este trabalho foi desenvolvido no âmbito de um estágio curricular integrado no Mestrado de Marketing, pela Universidade Católica do Porto, e tem como base a análise dos serviços prestados pela AXA Portugal - Companhia de Seguros S. A., em particular do Departamento Patrimonial. A qualidade dos serviços e a sua gestão é cada vez mais um tema importante para as empresas, que requer a sua máxima atenção. Assim sendo, este trabalho oferece uma descrição e estudo dos serviços oferecidos pela AXA, incluindo as diferentes características e momentos de verdade presentes nos serviços. Paralelamente fazemos uma análise da Gestão das Reclamações do Departamento Patrimonial, com o fim de detetar as diferentes falhas que existem na prestação dos serviços do mesmo. Por fim, divulgamos um estudo comparativo como consequência da análise das reclamações, no sentido de procurar as melhores práticas do mercado relativamente às condições contratuais do ramo Multirrisco Habitação de três seguradoras distintas.
This work was developed under a internship in the Master of Marketing, given by the Catholic University of Porto, and is based on the analysis of the services provided by AXA Portugal - Companhia de Seguros SA, in particular by the Endowment Department . The quality of services and their management is an increasingly important issue for companies, that requires our full attention. Thus, this paper provides a description and study of the services offered by AXA, including different features and moments of truth present in the companies. At the same time, we make an analysis of the Asset Management Complaints Department, in order to detect the different faults that exist in the provision of services of the same. Finally, we show a comparative study as a result of analysis of complaints in seeking the best market practice to terms Branch Multi-risk housing three different insurers.

Cette thèse cherche à renouveler les cadres d’interprétation sur la conflictualité autour de la ressource en eau au Mexique, en adoptant une approche constructiviste des conflits hydriques. A travers l’analyse détaillée de deux situations de conflit sur l’eau liées à l’urbanisation dans l’Etat du Morelos, et l’étude de la façon dont les groupes mobilisés formulent le problème, nous mettons en évidence que les conflits sur l’eau n’expriment pas uniquement une demande d’accès à l’eau, mais aussi des revendications d’ordre patrimonial : les communautés paysannes se mobilisent pour préserver certains points d’eau, certaines infrastructures (réseaux d’eau, réservoirs), qui ont pour eux une signification particulière. Même si dans le Morelos, les réseaux d’eau sont le support d’une culture hydraulique singulière, le projet patrimonial ne répond pas seulement à la volonté de conserver certaines traces qui se trouvent menacées de disparition et revêt des enjeux politiques et identitaires pour les communautés agraires, qui ont subi de profonds bouleversements à la suite des réformes du statut des terres ejidales. Cependant, la dimension patrimoniale n’est pas prise en compte par les acteurs publics de l’eau, et la conflictualité reste latente
This dissertation aims at renewing interpretations on water conflicts in Mexico, by adopting a constructivist approach. Through the detailed study of two water conflicts linked to urbanization in the State of Morelos and the analysis of the way the actors formulate the problem, we show that water conflicts don’t only express demands on water access, but also patrimonial claims: peasant communities mobilize because they want to preserve some water points, some hydraulic infrastructure (water networks, water tanks) that have a special meaning for them. Although in Morelos, water networks have given rise to a specific hydraulic culture, the patrimonial project is not only linked to the will of preserving a cultural heritage that may disappear and has a political and identity relevance for peasant communities that have been deeply shaken up by the land reforms of the nineties. Nevertheless, water public actors do not take patrimonial claims into account, and conflicts are latent

This chapter reveals the deep structures of Muscovite politics by explaining first its theoretical foundations (in which written texts and symbolic representations combined to present a consistent worldview) and then its practical operations (heavily dependent on kinship, marriage and patronage networks). Though it focuses on the period from Ivan III (r. 1462–1505) to the end of the seventeenth century, the chapter ends by considering the impact of Peter I (r. 1682–1725). Change trumped continuity with regard to political culture. Yet, even as they constructed a political rhetoric and elite culture on Western models, Peter and his successors echoed traditional Muscovy in their evocations of Orthodoxy, their patronage and largesse, and their patrimonial claims to power. And they achieved time-honoured Muscovite goals by maintaining stability among factional groups, enriching their elites, expanding the Empire and presiding over dynamic economic growth.

This chapter examines whether the common law trust can be understood as a patrimony in the civilian sense. It begins with a discussion of Pierre Lepaulle's claim that the common law trust is a patrimony affected to a destination or purpose. It then considers the situation of creditors and beneficiaries in a common law trust before advancing the argument that, contrary to the position taken by Lepaulle, the common law trust is not a patrimony. It contends that only trustees have direct access to the trust assets; trust creditors, and even beneficiaries, do not. It also asserts that the essence of the common law trust lies not in any division of ownership of the trust property, but in the fact that the trust beneficiaries hold rights in the rights that the trustee holds as trust property. The chapter concludes by relating the trust institution to the idea of legal personality.

This chapter examines the importance of patrimony as an organising principle of trust in the absence of equity. The law of property in Scotland and other mixed jurisdictions is always civilian; like civil law countries, they do not have a separate system of equity, or acknowledge the distinction between legal and beneficial ownership; and yet all mixed systems have the trust. In addition to the common law trust, there is the civil law trust. Of the civil law trusts, a special place may be claimed for the Scottish trust, the oldest such trust by far and one of the most widely used in practice. The chapter first considers trusts in relation to contracts and real rights before discussing the two patrimonies of a trustee: a private patrimony and a trust patrimony. It also assesses the impact of a trustee's death on the integrity of patrimony, along with the rights of trustees and trust beneficiaries.

One of the latest transformations of Hinduism concerns the appropriation of Western New Age influences, which in the 1990s and 2000s gave rise to a burgeoning spiritual field dominated by urban middle-class Hindus. This chapter discusses its growth and fuzzy contours and analyses its rapid growth. Drawing on psychology-inspired social theory, the chapter argues that the rapid societal changes brought about by the liberalization of India’s economy created a demand for self-development techniques that facilitated adjustment to these changes, some of which were spiritualized in the guru movements that began to mushroom. Cultivating a New Age emphasis on human oneness in a country as hierarchical and multi-religious as India makes Indian New Age stand out in at least two respects. First, by the friction between oneness, class-stratified organization, and religious philanthropy, here conceptualized as ‘patrimonial oneness’. And, secondly, by its self-conscious effort to bridge religious boundaries, though religious cosmopolitanism was difficult to accomplish in practice.

This chapter talks about Richard Pipes' publication of a sweeping and influential reinterpretation of pre-Soviet Russian political culture. It analyses Pipes' central idea that Muscovite Rus´ was a patrimonial state and the tsar or great prince exercised power that is comparable to that of the possessor of dominium in Roman law. It also details how Pipes traced the growth of the actual power of the monarch and the gradual narrowing of the boundaries of possible action for all classes. The chapter explains why no class or social group was able to limit the excessive growth of royal power. It discusses the ideology of royal absolutism in Russia that was worked out by clergymen who felt that the interests of religion and church were best served by a monarchy with no limits to its power.

The Introduction defines the notion of “administrative entrepreneurship” and outlines the role the “administrative entrepreneurs” played in building the infrastructure of the early modern state, including schools. Recent historiography has tended to question the traditional image of the “absolutist” state as a powerful unified actor, stressing instead the limits of the rulers’ actual power, the role of social compromises, and the pervasiveness of unofficial clans and patronage networks that structured early modern politics in Europe and elsewhere. Scholars also emphasize the premodern, patrimonial character of bureaucracy in that era. Against this backdrop, the Introduction argues that it might have been the self-seeking projectors who drove the invention and expansion of the state as they strove to invent jobs for themselves and to promote their agendas. The chapter introduces three types of “administrative entrepreneurs”—the “experts,” the “ministers,” and the “functionaries”—and outlines their respective modes of operation.

La implementación de flipped classroom en la materia Dimensiones del Patrimonio Cultural y su intervención, ha permitido transferir determinados procesos evitables (teoría y evaluación), fuera de las clases, reservando el tiempo presencial para consolidar y poner en práctica los conocimientos adquiridos. Favoreciendo de este modo, el descubrir en el alumno una postura definida, crítica y creativa frente a la importancia de la construcción social del patrimonio y su intervención sostenible, que deberá enriquecer, cuestionar y replantear a lo largo de su formación y carrera profesional.

Esta comunicación pretende dar a conocer el archivo fotográfico Atín Aya, su proceso de inventariado y catalogación así como analizar sus principales ejes temáticos. Atín Aya documentó extensamente la realidad social de Andalucía durante el último cuarto del siglo XX, un período caracterizado por el salto a la modernidad y al concurso internacional de España: integración europea, Expo 92, Juegos Olímpicos, etc... Su legado alberga abundante documentación visual de la creación y primeros años de la autonomía andaluza, de la transformación urbanística de Sevilla con motivo de la Exposición Universal, de las políticas de preservación del patrimonio vernacular andaluz, de los avances económicos, sociales y en infraestructuras que aquella integración trajo consigo, pero al mismo tiempo, Aya supo recoger, con una extraordinaria sensibilidad y mirada antropolsu paisanajez más minoritarios, car cada vez moger a lo largo de su carreraógica, aquellas formas culturales en desaparición que el desarrollo relegaba a escenarios cada vez más minoritarios, prestando especial interés a la cultura del trabajo y a su paisanaje. Su obra nos permite dialectizar la modernidad en Andalucía con una mirada crítica, a la vez que establecer conexiones entre la función social de la práctica documental y la construcción de la democracia en nuestro país. Los fondos del archivo fotográfico Atín Aya se encontrarán disponibles próximamente en acceso abierto en www.atinaya.es facilitando así cualquier posterior trabajo de consulta o investigación sobre el mismo.