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Adam, Heribert. "Les politiques de l'identité. Nationalisme, patriotisme et multiculturalisme." Anthropologie et Sociétés 19, no. 3 (September 10, 2003): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/015371ar.
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Résumé Les politiques de l'identité Nationalisme, patriotisme et multiculturalisme Le nationalisme s'explique mieux en tant qu'ethnicité mobilisée. La mobilisation de la culture et d'une histoire communes se conjugue généralement avec une compétition économique croissante et une mobilité descendante. L'insécurité politique, l'anxiété face au statut et à l'identité individuelle se traduisent en une perte d'appartenance collective. Le nationalisme promet de restaurer la dignité et de dissiper l'humiliation. Le racisme n'est pas con-substantiel au nationalisme alors que l'ethnocentrisme et l'exclusion de l'« autre » s'accompagnent de frontières imaginaires entre « nous » et « eux ». L'article présente plusieurs théories du nationalisme, y compris les perspectives primordialistes et sociobiologiques de la solidarité ethnique. La mobilisation politique par des élites nationalistes, les causes socio-historiques de ressentiments réels ou imaginaires expliquent mieux pourquoi l'identification à un groupe prévaut dans certaines situations et l'individualisme cosmopolite dans d'autres. Le patriotisme citoyen sans égard à l'origine demeure le fondement le plus sûr à l'égalité et à la loyauté dans les États multiethniques.
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Douzet, Frédérick. "Patriotisme et nationalisme américains." Hérodote 109, no. 2 (2003): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/her.109.0037.
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Houle, François. "La communauté partagée. Patriotisme et sociétés pluralistes." Articles 20, no. 1 (November 19, 2008): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/040252ar.
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Résumé Si les revendications identitaires remettent en question l’appartenance à la nation, elles peuvent aussi contribuer à un élargissement de la culture publique commune. Dans la mesure où elle évite les écueils que constituent tant le libéralisme procédural que le nationalisme, la culture publique commune peut être le lieu d’émergence d’un patriotisme républicain moderne. Après avoir analysé la conception libérale, républicaine classique et nationaliste de la communauté, et en s’appuyant sur les travaux de Quentin Skinner et de Maurizio Viroli, l’auteur montre que le patriotisme républicain permet de concilier la liberté négative et la liberté politique, tout en faisant place au pluralisme culturel.
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Ipperciel, Donald. "Nationalisme et patriotisme de la Charte au Canada." International Journal of Canadian Studies, no. 37 (2008): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/040795ar.
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Brousseau, Anne-Marie. "Identités linguistiques, langues identitaires : synthèse." Arborescences, no. 1 (April 11, 2011): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1001938ar.
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Cet article propose une synthèse des huit articles de ce numéro, qui sont issus du colloque « Prescriptivism(e) & Patriotism(e): du nationalisme à la mondialisation » tenu à Toronto les 17-19 août 2009. Pour faire bon accueil à une diversité de lectrices et lecteurs intéressés par les études françaises, cette synthèse situe les articles dans la grande conversation sociolinguistique qui porte sur les rapports entre langue et identité. Elle définit d’abord les deux concepts qui ont inspiré ce numéro : 1) le prescriptivisme, en rapport à une série de notions qui y sont reliées (norme, surnorme, bon usage, variation linguistique, marché linguistique) ; et 2) le patriotisme, en fonction de son lien essentiel avec l’identité (construction identitaire, rapport à l’autre, attitudes linguistiques, prestige manifeste, prestige latent). Elle résume ensuite chacun des articles, regroupés en trois parties, abordant chacune une facette de la dynamique patriotisme-prescriptivisme. La première partie traite du décalage entre les normes et les usages linguistiques et la perception de ces normes et de ces usages. La deuxième partie aborde la question de la vitalité linguistique, de l’érosion linguistique, de l’aménagement des langues et de leur revitalisation. La troisième partie montre les relations intestines, parfois même symbiotiques, entre le prescriptivisme et le patriotisme.
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Courtois, Stéphane. "Le patriotisme constitutionnel de J. Habermas face au nationalisme québécois: sa portée, ses limites." Dialogue 41, no. 4 (2002): 765–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300005503.
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Il faut saluer, je pense, et avec bonheur, la partition récente de l'ouvrage Patriotisme constitutionnel et nationalisme. Sur Jürgen Habermas de Frédérick-Guillaume Dufour, un jeune auteur québécois qui semble plein de promesses. L'ouvrage s'inscrit à l'intérieur d'une vague de fond observable depuis quelques années déjà chez les chercheurs universitaires, tant au Canada qu'au Québec, qui s'intéressent de plus en plus aux travaux récents du philosophe allemand sur le droit et la démocratie délibérative, et tentent d'en tirer les implications pour l'analyse, la compréhension, voire la mise en question, aussi bien du nationalisme québécois que du nationalisme canadien. Le livre est d'autant plus pertinent qu'il n'existe pas, dans la littérature produite jusqu'ici, d'ouvrage systématique en langue française consacré à l'application des réflexions politiques de Habermas à la situation canadienne et québécoise. Il s'agit là, sauf erreur, du premier ouvrage d'une certaine ampleur consacré à la question.
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Gagnon, Hervé. "Divertissement et patriotisme : la genèse des musées d’histoire à Montréal au XIXe siècle." Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 48, no. 3 (August 26, 2008): 317–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/305348ar.
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RÉSUMÉ Cette recherche propose une nouvelle source d'information concernant l'étude du discours historique au Québec au XIXe siècle. Les musées d'histoire montréalais sont, en effet, influencés par les grands courants historiques de l'époque. On retrouve, d'une part, une muséologie du divertissement à vocation commerciale où l'histoire, principalement axée sur la Nouvelle-France, est présentée de façon héroïque et hagiographique. C'est le cas de l'Eden Musée and Wonderland et du Musée Lasalle. D'autre part, la muséologie savante de l'histoire véhicule les idéologies des groupes qui ont créé ces musées. Selon qu'il s'agisse du musée de l'Institut canadien ou du Château Ramezay, créé par la Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Montreal, le discours historique trahit l'influence du radicalisme canadien-français ou d'un nationalisme à teneur pan-canadienne.
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Dumas, Denis. "Patriotisme constitutionnel et nationalisme. Sur Jürgen Habermas, Frédérick-Guillaume Dufour, Montréal, Éditions Liber, 2001, 230 p." Politique et Sociétés 22, no. 1 (2003): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006588ar.
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Dariyo, Agoes. "Peran Pengasuhan Otoritatif Terhadap Patriotisme Remaja: Dengan Mediator Kepuasan Hidup Dan Nasionalisme." Jurnal Ketahanan Nasional 24, no. 3 (November 28, 2018): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jkn.38715.
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ABSTRACTThis study aimed to found out the authoritative parenting role of parents to developed adolescent nationalism and patriotism in the framework of national resilience. Quantitative research by taking data using a Likert scale measuring instrument in the form of questionnaires, namely authoritative parenting, life-satisfaction, nationalism and patriotism. The subjects involved in this study amounted to 186 adolescents (male = 99 and female = 87 female, with an average age of 18.1 years). Furthermore, the collected data were analyzed using statistical tests, namely logarithmic non-linear regression. The results showed that (a) parents' authoritative parenting played a significant role in developing adolescent nationalism and patriotism in the framework of achieving national resilience, (b) authoritative parenting parents played a significant role in achieving teen life satisfaction so that they also developed nationalism and patriotism in the framework of national resilience, (c) youth realized that the state hadfacilitated its citizens to had jobs so that parents were able to meet the needs of life for teenagers. Thus, they as teenagers were aware of being citizens who had nationalism and patriotism in their lives. ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan mengetahui peran pengasuhan otoritatif orangtua untuk menumbuhkembangkan sikap nasionalismedan patriotisme remaja dalam kerangka ketahanan nasional.Penelitian bersifat kuantitatif dengan pengambilan data menggunakan alat ukur skala Likert berupa kuesioner yaitu pola asuh otoritatif, kepuasan hidup, nasionalisme dan patriotisme. Subjek yang terlibat dalam penelitian ini berjumlah 186 remaja (laki-laki = 99 orang dan perempuan = 87 perempuan, dengan rerata usia 18,1 tahun). Selanjutnya, data yang terkumpul dianalisis dengan menggunakan uji statistik yaitu regresi non-linear logaritmik.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (a) pola asuh otoritatif orangtuaberperan secara signifikan dalam menumbuh-kembangkan sikap nasionalisme dan patriotismeremaja dalam kerangka mencapai ketahanan nasional, (b) pola asuh otoritatif orangtua berperan secara signifikan dalam mencapai kepuasan hidup remaja sehingga mereka pun akan menumbuhkembangkan sikap nasionalismedan patriotisme dalam kerangka ketahanan nasional, (c) remaja menyadari bahwa negara telah memfasilitasi warganya untuk memiliki pekerjaan sehingga orangtua mampu memenuhi kebutuhan hidup bagi anak remaja. Dengan demikian, mereka sebagai remaja sadar untuk menjadi warga-negara yang memiliki sikap nasionalisme dan patriotisme dalam hidupnya.
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Daillet, Hélène. "De la suite du Mystère de la charité au Porche du mystère de la deuxième vertu de Charles Péguy: nationalisme ou patriotisme?" Les Lettres Romanes 51, no. 1-2 (February 1997): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.llr.4.00957.
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Gries, Peter Hays, Qingmin Zhang, H. Michael Crowson, and Huajian Cai. "Patriotism, Nationalism and China's US Policy: Structures and Consequences of Chinese National Identity." China Quarterly 205 (March 2011): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010001360.
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AbstractWhat is the nature of Chinese patriotism and nationalism, how does it differ from American patriotism and nationalism, and what impact do they have on Chinese foreign policy attitudes? To explore the structure and consequences of Chinese national identity, three surveys were conducted in China and the US in the spring and summer of 2009. While patriotism and nationalism were empirically similar in the US, they were highly distinct in China, with patriotism aligning with a benign internationalism and nationalism with a more malign blind patriotism. Chinese patriotism/internationalism, furthermore, had no impact on perceived US threats or US policy preferences, while nationalism did. The role of nationalist historical beliefs in structures of Chinese national identity was also explored, as well as the consequences of historical beliefs for the perception of US military and humiliation threats.
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Sinkkonen, Elina. "Nationalism, Patriotism and Foreign Policy Attitudes among Chinese University Students." China Quarterly 216 (November 7, 2013): 1045–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013001094.
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AbstractDoes empirical evidence support treating “nationalism” and “patriotism” as separate concepts in China and is there a relationship between strong nationalist/patriotic attitudes and foreign policy preferences? To analyse the construction of Chinese national identity, Chinese university students (N = 1346) took part in a survey in Beijing in spring 2007. The data supported the assumption of a conceptual separation between nationalism and patriotism. CCP members and students from rural backgrounds were more nationalistic than non-members and students with urban upbringings. Moreover, nationalism had a stronger link to foreign policy preferences than patriotism, and respondents with a greater degree of nationalism were less likely to favour international cooperation and more likely to prefer protectionist policies. The associations of nationalism and patriotism with foreign policy attitudes, and the contribution of other potential explanatory factors to the relationship between nationalism, patriotism and policy attitudes were explored with linear regression models.
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Constant, Marie-Hélène, and Caroline Loranger. "Un nationalisme tourné vers l’Amérique et les colonies : l’exportation du « Roman canadien » des Éditions Édouard Garand." Papers of The Bibliographical Society of Canada 55, no. 2 (February 13, 2019): 309–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/pbsc.v55i2.32289.
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En 1923, Édouard Garand fonde à Montréal une maison d’édition destinée à promouvoir la littérature canadienne au sein de la classe populaire et francophone à travers le pays. Gérard Malchelosse, membre du comité éditorial, dira à propos des visées de l’entreprise qu’elle promeut «une édition canadienne de Romans canadiens, écrits pour des Canadiens par des Canadiens et imprimés au Canada par des Canadiens. C’est une entreprise nationale destinée à fournir un stimulant de patriotisme, tout en aidant les auteurs de chez nous en propageant leurs ouvrages». Bien que cet ancrage résolument nationaliste pourrait laisser croire que les Éditions Édouard Garand s’adressent exclusivement à un public local, l’étude de la distribution de la collection « Le Roman canadien » nous informe sur ses réseaux commerciaux de distribution particulièrement étendus : au premier temps de ce rayonnement extérieur se trouvent les villes des colonies françaises et britanniques, ainsi que l’Amérique, depuis New York jusqu’à Buenos Aires.
L’article propose d’étudier ces réseaux en regard de leurs positionnements coloniaux, politiques et marchands, tout en mettant en contexte ce rayonnement par rapport aux activités d’exportation de livres canadiens de l’époque. L’étude des documents du Fonds Édouard-Garand (Université de Montréal) permet de constater la mise en place de deux réseaux distincts. Dès 1926, on annonce que les Romans canadiens sont vendus dans des points de dépôt en France, en Grande-Bretagne, mais aussi, de manière plus surprenante, à Saigon, à Alger et au Cap. L’éditeur semble alors exploiter les réseaux marchands de comptoirs coloniaux français et britanniques pour participer à la diffusion, au sein de différentes librairies francophones, de la littérature canadienne outremer. Puis, à partir de 1944, alors que la France est encore sous l’Occupation, Montréal devient la plaque tournante de l’édition francophone mondiale, et Garand en profite pour ouvrir de nouveaux réseaux de distribution vers l’Amérique latine, convoquant un ensemble de relations diplomatiques et politiques canadiennes. L’éditeur cible alors notamment les dépositaires en Argentine, au Chili, en Colombie, à Cuba et au Pérou, par le biais des représentants commerciaux et des fonctionnaires du Ministère des Affaires extérieures du Canada. Cette entreprise ne vise toutefois pas, chez l’éditeur, une inscription dans des réseaux d’échanges intellectuels et culturels suivant l’axe nord-sud, étudiés notamment par Michel Lacroix et Michel Nareau. Résolument commercial, le système mis en place par Édouard Garand touche moins l’économie du savoir que la mise en marché de produits littéraires.
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Aryal, Manish. "Neo-Nationalism: A Tool for National Integrity." Unity Journal 2 (August 3, 2021): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38821.
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An ever-growing trend of radical rightist parties has brought newer dynamics to world politics. Neo-nationalism has further substantiated national integrity for changing the socio-cultural, economic and political landscape brought by globalization during the 1980s. The paper intends to analyze the concept of neo-nationalism. The paper explores this concept through an intensive study of the origin and background of neonationalism. In the paper, a study is conducted on the use of national integrity and patriotism to implement the concept of neo-nationalism in those countries. The major precautions in adopting the neo-nationalism concept are discussed in the project. A deep study is undertaken to investigate reasons that have led the world on a modern neo-nationalist order are discussed. Four peculiar reasons, in particular, the oil crisis, the collapse of the USSR and 9/11, financial and refugee crisis, and new nationalists focusing on national integrity have remained key contributors to the formation of the neo-nationalist society in the modern world. The paper studies all the reasons in depth and analyzes the key factors which might determine the new world order. The paper also uses two contemporary examples of Scotland and Western Europe to study the effects of neo-nationalism. A proper comprehensive study is done to recognize the concept of neo-nationalism and its effect on societies. The positive and negative effects are expanded to formulate a better cohesive study. Neo-nationalism is found to be a double-edged sword with monumental benefits and drawbacks. Its concept must be adopted with proper care and precaution so that major extremity groups wouldn’t be formulated.
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Glassford, John. "Orwell's ‘Barbarous’ Patriotism." Scottish Affairs 25, no. 3 (August 2016): 372–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2016.0140.
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It is not always clear what the well-spring of patriotic feeling might be, and ‘patriots’ often have difficulty articulating the origins of their passion, though sources are seldom mysterious. In this article, it is suggested that George Orwell was one such example. With the Lacanian proposition that the unconscious is structured like a language as a default position, it is evident that Orwell's texts on nationalism, patriotism, and education clearly exhibit confusion. More specifically, it is when Orwell tries to disentangle ‘Englishness’ from ‘Scottishness’ that we see that despite his apparent sophistication as a journalist and propagandist, his account of Englishness is little more than patriarchal, nationalist chauvinism of the kind he claimed to despise. The attentive reader can see it in his texts, but he was blind to the contradiction.
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Zafi, Ashif Az. "VALUE OF NATIONALISM ACTIVIST ROHIS." Jurnal MUDARRISUNA: Media Kajian Pendidikan Agama Islam 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jm.v9i2.4713.
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Having a Nationalism Value is a duty for every citizen. In other words, it is an unconditional value. At the same time, the issue of racial disunity has been grown lately. This issue is related to religion. Most compelling evidence, high school student’s Nationalism Value moreover theirs who follow spiritual organization has been descending due to the incorporation between religion and nationality. The scope of this field research is within SMA Negeri 1 Purworejo. Qualitative analysis method supported by descriptive statistical data is being used in this study. As a result, this research found that Nationalism Value can be instilled through classroom learning, recitation and activities in the spiritual program. The value of Unity and Patriotism, which constitutes for Nationalism Value, is invested through verbal and non verbal communication. For this reason, Islamic religion teacher is the most crucial agent in instilling Nationalism Values to spiritual activists. In the event that 57% of students have a high Unity Value and 68% of students have high Patriotism Value, henceforth the Nationalism's Value of spiritual activists tends to be high.
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Ismail, Mohammad A,. "Analyzing the Rise of Right-Wing Nationalism and Its Impact on US Foreign Policy." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 3, 2018): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i1.12507.
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The new regime after the 2016 General Election and its advisors are working to establish a white nationalist government in the United States. If their efforts are fruitful, the US and the world as a whole face an unpredictable future. However, a small degree of optimism exists as the process of regime transformation is in its formative phase and the consequences are yet to become apparent. Comprehending the foundation of this precarious course can contribute to the formulation of measures that can facilitate resistance to it, and promote the path to a progressive future. It is widely acknowledged that the rise of right-wing nationalism is not restricted in the US alone. Instead, nations such as Britain, Poland, and Russia have seen an emergence of politics centered on Conservative populism. The core premises of these Right-Wing movements underscore the importance of patriotism, take advantage of the public’s reservations about minority races and denominations. Additionally, White nationalists are convinced that they can resolve existing economic challenges.This paper focuses on how Right-wing nationalists infiltrated mainstream American politics to facilitate the election of an individual who subscribes to their principles in Donald Trump. In this case, the essay details the core factors that contributed to the rise of Conservative nationalists in the country. Furthermore, the essay assesses how Trump's White nationalist background is influencing his and the US' foreign policy. In this context, the paper explores Donald Trump’s behavior on the international stage and his interactions with other world leaders. The paper concludes that Trump’s White nationalist agenda is focused on altering the US foreign policy such that it promotes the Right-wing populism in Europe and supports despots in other parts of the world who can enter bilateral agreements that seek to advance US interests abroad.
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Rerup, Lorenz. "Grundtvig and the 19th Century." Grundtvig-Studier 44, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v44i1.16095.
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Grundtvig og nationalismen i det 19. århundredeAf Lorenz RerupArtiklen beskæftiger sig med Grundtvigs folkelighedsbegreb i sammenh.ng med fremkomsten af nationalismen i Europa i det 18. og 19. århundrede. Grundtvig opførte sig ved visse lejligheder som en nationalist af den type, man almindeligvis tager afstand fra. Men Grundtvigs opførsel kan altid forklares ud fra det danske riges tilstand i de situationer, hvor Grundtvig udtalte sig nationalistisk.Dette eksemplificeres med truslen om adskillelse mellem Danmark og Norge under Napoleonskrigene i 1813, den slesvig-holstenske krig i 1848 og sejren ved Isted i 1850 - situationer, hvor Grundtvig lod Danmark repræsentere Gud og retfærdighed eller lod en dansk sejr være baggrund for Danmarks ret til Slesvig. Grundtvig fremtræder her som en tidstypisk nationalist, og ikke mindst de nutidige begivenheder i eksempelvis det tidligere Jugoslavien går det naturligt for mennesker, der lever i dag, at tage afstand fra denne form for nationalisme. Men vi finder i Grundtvigs forfatterskab også en anden form for nationalisme, udviklet især i sammenh.ng med den danske, nationale bevægelse i Slesvig. Grundtvig følger i udviklingen af denne form for nationalisme Herder, der havde peget på den ulærde jævne mand, modersmålet og undervisning på modersmålet som bærer af, hvad Herder kalder 'Volksgeist' og Grundtvig folke.nd. For Herder repræsenterer de gudgivne kultur-og sprogfællesskaber mere end datidens dynastiske statsdannelser forskellige sider af den humanitet, der udgør historiens ml. Herders tanker blev i tiden efter den franske revolution en inspirationskilde for ikke mindst de mange ikke-tyske folkeslag i det habsburgske rige, idet disse folkeslag lærte at værdsætte deres nationale egenart og sprog. Men i de følgende årtier ændredes Herders ideer. Ideen om de ulærde mennesker som bærere af national identitet svækkedes, og den tyske idealisme i Fichtes skikkelse indordnede den Herderske tanke om et folks særpræg i en tolkning af historien som en fortsat vakst i dannelse, hvor et folks uddannede elite fremstår som bærere af folkeånden. Fichtes tanker inspirerede det 19. århundredes nationalisme. Således opfattede de danske og tyske nationalliberale sig som bærere og igangsættere af den nationale vækkelse, der følger på fremkomsten af ideen om nationalitet. En tretrinsmodel kan opstilles som gældende for nationalismens udvikling inden for de europæiske nationer: A) fremkomsten af nationalitetsideen i lærde kredse, B) en periode med patriotisk agitation og C) fremkomsten af en national massebevægelse. I de små nationer - hermed menes ikke blot kvantitativt sm., men nationer, der styres udefra - forløb udviklingen anderledes end i de store, politisk selvstændige nationer, hvor nationalitetsideen blev et redskab for tredjestandens kamp for indflydelse, for liberalisering og modernisering. Andre problemer end national selvstændighed læstes i de store nationer gennem nationalitetsideen: i Tyskland stod kampen for politisk enhed, i Danmark problemet med oplysningen af monarkiet i centrum. De store nationer havde institutioner og traditioner, sprog, litteratur og een institutionaliseret historie. Beklageligvis kunne de store nationers moderniseringsproces da også. f.re til undertrykkelse af minoriteter, til germanisering eller fordanskning. Men dette billede skal selvfølgelig suppleres af det faktum, at danskerne i hertugdømmet Slesvig hører til de sm. nationer. I kraft af forbundetheden med det tyske hertugdømme Slesvig trængte tysk sprog i perioden fra det 13. til det 19. århundrede ind i det oprindeligt danske Slesvig som administrationssprog og elitesprog og i de sydlige egne skolesprog og kirkesprog. I det tidlige 19. århundrede vågnede en national bevægelse, der fulgte den ovennævnte tretrinsmodel for fremkomsten af en nationalistisk bevægelse, således som det er tilfældet med udviklingen af det danske sprog.Den tyske, nationale bevægelse havde en elitær tendens, hvorimod den danske bevægelse udviklede sig i demokratisk retning, dels fordi den sigtede mod den brede befolkning af dansktalende binder og samarbejdede med den danske nationalliberale bevægelse, dels fordi den stod under Grundtvigs indflydelse.Grundtvigs discipel Christian Flor hyldede den grundtvigske, Herder-inspirerede tanke om, at de mennesker, der ikke havde været udsat for en latinsk, dvs. fremmed uddannelse, er bærere af folkeånden. Dette gav almindelige mennesker en enestående stilling i den nationale vækkelse. To tiår senere aflæstes den ældre nationalliberale nationalisme i kongeriget Danmark af denne strømning, der repræsenterer den emanciperende art af nationalisme og først og fremmest spredtes gennem højskolebevægelsen, der gav den danske bondebefolkning en stærk følelse af selvrespekt. Denne form for nationalisme er ikke enerådende i Danmark, og den skal ikke fremhæves som finere end den almindelige europæiske nationalisme. Men den kan - som det også ses af den danske politik overfor Færøerne og Island - ikke bruges til undertrykkelse af andre folk. Den kan derfor bruges i nutidens Europa som model for en ikke-undertrykkende nationalisme, og den minder os om, at moderne samfunds kulturelle rammeværks politiske og sociale kultur ikke kan adskilles fra national ideologi. Derfor er det bedre at modernisere de nationale ideologier, dvs. dreje nationalismen i en folkelig retning fremfor at undertrykke den.
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Ramme, Jennifer. "Framing Solidarity. Feminist Patriots Opposing the Far Right in Contemporary Poland." Open Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0040.
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Abstract Due to the attempts to restrict the abortion law in Poland in 2016, we could observe a new broad-based feminist movement emerge. This successful movement became known worldwide through the Black Protests and the massive Polish Women’s Strike that took place in October 2016. While this new movement is impressive in its scope and can be described as one of the most successful opposition movements to the ethno-nationalist right wing and fundamentalist Catholicism, it also deploys a patriotic rhetoric and makes use of national symbols and categories of belonging. Feminism and nationalism in Poland are usually described as in opposition, although that relationship is much more complex and changing. Over decades, a general shift towards right-wing nationalism in Poland has occurred, which, in various ways, has also affected feminist actors and (counter)discourses. It seems that patriotism is used to combat nationalism, which has proved to be a successful strategy. Taking the example of feminist mobilizations and movements in Poland, this paper discusses the (im)possible link between patriotism, nationalism and feminism in order to ask what it means for feminist politics and female solidarity when belonging is framed in different ways.
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Mestvirishvili, Maia. "Attitudinal modalities of citizenship representation styles in Georgia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 10, no. 2 (July 2019): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366519840165.
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This study investigates citizenship representation styles and their compositional modalities in contemporary Georgia. The article starts with a discussion of legal, social, and political influences that shaped conceptions of citizenship in post-Soviet countries, including Georgia. The study presents the results of a survey of 700 students from 10 universities in Georgia. They completed questionnaires exploring citizenship styles and associated predictor variables. The study suggests that a cultural citizenship style is dominant among Georgian students. It is best predicted by the level of national identification, followed by patriotism, nationalism, in-group attitudes, and religious orthodoxy. The data also show the opposing roles of nationalism and patriotism on ethnic and civic citizenship styles. The article argues that a cultural citizenship representation style could be the compromise solution in the ethnic versus civic citizenship dichotomy and might be more appropriate for societies characterized by ethno-nationalist tendencies.
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Wijayanto J., Rahmat, and Marzuki Marzuki. "PENDIDIKAN BELA NEGARA SEBAGAI TONGGAK PERADABAN JIWA PATRIOTISME GENERASI MUDA." Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewarganegaraan 3, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um019v3i2p186-191.
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The purpose of this study was to provide an overview of state defense education carried out in Titian Teras H. Abdurrahman Sayoeti Jambi Senior High School through civic education and special curriculum. State defense education that is implemented in the school is carried out to shape the spirit and spirit of patriotime of students or young people in the face of the times and globaliza- tion. This study uses a qualitative approach. Data was obtained through interviews, and observa- tions of teachers and students from Titian Teras H. Abdurrahaman Sayoeti Jambi Senior High School. The results showed that the state defense education implemented in Titian Teras H. Abdurrahman Sayoeti Jambi Senior High School had a function in growing and strengthening the values of patrotism in students. Education defends the country teaches about love for the homeland, the spirit of struggle, nationalism, patriotism and excellent physical endurance. The material provided in- cludes insight into nationalism, line marching, time discipline, long march and leadership. Thus education in defense of the state has a positive contribution in shaping students who have a spirit of patriotism from an early age.
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Wandycz, Piotr. "Nationalism and Patriotism." Dialogue and Universalism 16, no. 1 (2006): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du2006161/284.
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Lukacs, John. "Patriotism versus Nationalism." Chesterton Review 31, no. 1 (2005): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2005311/285.
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Ipperciel, Donald. "Where did Trudeau go wrong? On the Question of Nationalism and Charter Patriotism in Canada." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9jh37.
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In an attempt to overcome national rival- ries, many will invoke the idea of constitutional patriotism. This idea, which serves as a collec- tive cement, is conceived as a rational commit- ment and loyalty towards the democratic and universal principles of liberal constitutions. The universalism of constitutional principles serves as a shield against national particular- isms. Indeed, this was precisely the intention of Jürgen Habermas, one of the most famous advocates of constitutional patriotism. With this political idea, Habermas set out to defeat Teutonic nationalism and its antimodern and chauvinistic manifestations. If nationalist pas- sions can be subdued, it would be with the help of such a “postnational” attitude.
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Lobera, Josep. "Migrants and 'Patria'. The imagined community of the radical left in Spain." Teknokultura. Revista de Cultura Digital y Movimientos Sociales 17, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/tekn.66912.
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The emergence of inclusive populist parties disputes the social construction of the ‘people’ to the exclusive populism, recently generating new academic debates. Do the new radical left parties have a nationalist character? Are populism and nationalism two inseparable dimensions? Drawing on an original dataset in Spain, this article shows that Podemos’ supporters are significantly less nationalist, expressing more open attitudes towards cultural diversity and immigration, and lower levels of Spanishness than voters from other parties. Arguably, Podemos operates as an antagonistic political option to the traditional positions of the populist radical right (PRR), building an inclusive imagined community around a type of constitutional patriotism or republican populism. These findings contribute to the scholar debate on the relationship of nationalism and populism, bringing to discussion the core values of the supporters of a populist party as a complementary element to its categorization.
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Caballero, Carlo. "Patriotism or Nationalism? Fauré and the Great War." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 3 (1999): 593–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831793.
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Even though Gabriel Fauré's contemporaries championed his music as quintessentially French, Fauré distanced himself from policies of national exclusion in art, and his own construction of French musical style was cosmopolitan. This essay summarizes Fauré's political choices during the Great War, explains his motives, and indicates how some of his decisions affected French musical life. Fauré's outspoken preface to Georges Jean-Aubry's La Musique française d'aujourd'hui provides one key to the composer's position. Jean-Aubry, following Debussy, reckoned as authentically French only musical styles attached to pre-Revolutionary traditions. Fauré felt that such a narrow characterization of French music falsified the diversity of the historical record. His preface therefore takes issue with Jean-Aubry's book and insists that German composers had played an irrefutable role in the formation of modern French music. We may understand Fauré's-and other composers'-wartime decisions in terms of a distinction between patriotism and nationalism. Composers such as Fauré, Bruneau, and Ravel emerge as patriots. Debussy, who sought to purify French music of foreign contamination, emerges as a nationalist. Both nationalism and patriotism call on collective memory and experience, but nationalism exercises its power protectively and tends toward exclusion, while patriotism, favoring political over ethnic determination, tends toward inclusion. Fauré's patriotism emerges through the evidence of the preface; charitable activities; his refusal to sign a French declaration calling for a ban on contemporary German and Austrian music; and his attempt to unite the Société Nationale and the Société Musicale Indépendante. Fauré's wartime music, in contrast to his writings and activities, evades connections with historical events and raises methodological questions about perceived relations between political belief and artistic expression.
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Palaver, Wolfgang. "Collective Identity and Christianity: Europe between Nationalism and an Open Patriotism." Religions 12, no. 5 (May 12, 2021): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050339.
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Times of crisis push human beings, a clannish creature, to retreat into closed societies. Anthropologically, this can be explained with concepts such as pseudospeciation, group narcissism, or parochial altruism. Politically, the preference for closed societies results in our modern world in nationalism or imperialism. Henri Bergson’s distinction between static and dynamic religion shows which type of religion promotes such tendencies of closure and which type can facilitate the path toward open society. Bergson rejected nationalism and imperialism and opted for an open patriotism with its special relation to dynamic religion. Dynamic religion relativizes political institutions such as the state and results today in an option for civil society as the proper space where religions can and must contribute to its ethical development. It aligns more easily with a counter-state nationhood than with a state-framed nationalism. Whereas Bergson saw in Christianity the culmination of dynamic religion, a closer look shows that it can be found in all post-Axial religions. Martin Buber, Mohandas Gandhi, Leo Tolstoy, Abul Kalam Azad, and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan exemplify this claim. After World War II, Catholic thinkers such as Jacques Maritain or Robert Schuman by partly following Bergson chose patriotism over nationalism and helped to create the European Union. Today, however, a growing nationalism in Europe forces religious communities to strengthen dynamic religion in their own traditions to contribute to a social culture that helps to overcome nationalist closures. The final part provides a positive example by referring to the fraternal Catholic modernity as it culminates today in Pope Francis’ call for fraternity and his polyhedric model of globalization that connects local identity with universal concerns.
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Gao, Shuang. "Multilingualism and good citizenship: The making of language celebrities in Chinese media." Multilingua 37, no. 6 (October 25, 2018): 541–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/multi-2017-0106.
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Abstract This paper examines language ideologies underlying the media representation of Chinese citizens speaking multiple foreign languages. It argues that a figure of good citizenship is being articulated via valorization of multilingual competence that is grounded both in the newly cherished moral values of neoliberal globalization – entrepreneurship, reflexivity and flexibility – and in the traditional moral values of patriotism and contribution to society. Such configuration of citizenship departs from the nationalist monoglot language ideology, and yet demonstrates a flexible nationalism that links multilingual competence to personal welfare and social harmony. This study shows the importance of paying attention to the dynamic interplay between social class, nationalism, and neoliberal globalization in our analysis of language and citizenship.
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James, Malcolm, and Sivamohan Valluvan. "Coronavirus Conjuncture: Nationalism and Pandemic States." Sociology 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1238–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038520969114.
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Writing from Britain in the month of May 2020, this essay draws the multiple and conflicting alignments of the Covid-19 moment into conjunctural relief. It seeks to understand how prominent trends of welfarism, collectivism and capitalism are being reorganised across a Left–Right spectrum and to specifically situate nationalism in this general political flux. Focusing on Britain, the essay will explore how an otherwise unsettled ruling Right is reviving a nationalist political imagination through a pandemic consciousness – with an emphasis on the politics of bordering, the spectre of China, reheated civic patriotism, a poetics of survival and melancholic whiteness. The essay will however also speculate about the limits to nationalism amid the imperatives of global pandemics.
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Wahyudi, Winarto Eka. "Internalisasi Nasionalisme Melalui Pendidikan Islam : Analisa Pemikiran Kh Saifuddin Zuhri." AKADEMIKA 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30736/akademika.v9i1.78.
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The spirit of nationalism today is in need of serious attention. Because, today there have been many groups disturbing the tranquility and harmony of the Unitary State of Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). Ironically, these groups tend to use (Islamic) religious ideologies and symbols to justify their movements. Thus, it is important to internalize the spirit of patriotism in education by re-actualizing the KH Saifuddin Zuhri's thought about nationalism.
In this study, the writer uses a library research with a qualitative method approach, in order to uncover and describe in depth the KH Saifuddin Zuhri's idea of nationalism in which its relevance to our times needs to be taken into account. Thus, the writer needs to create a focus of research namely; 1) what is the concept of nationalism in the perspective of KH Saifuddin Zuhri? 2) what is the genealogy of KH Saifuddin Zuhri's idea of nationalism and its implementation at that time? 3) what is the relevance of KH Saifuddin Zuhri's thought to education at the present?
This study could obtain some important findings namely; 1) that the religious values become an absolute element in fueling the spirit of patriotism, so that the pattern of KH Saifuddin Zuhri's nationalism could be categorized religious nationalism, 2) The KH Saifuddin Zuhri's idea of nationalism could successfully be implemented through 5 forms, namely; Islamic, culture, democracy, education and politics. 3) The KH Saifuddin Zuhri's idea of nationalism is clearly in line with the grounding of curriculum used in the so-called K-13, namely the cultural character that is carried in the national education as well as the same spirit on the importance of education orientation aimed at producing nationalist learners through the goals of curriculum and education. The strategy of implementation is by reconstructing education on the aspects of policy (regulatory) and teaching (instructional)
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Zhao, Suisheng. "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.
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The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.
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Sheng, Michael. "Marxism? Nationalism? or Patriotism?" Diplomatic History 21, no. 4 (October 1997): 631–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-7709.00091.
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Doob, Leonard W. "Cypriot Patriotism and Nationalism." Journal of Conflict Resolution 30, no. 2 (June 1986): 383–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002786030002008.
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Grigoryev, Dmitry S. "From patriotism to political totalitarianism: the role of collective narcissism." National Psychological Journal 40, no. 4 (2020): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.11621/npj.2020.0404.
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Background. Patriotic education is carried out in many countries, being an integral part of the process of socialization of the younger generation. At the same time, patriotism is often used by autocracies to maintain power and total state control over all aspects of public and private life. What is the socio-psychological aspect of this possible transformation? Objective. The aim of the study was to test the model of the relationship between patriotism, nationalism, rightwing authoritarianism and political totalitarianism, as well as to examine the role of collective narcissism in these relationships. We hypothesized that patriotism is not directly related to totalitarianism, this connection is mediated by nationalism and right-wing authoritarianism, while patriotism and nationalism are connected only under the condition of a high level of collective narcissism (i.e., collective narcissism demonstrates the effect of moderation). Design. The study of the role of collective narcissism in the relationship between patriotism, nationalism, rightwing authoritarianism and political totalitarianism was carried out in 2018 on a gender-balanced sample of residents of Russia (N — 232) aged 16 to 61 (M — 28.5; SD — 10.2). Reliable and valid tools were used for measurements: cultural patriotism and nationalism (Grigoryan 2013; Grigoryan, Lepshokova, 2012), collective narcissism (Golec de Zavala et al., 2009), right-wing authoritarianism (Bizumic, Duckitt, 2018). A cross-sectional single-sample correlation design was applied using data from a socio-psychological survey. The data was collected in 2018 through an online survey conducted by an independent commercial research company as a result of a survey of their own panel of respondents. The survey was conducted using various Likert scales. All scales that had not previously been translated into Russian were adapted by double translation and cognitive interviews using the “think-aloud” technique (Batkhina, Grigoryev, 2019). Results. The hypotheses that were put forward were confirmed. It was found that (1) patriotism is not directly related to totalitarianism: nationalism and authoritarianism mediated the relationship between patriotism and totalitarianism, and nationalism mediated the relationship between patriotism and authoritarianism; (2) patriotism is positively associated with nationalism only if the level of collective narcissism is high; (3) nationalism is positively associated with authoritarianism and totalitarianism, and authoritarianism with totalitarianism. Conclusions. Collective narcissism may reflect the process of compensating for low self-esteem and lack of control over their lives in people, and generate belief in an exalted image of the in-group and its right to special recognition. Subsequently, this helps to use patriotism as a basis for supporting political totalitarianism. Nationalism and authoritarianism can carry an instrumental function in this process acting as certain strategies for the implementation of the motivational orientation set by collective narcissism.
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Indra, Ristapawa, and Martin Kustati. "The Students’ Knowledge, Attitudes, and Behavior in Learning History at Pesantren Buya Hamka." Madania: Jurnal Kajian Keislaman 24, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29300/madania.v24i1.3084.
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This study aims to determine the implementation stage of history learning process for students at the Pesantren Buya Hamka; the stages of knowledge, attitudes, and behavior of students regarding nationalism and patriotism; and the correlation of leadership variables, school climate, teacher performance, and pesantren culture to history learning and also to students’ knowledge, attitudes, and behavior regarding nationalism and patriotism. This study also aims to find out the significant influence of historical learning variables on knowledge, knowledge variables on attitudes and attitudes on students’ behavior. This study combines survey research quantitative approach with descriptive, correlation, and regression methods. The results show there is a significant correlation between independent variables with historical learning variables and student knowledge variables about nationalism and patriotism. Meanwhile, there is no significant correlation between independent variables and student behavior variables. The results also show only the history of learning variables among the five independent variables that significantly influence the knowledge of nationalism and student patriotism. Student knowledge variables about nationalism and patriotism partially also affect changes in student attitudes, while changes in student attitudes do not affect linearly on changes in student behavior.
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Lune, Howard. "The Test: Ritual as a Framing Device in the Construction of Cultural Nationalism." Irish Journal of Sociology 23, no. 2 (November 2015): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.23.2.2.
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Organised movements that challenge a government must construct and frame their own visions of the nation that legitimate their challenge. To do so, they may attempt to mobilise a cultural nationalism to supersede dominant political nationalisms. An alternative cultural nationalism can appeal to patriotism while undermining the legitimacy of a standing government. Such work is subtle, particularly when direct challenges to authority are proscribed by law. Organisational rituals of belonging are powerful tools in this process. Ritual repetition of key framing ideas can unite members around the cultural construct of the movement without directly addressing their targets. This paper examines the organisation of the Society of United Irishmen (1791–98) and their use of a membership ‘test’ ritual. The test epitomised the primary work of the society which entailed the construction of a new vision of Irish nationalism. As the Society transitioned from its rhetorical function to organising an actual rising against British rule, the Society's test and related rituals changed to reflect this shift. While the rising itself failed, the cultural construct endured.
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Rerup, Lorenz. "Grundtvigs indflydelse på den tidlige danske nationalisme." Grundtvig-Studier 43, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v43i1.16073.
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Grundtvig’s Position in Early Danish NationalismBy Lorenz RerupThe article deals with Grundtvig’s important position in Early Danish nationalism, i.e., in the decades from about 1800 to 1830. The background is the Danish Monarchy from the prosperous years at the turn of the century to the disastrous war 1807-1814, the loss of Norway in 1814, and the following needy postwar time. After 1814 the Danish Monarchy consisted of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, the North-Atlantic Islands (the Faeroes and Greenland) and some minor colonies. The ideology which integrated the higher ranks of these heterogeneous ethnic groups of the Monarchy into one society was a patriotism underlining peace and order in the realm, the importance of just government and - before 1807 - the protection provided by the Danish navy.The patriotism of the Monarchy was compatible with various feelings of identity which bred in different parts of it from about 1750. The Danes, living in an old kingdom, equipped with a written language, with a complete educational system, and with a history of their own, of course, had a feeling of a Danish identiy, as the German speaking population of the Duchies had a corresponding feeling of an identity of their own. Clashes of these different identities might happen but were not connected with political ideas. The state was run by the king, not by the people, and a public opinion about politics was not allowed - and was almost non-existent - before the announcement of the Advisory Estates Assemblies in 1831. Now nationalism spread and soon undermined the supranational Monarchy, which finally disintegrated in 1864.However, in the first decades of the 18th century and influenced by the ideas of Romanticism a few poets, first of all Grundtvig, developed a literary national movement without political aims. In the writings of these poets the Danes - the whole people - have a real chance to make history if they abandon their superficial life and revive the virtues and piety of the great periods in Danish history. Like political nationalists these poets propagate this kind of revival. Their attempt failed. People were still divided into a ’high’ and a ’broad’ culture and some decades had to pass until the latter one felt the need of an ideology in order to be integrated into society. Nevertheless, Grundtvig seems to be a kind of link between the patriotic ideology of the 18th and the political nationalism of the 19th century.
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Subaryana, Subaryana. "THE IMPACT OF HISTORY LEARNING TO NATIONALISM AND PATRIOTISM ATTITUDES IN THE GLOBALISATION ERA." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v13i2.7697.
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Globalization is a process of interdependence almost in all life dimension of nations-state relationship and trans-national relations. In this case, it is not only capital, knowledge and technology but also social, political and cultural values of another country such as materialism, hedonism, individualism and pragmatism, have come to Indonesia, and influenced Indonesian people expecially teenagers. Recently, we can feel the national degradation that can be seen from the fading away the senses of nationalism and patriotism. Therefore, its efforts are needed to encourage the nationalism and patriotism character built up among the youth. One of the encouragement can be done through an effective history lesson. It isn’t intended to the understanding of history lesson as a process of entrophy but in this case the history lesson must be viewed as a progresive lesson and has a future view. So nationalism hoped here is not jenggoism or chauvinism but it is humanist nationalism, and not blind patriotism but it is constructive patriotism.
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de Wit, Theo W. A. "“Belonging to a Homeland in Order to not Need it Anymore”." Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation in Contemporary Society 5, no. 2 (January 21, 2020): 331–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23642807-00502004.
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Abstract In his book After Europe, the Bulgarian political theorist Ivan Krastev observes the ‘free fall’ of the dominant grand narrative in Europe after 1989, Fukuyama’s idea of the ‘End of history’. If we want to understand why we must pay attention both to the ‘periphery’ of this narrative, as well as to the periphery of Europe, where the recent movement of migration in the refugee crisis is experienced from a nationalist déjà vu mindset and not welcomed, we have to rethink the phenomenon of nationalism and patriotism, and the difference between the two. After a short phenomenology of the diverse combinations of ‘love’ (among other meanings the love for my patria) and ‘justice’, the author concludes that a strict separation of patriotism and nationalism is hardly possible. And even more fundamental, there will always be a tension between love and justice or, in philosophical terms, between the particular and the universal. Following Krastev, the autor holds that the contemporary rise of populist movements and of ‘illiberal democracy’ points to the crisis of a meritocratic idea of liberal democracy. One longs for a form of belonging that is not the result of our performance but that is unconditional, as Jean Améry argued in his reflections on the meanings of a homeland (Heimat).
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Møller, Bjarke. "En ny kosmopolitisk patriotisme." Udenrigs, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/udenrigs.v0i2.119573.
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Det kosmopolitiske demokrati kan blive realpolitik, når det går op for europæerne, at nationalismens territoriale tænkning igen og igen ender i afmægtighed og hjælpeløshed over for de globale udfordringer.
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Reznikova, Nataliia, Volodymyr Panchenko, and Olena Bulatova. "THE POLICY OF ECONOMIC NATIONALISM: FROM ORIGINS TO NEW VARIATIONS OF ECONOMIC PATRIOTISM." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 4, no. 4 (September 2018): 274–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2018-4-4-274-281.
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The purpose of the paper is to analyse the fundamental principles of the policy of economic nationalism and economic patriotism, its origins, intentions and mechanisms of implementation. The analysis of selected theories allowed for outlining the most essential characteristics, along with identifying the ones laying the fundament for economic nationalism. The main purposes of the policy of economic nationalism and economic patriotism have a similarity: in spite of the common adjective “economic”, they have always gone beyond the boundaries of economic regulation, being a response on “political order” of the time. 21 century offers a lot of evidence to confirm the above thesis. Elements of the economic nationalism in the economic patriotism policy have been demanded by state power officials as a kind of response on the awareness of market failure in striking a new balance in the conditions of the imbalanced global economy, with the growing competition and the shrinking global trade. Methodology. There is a need to reconsider the origins of economic nationalism by making an analysis of the concepts of nationalism, represented by four paradigms: modernism, primordialism, constructivism and perennialism. Results. Use of the term “economic patriotism”, contrary to “economic nationalism” or “neo-mercantilism”, gives vivid evidence of different sources for patriotic intervention in the economy. While the instruments of conservative economic patriotism include classical protectionist measures (in full conformity with the ideology of economic nationalism) aimed at domestic protection for further expansion, and the capacities of protective regionalism are used (when it is pursued by regional associations that have a supranational regulatory body), liberal economic patriotism is implemented by the use of neo-protectionism instruments that are not confined to regulation of foreign trade, but focused on stimulation of economic activities by the use of capacities of internal demand and stimuli to supranational industry (which should not be confused with the industrial sector). Practical implications. The analysis of the essential meaning of the concepts of “economic nationalism” and “economic patriotism” by many classification criteria enables to argue that these categories have a high potential of solidarity. The analysis gives grounds for practical conclusion that economic nationalism meant to form a powerful state that sets up economic priorities and pursues the respective economic policy. According to economic nationalism, the market cannot be self-regulated; moreover, because powerful economies “regulate” the global market for their own advantage, a national state needs to correct market relations. Value/originality. Therefore, economic nationalism can be understood not only in its essential meaning but in its political context as well. Independence as a political goal needs to be distinguished from self-sufficiency as a by-product of policy focused on other objectives. Thus, tariff protection for some industries, introduced to hide political intentions to cut high competitive imports from a country of their origin, will enhance the country’ independence in a direct way. But autarchy is not a direct goal of the tariff protection policy. We determined that liberal economic patriotism is a response to deformation of the classical credo of liberalism “laissez-faire”.
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Zenoozian, Mostafa Samiee, Davood Esfehanian, Hosein Aliyari, and Assadallah Salehi Panahi. "Archaism and Nationalism of the Principles of Political Identity of Pahlavi I." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 6 (July 31, 2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n6p81.
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<p>Nationalism was the main axes of the first Pahlavi era that was followed by using the Persian language and ethnicity, paying attention to the historical past and relying on the antiquity were of its manifestations the result of which was crystallized in the homeland patriotism. In this age of homeland, close bond component was king worship and archaism. Reza Shah's government, by leading the intellectuals sought to replace Imperial ideology of nationalism with the Iranian and Islamic culture and rests the legitimacy of his regime on it. One of the features and characteristics of the Pahlavi regime was the emphasis on the idea of nationalist glory and honor of the Zoroastrian religion of pre-Islamic Iran and the Persian language worshiped by that time.This article aims at the crystallization phenomenon of nationalism and ancient Persian language and ethnicity importance of convergence in the approach of the Iranian (Aryan era) in the first Pahlavi era and investigated the implications and intentions of the founders approach.</p>
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Torre, Domenico. "Islam, Impero ottomano e nazionalismo nell’opera di Muṣṭafà Kāmil. Un equilibrio impossibile." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 36–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340138.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the complex balance between nationalist tendencies and loyalty to the Ottoman Empire in the works of the Egyptian politician Muṣṭafà Kāmil (1874-1908). More specifically, this analysis tries to understand how the young author, despite the controversial aspects of his experience as activist, managed to establish one of the most powerful theories in early Egyptian nationalism. Islam and patriotism, Western influences and chauvinism—all these elements blended together in a totally new approach to that debate on communal identity which involved the Arab world from the last decades of 19th century, modifying also the political vocabulary used by Egypt’s intellectual elites.
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Machida, Satoshi. "National sentiments and citizens’ attitudes in Japan toward the use of force against China." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 1 (July 24, 2016): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116657899.
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This study examines the relationship between national sentiments and citizens’ attitudes in Japan toward the use of force against China. More specifically, the present research explores how patriotism and nationalism influence citizens’ opinions of using force in defending the Senkaku Islands. Since nationalism entails a sense of superiority to other states while patriotism does not, it is possible to hypothesize that it is nationalism, rather than patriotism, that critically boosts citizens’ support for a more hawkish option. The statistical analyses relying on the survey data in Japan verify this proposition. By dissecting the delicate relationship between national sentiments and citizens’ attitudes toward the use of force, this study significantly advances our understanding of Sino-Japanese relations, thus providing critical implications that are highly relevant in the region.
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Wallace, Jeremy L., and Jessica Chen Weiss. "The Political Geography of Nationalist Protest in China: Cities and the 2012 Anti-Japanese Protests." China Quarterly 222 (June 2015): 403–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741015000417.
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AbstractWhy do some Chinese cities take part in waves of nationalist protest but not others? Nationalist protest remains an important but understudied topic within the study of contentious politics in China, particularly at the subnational level. Relative to other protests, nationalist mobilization is more clustered in time and geographically widespread, uniting citizens in different cities against a common target. Although the literature has debated the degree of state-led and grassroots influence on Chinese nationalism, we argue that it is important to consider both the propensity of citizens to mobilize and local government fears of instability. Analysing an original dataset of 377 anti-Japanese protests across 208 of 287 Chinese prefectural cities, we find that both state-led patriotism and the availability of collective action resources were positively associated with nationalist protest, particularly “biographically available” populations of students and migrants. In addition, the government's role was not monolithically facilitative. Fears of social unrest shaped the local political opportunity structure, with anti-Japanese protests less likely in cities with larger populations of unemployed college graduates and ethnic minorities and more likely in cities with established leaders.
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Rajilun, Mus. "The Use of Local Character's Biography to Build Nationalism and Patriotism." International Journal Pedagogy of Social Studies 4, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/ijposs.v4i1.15975.
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Nationalism and patriotism are two of the required characters which must be owned by individual or individual as a part of a society. Nowadays, there is an undeniable fact that our children, especially those in the junior and senior high schools, love more foreign characters (idols and heroes) rather than loving their national characters that fought for this land, Indonesia. There are many ways to teach history in order to build nationalism and patriotism characters of the students. One of the ways is by using biography. By involving 41 students of social science and 2 history teachers in a senior high school, this natural inquiry study shows that the biography of local character (local hero) can build the students’ nationalism and patriotism with some noticeable challenges in the practice.
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Ariely, Gal. "Globalization, immigration and national identity: How the level of globalization affects the relations between nationalism, constructive patriotism and attitudes toward immigrants?" Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 15, no. 4 (December 19, 2011): 539–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430211430518.
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Arguing that globalization is an important factor in shaping intergroup relations, this paper examines its impact on xenophobic attitudes towards immigrants and on the relationship between nationalism, constructive patriotism, and xenophobia. While multilevel analysis of data from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity II (2003) across 31 countries indicates no direct effect of globalization on xenophobia, the relationship between nationalism, constructive patriotism, and xenophobia does appear to be affected. The negative relationship between constructive patriotism and xenophobia is obtained in countries with higher levels of globalization, and the positive relationship between nationalism and xenophobia is also stronger in such countries. A comparison of globalization and economic explanations for xenophobia indicates the unique effect of globalization. The common economic explanations of xenophobia are discussed in light of these findings.
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Wang, Jiayu. "Representing Chinese nationalism/patriotism through President Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” Discourse." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 6 (June 12, 2017): 830–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.16028.wan.
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Abstract This paper analyzes the Chinese nationalism or patriotism embodied in Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” discourse. It first reviews the “typological tradition” of categorizing nationalism into different types, for instance, banal, hot and cultural nationalism. Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” discourse goes beyond the explanation of these distinct types of nationalism. Instead, it embodies a “hybrid” type of nationalism/patriotism that is at once banal, state, cultural, and “de-banalized”. This study adopts a dialectical-relational perspective by viewing the “Chinese Dream” discourse as representations of social practices through which politicians utilize a wide range of discursive resources including thematic, evaluative and cultural representations to evoke the imagination of a common identity in support of their governance. Through the analysis, this study advocates a holistic view of nationalism in real political practices; it also focuses on how nationalism is evoked and propagated through the integration of various discursive resources embodying a hybrid type of nationalism.
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Ličen, Simon. "Influence of hosting a major sports event on patriotic attitudes: The EuroBasket 2013 competition in Slovenia." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 54, no. 3 (July 27, 2017): 361–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690217722116.
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Countries with short histories of nationhood often resort to sport to (re-)invent a national identity. This study uses the nationalizing nationalism and social identity frameworks to examine whether hosting a major event such as the European basketball championship for men influenced national identification in Slovenia. Readers of the Slovenian public service website were surveyed at three points in time to determine changes in patriotism, nationalism, internationalism, and smugness in relation to the EuroBasket 2013. Results indicate the almost complete absence of influence on the population as a whole. Nationalistic attitudes did not change after the event based on the respondents’ gender and physical activity levels, and only high school graduates displayed an increase in smugness in the week following the competition. Significant differences were found with regard to live and televisual exposure to the event as spectators scored significantly higher on patriotism, nationalism (only TV viewers), and smugness, but not internationalism scales. While hosting this tournament did not contribute to nationalizing nationalism or nation-building, despite the national government’s assertion otherwise, even moderate exposure to it fed patriotism. Links between sport events and nationalistic attitudes are discussed in further detail and should inform researchers of sport events and patriotism especially in new democracies.
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Mazurkiewicz, Michał Maurycy. "Między patriotyzmem i nacjonalizmem na tle popnacjonalizmu w muzyce rockowej." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 48 (August 2, 2016): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2016.014.
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Between patriotism and nationalism: pop-nationalism in rock musicThis article addresses issues which can be seen in the manifestation of ethno-nationalism in rock music. Concepts of nationalism and patriotism are illustrated by references to the literature on the subject. Polish national ideology is formed, for example, on a pragmatic concept of nationalism. A new direction in this work is an examination of pop-nationalism of rock music on the example of the Polish band “Horytnica”. Między patriotyzmem i nacjonalizmem na tle popnacjonalizmu w muzyce rockowejW artykule zajmuję się problematyką popnacjonalizmu przejawiającą się w muzyce rockowej. Ze względu na złożoność pojęć nacjonalizmu i patriotyzmu przytaczam interesujące nas tu opinie na ten temat w literaturze przedmiotu. Pojęcie nacjonalizmu ustalam pragmatycznie na przykładzie deklaracji ideowych polskich organizacji narodowych. Novum w niniejszej pracy stanowi problem popnacjonalizmu w muzyce rockowej, przedstawiony na przykładzie twórczości zespołu „Horytnica”, odwołującej się do wspomnianych idei.