Academic literature on the topic 'Patronage, Political'

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Journal articles on the topic "Patronage, Political"

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Prayetno, Prayetno, Windawati Pinem, Muhammad Iqbal, and Taufiq Ramadhan. "Patronase Politik dalam Konsep Kewarganegaraan di Pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah Medan." Jurnal Kewarganegaraan 20, no. 2 (September 30, 2023): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/jk.v20i2.44552.

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AbstractThis study aims to see political patronage in the concept of citizenship in the Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah Medan pesantren. Pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah is one of the modern pesantren that has kiai as an important figure. However, the relationship between kiai and santri tends to be emotional, cultural, and forms patronage. Kiai is a patron who has power and influence. While santri is a client group that has a sami'na wa atho'na attitude. This patronage is not only in religious matters but also in political matters. Referring to the concept of citizenship, the patronage established between Kiai and Santri is considered contrary to democratic principles. This is because the political behaviour of students is still influenced by kiai figures. The research method used is descriptive qualitative with an ethnographic approach. Primary data is deep interviews. While secondary data is sourced from books and journals. Data collection techniques were carried out by observation, interviews and FGDs. While the data validation technique uses the triangulation method. The results of the study found that political patronage in the Ponpes Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah took the form of half-hearted political patronage. The obedience of santri to kiai is limited to religious matters only, not in political matters.-------------------AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat patronase politik dalam konsep kewarganegaraan di pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah Medan. Pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah merupakan salah satu pesantren modern yang memiliki kiai sebagai figur penting. Akan tetapi hubungan yang terjalin antara kiai dan santri cenderung bersifat emosional kultural dan membentuk patronase. Kiai merupakan patron yang memiliki power dan pengaruh. Sedangkan santri adalah kelompok client yang memiliki sikap sami’na wa atho’na. Patronase ini tidak hanya dalam urusan agama saja, melainkan juga dalam persoalan politik. Merujuk pada konsep kewarganegaraan, patronase yang terjalin antara kiai dan santri dianggap berlawanan dengan prinsip demokrasi. Hal ini dikarenakan perilaku politik santri masih dipengaruhi oleh figure kiai. Adapun metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan etnografi. Data primer berupa deep interview. Sedangkan data sekunder bersumber dari buku dan jurnal. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan observasi, wawancara dan FGD. Sedangkan teknik validasi data menggunakan metode triangulasi. Adapun hasil penelitian ditemukan bahwa patronase politik di ponpes Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah berbentuk patronase politik setengah hati. Kepatuhan santri kepada kiai terbatas hanya dalam persoalan agama saja tidak dalam urusan politik.
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Titeca, Kristof. "Political Patronage and Political Values: The Developmental Role of Political Patronage and its Impact on Shaping Political Values in Rural Uganda." Afrika Focus 19, no. 1-2 (February 15, 2006): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0190102003.

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Political patronage and political values: The developmental role of political patronage and its impact on shaping political values in rural Uganda. This article points out the importance of neo-patrimonial theories in understanding local socio-political dynamics. Through the analysis of a case study in Western Uganda, it is firstly shown how within 'formal' state institutions, there is an 'informal' logic of competing political camps. These political camps, and their subsidiary networks of political patronage, have adverse effects for development. Secondly, this system has a profound impact on how people perceive the service-delivery functions of the state: people on the ground do not expect the state to be there for everyone, but only for the people of their 'political camp' or network. Also the role of the state is seen as strongly personalised, as the 'big men' are perceived to have taken over the service provision activities of the state.
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Sholdice, Mark. "“Patronage, like Hamlet’s ghost will not down!”." Ontario History 106, no. 2 (July 25, 2018): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050693ar.

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This article examines the issue of political patronage during the tenure of the United Farmers of Ontario (UFO)-Independent Labor Party (ILP) coalition government in Ontario, which held office between 1919 and 1923. The reform of political patronage became the focus of profound controversy during the UFO-ILP government because of an unresolved contradiction between the inequality inherent in the practice, and the importance of patronage to the agrarian community. Politically motivated appointments were not just result of simple hypocrisy but came about because of the government’s desire to include greater numbers of farmers and workers in the province’s political system.
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Motswaledi, Thabang, and Jonathan Oshupeng Maseng. "Examining the impact of political patronage on the efficacy of SAA in executing its mandate." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 13, no. 2 (April 3, 2024): 239–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v13i2.3178.

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Political interference has been one of the leading factors in inhibiting state-owned entities reach their mandates. Through political patronage, political elites are the gateway to the SOE's thus impacting the efficacy of most state-owned entities. In this regard, South African Airways (SAA) is also one of the entities in the grip of corruption due to political patronage. Therefore, this political patronage has been the difference between the efficacy of SAA in executing its mandate. SAA has been taking center stage due to corruption, maladministration, and failure to execute its mandate as a result of political interference as well as patronage. This paper reviews existing literature on the effect of political patronage on the efficacy of SAA in executing its mandate. In doing so, the paper employed qualitative techniques. Document analysis was utilized to understand the effect of political patronage on SAA's ability to execute its mandate. Eventually, the paper discovered that political patronage affects the ability of SAA to execute its mandate. The paper then closes by making recommending mechanisms for inhibiting political interference in SOE most specifically SAA.
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Baum, Christopher F., Mustafa Caglayan, Dorothea Schäfer, and Oleksandr Talavera. "Political patronage in Ukrainian banking." Economics of Transition 16, no. 3 (July 2008): 537–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0351.2008.00331.x.

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Istan, Muhammad, and Kamaludin Kamaludin. "Political Patronage on Capital Structure in Indonesia." GATR Journal of Finance and Banking Review 4, no. 3 (December 23, 2019): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/jfbr.2019.4.3(2).

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Objective – The purpose of this research is to test the theory of capital structure by determining whether the relationship is affected by Political Patronage. The study will examine political support, capital structure and financial performance of the company. Methodology/Technique – The data in this research is in the form of financial ratios displayed in the financial report of each company listed from 2010 to 2016. The sample was selected using purposive sampling with as many as 70 companies indicated to have political support. The data was analysed using regression analysis. Findings – The results show that Political Patronage has an influence on capital structure and political Patronage has a weak effect on financial performance. Type of Paper: Empirical Keywords: Political Patronage; Capital Structure; Financial Performance. Reference to this paper should be made as follows: Istan, M; Kamaludin. 2019. Political Patronage on Capital Structure in Indonesia, J. Fin. Bank. Review 4 (3): 89 – 97 https://doi.org/10.35609/jfbr.2019.4.3(2) JEL Classification: G30, G32, G39.
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Santiago Pajajoy, Manuel José, Paula Andrea Mora Pedreros, and Héctor Alfredo Betancur Giraldo. "Aciertos, retos, debilidades y cuestionamientos que surgen en torno a la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz, una reflexión jurídico-educativa. [Successes, challenges, weaknesses and questions that arise around the Special Jurisdiction for Peace]." Revista Logos Ciencia & Tecnología 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22335/rlct.v11i1.610.

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El gobierno escolar es una actividad formal que se realiza anualmente en la educación básica como estrategia pedagógica de formación y convivencia democrática con la participación de niños y adolescentes. Se analiza la elección de personeros estudiantiles, actividad anual de participación democrática para toda la comunidad educativa, mostrando cómo pueden deformarse los ámbitos de participación y formación política, reproduciendo prácticas de corrupción y de patronageo y sus consecuencias para la formación ciudadana. Se destaca, además, la importancia del involucramiento familiar en diálogo con el sistema escolar. Palabras clave: Gobierno escolar, personeros escolares, patronageo, pedagogía política Abstract The government school is a formal activity that takes place annually in basic education as a pedagogical strategy of training and democratic coexistence with the participation of children and young people. Discusses the election of student representatives, annual activity of democratic participation for the entire educational community, showing how can deform the fields of participation and political formation, playing corrupt practices and patronage and its consequences for the citizen formation. It further emphasizes the importance of family involvement in dialogue with the school system. Keywords: Government school, school leaders, patronage, political pedagogy ResumoO grêmio estudantil é uma atividade formal que é desenvolvida anualmente no ensino básico como estratégia pedagógica de formação e convivência democrática com a participação de crianças e adolescentes. Analisa se a eleição de representantes estudantis, atividade de participação democrática de toda a comunidade educativa, indicando como as áreas de participação e formação politica podem ser distorcidas, reproduzindo praticas de corrupção e patronageo e suas consequências para a instrução cidadã. Destaca-se, também, a importância do envolvimento familiar no diálogo com o sistema escolar. Palavras-chave: grêmio estudantil, representantes estudantis, patronageo, pedagogia politica
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Arriola, Leonardo R. "Patronage and Political Stability in Africa." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 10 (February 27, 2009): 1339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009332126.

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Political conflict across Africa is often linked to the pervasive use of patronage in retaining control of the state. However, few sources of data have been available to systematically examine the relationship between a leader’s patronage strategies and the likelihood of an extraconstitutional change in power. This article employs ministerial appointments to the cabinet as a proxy for changes in the size of a leader’s patronage coalition. With time-series cross-section data on 40 African countries, this study shows that the size of cabinets varies systematically according to regime type, resource constraints, ethnic fractionalization, and total population. It then shows that African leaders extend their tenure in office by expanding their patronage coalition through cabinet appointments. A proportional hazards model of regime duration indicates that cabinet expansion lowers the probability of a leader’s being deposed through a coup. The appointment of one additional minister to the cabinet lowers a leader’s coup risk by a greater extent than does a 1-percentage-point increase in economic growth.
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Handoko, Priyo, Elva Imeldatur Rohmah, and Anis Farida. "The Practice of Patronage in Elections And Its Implications for Democratic Credibility in Indonesia." al-Daulah Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2023): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2023.13.1.137-158.

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Patronage in Indonesian elections often occurs, especially among political elites and legislative candidates. It may be due to the need for candidates to gain votes and support from the public, and the practice of patronage is considered effective in achieving this goal. The study aims to identify voter patronage practices and measure the impact of patronage practices on the credibility of democracy in Indonesia. This research is qualitative, and data is obtained through document analysis and related literature. Election patronage practices can take many forms, ranging from money or goods to voters, unrealistic political promises, to employing positions or powers to influence voter decisions. The study found that patronage practices can significantly impact the credibility of democracies, thus disrupting democratic processes and affecting the quality of elections in Indonesia. The approach can undermine democratic principles that are supposed to be based on free and fair participation and competitive competition based on political ideas and visions. When elections were influenced by material benefits rather than political views, the public felt that elections no longer represented their aspirations and interests, resulting in dubious legitimacy over the elected government. Therefore, efforts are needed to combat patronage practices in general elections in Indonesia. This can be done through implementing strict regulations related to campaign funding and political practices, education and political literacy for the public, strict law enforcement for patronage practices, and improving the general election system to make it more transparent and accountable
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Kopecký, Petr, and Gerardo Scherlis. "Party Patronage in Contemporary Europe." European Review 16, no. 3 (July 2008): 355–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000306.

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Party patronage is generally associated with social, economic and political underdevelopment, and is hence seen as largely irrelevant in the context of contemporary European politics. In this article, we argue to the contrary, proposing that patronage reappears on the stage of European politics as a critical organizational and governmental resource employed by political parties to enhance their standing as semi-state agencies of government. In order to illustrate our main contention, we first define party patronage, disentangling it from other notions of political particularism that are often used synonymously in the literature. Second, we provide a brief overview of the literature on the past and present of patronage practices in Europe, arguing that rather than declining, patronage is still likely to be a relevant feature of contemporary party politics in Europe. Finally, we analyse the role of party patronage in the light of recent developments in several European countries, identifying three distinct patterns of patronage practices in the region.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Patronage, Political"

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Shepherd, Mark Duncan. "Charles I and the distribution of political patronage." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367828.

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QUARESIMA, FEDERICO. "The economics of politics: politicians, firms and patronage." Doctoral thesis, Università Politecnica delle Marche, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11566/245478.

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La presente tesi di dottorato, dal titolo "The Economics of Politics: Politicians, Firms and Patronage", esamina le opzioni di uscita dei parlamentari, in un contesto teorico elettorale maggioritario, in cui il parlamentare eletto decide la sua carriera futura in merito al suo comportamento di fedeltà al partito che lo ha selezionato, o al distretto che lo ha eletto, in virtù delle exit strategies che ha disposizione, tra le quali figura anche una nomina come membro del CdA di una azienda a partecipazione pubblica. Data nomina rientra in quello che nella letteratura scientifica di scienza politica viene definito resource patronage. La tesi si struttura su tre capitoli, il primo dei quali di rassegna nel quale si riconnettono principalmente tre filoni di letteratura. Il primo filone riguarda il fenomeno della privatizzazione delle aziende pubbliche in un’ottica di political economy, dove cioè il processo di ridimensionamento del settore statale è studiato nei suoi risvolti di consenso elettorale, mantenimento di rendite da parte del ceto politico e mantenimento del controllo politico delle aziende parzialmente privatizzate. Questo primo filone, dove si riscontra il potere di nomina da parte dei partiti come uno dei principali canali di influenza delle aziende in esame, fornisce lo spunto per l’analisi del secondo, il quale descrive quelli che sono i risultati della ricerca ottenuti fino ad oggi in tema di resource patronage. Viene qui approfondito il ruolo delle nomine politiche effettuate dai partiti per gli organi direzionali di aziende a partecipazione pubblica ed enti pubblici in generale. Il principale ruolo risulta essere quello di facilitare dinamiche di controllo e di premialità nei confronti di singoli politici da parte dei partiti. L’ultimo filone di ricerca considerato è quello della selezione politica effettuata dai partiti politici in senso stretto e viene proposto considerando come le dinamiche dei primi due possano influenzare tale processo di selezione, alla luce della possibilità di patronage, normalmente non considerata nei tradizionali modelli presenti in letteratura. Nel secondo capitolo si stima empiricamente un modello probabilistico circa la possibilità dei parlamentari italiani di essere nominati in un Cda di aziende a partecipazione pubblica. I dataset su cui si basa detto modello sono due: il primo gentilmente concesso dalla Fondazione Rodolfo De Benedetti, il secondo personalmente costruito tramite l’archivio online della Camera di Commercio. Il modello include, oltre alle principali variabili politiche di cui a disposizione, alcune variabili di controllo, socio-economiche, dei parlamentari. I risultati empirici, basati su specificazioni lineari e non lineari, dimostrano una conferma di dinamiche di premialità e controllo nei confronti dei parlamentari attraverso il resource patronage, che potrebbero quindi influenzare la selezione dei candidati nelle future elezioni politiche: questa interpretazione è basata sulla significatività del risultato elettorale e del tasso di fedeltà al partito dei singoli parlamentari presi in esame. In particolare infatti, emerge come vengano premiati coloro tra i parlamentari che manifestano una maggiore lealtà nei confronti del partito di appartenenza e che sperimentano una sconfitta alle elezioni nazionali susseguenti o un ritiro dalla carriera politica. Nel terzo capitolo si delinea un attinente modello teorico generale che vede tre attori coinvolti: il partito, il parlamentare eletto e il distretto di appartenenza di quest’ultimo. Definite le regole decisionali ottimizzanti per i tre attori il modello descrive le dinamiche che potrebbero guidare il fenomeno del patronage, con particolare riguardo verso i career concerns dei parlamentari eletti. Dapprima viene assunta l’automatica ricandidatura dei parlamentari in carica da parte dei partiti, mentre successivamente il modello descrive le medesime dinamiche in assenza di questa assunzione. I risultati analitici aprono più spunti di riflessione di dette dinamiche, con alcune conclusioni prevedibili mentre altre meno.
This PhD Thesis, entitled "The Economics of politics: Politicians, Firms and Patronage", examines parliamentarians exit options, in a majoritarian electoral system, where the elected member of parliament decides his future career considering how much it would be valuable his loyalty to the party, which has selected him as a candidate, or to his electoral district, which has effectively elected him, in terms of possible available exit strategies in case of not reelection. These exit strategies include also an appointment to a private-public enterprise board of directors. This opportunity is what in political science literature is defined as resource patronage. The thesis includes three chapters, the first of which is a review of three related fields of literature.The first area of interest concerns the phenomenon of the privatization of the public companies in a political economy perspective, that is where the process of downsizing the state sector is analyzed considering the electoral consensus and the possible rents deriving from the enduring political control of partly privatized companies. The first literature branch, where it is stressed the relevance of the parties appointment authority as one of the main channels through which parties influence private-public firms administration, provides the starting point for the analysis of the second one, which describes the results, currently available in literature, in terms of resource patronage. Here it is examined in depth the role of political appointments to private-public enterprises (and public firms) management and boards of directors. The main purpose of political appointments is facilitating parties controlling and rewarding opportunities towards their own members of parliament. The last paragraph of the chapter reports articles regarding the political selection in a strict sense and it has been inserted considering how patronage dynamics could influence the entire candidates selection process made by parties. In the second chapter I estimate an empirical probabilistic model regarding italian members of parliament opportunities about being appointed to private-public enterprises boards of governors. The datasets used are two: the first, kindly provided by the Rodolfo De Benedetti Foundation, the second, personally compiled thanks to the online archive of the italian Chamber of Commerce. The model includes, in addition to the main available individual political variables, some individual socioeconomic control variables. The empirical results , based on linear and non linear econometric specifications, show how rewarding and controlling dynamics could be at stake through resource patronage: in particular, it is worth emphasizing the statistical significance of the parliamentarians’ electoral result at next elections and their party loyalty rate. Indeed, the members of parliament awarded with an appointment are those who lose the next electoral race or who retire from the political arena, and who show a greater party loyalty when voting acts in parliament. In the third chapter it is described a related theoretical model where three players are involved: the party, the member of parliament and the district (voters). Once players’ utility functions are laid down, the model describes how their optimization process could influence the political selection, also considering a patronage opportunity, both for the party and the parliamentarian. In a first version of the model it is assumed a strong incumbency advantage hypothesis according to which the party always grants his incumbent the candidacy for the next term election, and then the assumption is relaxed.
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Warner, Mark William. "The Montagu Earls of Salisbury circa 1300-1428 : a study in warfare, politics & political culture." Thesis, University of London, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338981.

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DE, VITIS MICHELE GIULIO. "Party patronage in parliament: the Italian experience." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201106.

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Party patronage is a recent notion in the literature. Often confused with clientelism, corruption and other distributive practices, it has to do with the cartel party (ideal) type and the party-state relationships, providing new and alternative resource for the parties. Defined as the power of party to appoint people in public and semi-public life, patronage also occurs in parliamentary arena, far from the governmental sphere within the bureaucracy and the public administration. This dissertation aims at investigating parliamentary patronage as a job distributive process, individuating the factors that shape this exchange relationship between collective and individual patrons and clients. The empirical research focused on the Italian experience finds that parliamentary patronage works both as an organizational and post-electoral resource. From the qualitative survey addressed through conversational interviews to more than sixty parliamentary patrons and organizers in the last two terms, three main trends emerge: when patrons are represented by collective bodies as the parliamentary group, party networks and allegiance matter -though not excessively- in the distribution of patronage resources, but combined with professional criteria, especially at top level; when individual patrons hold internal institutional offices and distribute jobs related to that office, they are likely to look more at personal networks in selecting their ‘clients’; the control function of patronage, stressed in previous studies about the phenomenon, fades making room for organizational and functional patronage.
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Chidambaram, Soundarya. "Welfare, Patronage, and the Rise Of Hindu Nationalism in India's Urban Slums." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1325189441.

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MacDonald, Deanna. "Margaret of Austria and Brou : Habsburg political patronage in Savoy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0001/MQ43908.pdf.

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Williams, Abigail. "Whig literary culture : poetry, politics, and patronage, 1678-1714." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339967.

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Papaioannou, Georgios. "Essays on contemporary patronage, public administration, and reform." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22839/.

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McDonald, Janice R. (Janice Ruta) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Women and the appointment process in Canada." Ottawa, 1992.

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Haigh, Jane Galblum. "Political Power, Patronage, and Protection Rackets: Con Men and Political Corruption in Denver 1889-1894." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195958.

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This work will explore the interconnections between political power and the various forms of corruption endemic in Denver in the late 19th century placing municipal corruption and election fraud into the larger political, economic, social and cultural framework. Municipal political corruption in Denver operated through a series of relationships tying together, the city police, political factions, utility and industrial leaders, con men, gamblers, protection rackets and the election of U.S. Senators. This work will explore not only the operational ties, but also how these ties served all parties, and the discourse used to rationalize the behavior and distribute blame. The dates for this study are bracketed by two significant events: a mayoral election and trial in 1889-1890, and the City Hall War in the spring of 1894. Each of these events represents a point when a rupture in the tight net of political control sparked a battle for hegemony with a concomitant turn to corruption and election fraud on the part of competing political factions. The level of municipal corruption in Denver was not necessarily unusual; however, the extent of the documentation enables a detailed analysis. Denver newspapers blamed the corruption on an unspecified "gang" and a shadowy "machine." The editors railed against the scourge of con men, and simultaneously used the ubiquitous fraud as a metaphor for trickery and corruption of all kinds. This detailed analysis reveals a more complex series of events through which a cabal of business and industry leaders seized control of both the city and the state government, giving them the political power to wage what has been called a war against labor.
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Books on the topic "Patronage, Political"

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Jack, Stilborn, ed. Political patronage: A newly troubled tradition. [Ottawa]: Library of Parliament, Research Branch, 1989.

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Canada. Library of Parliament. Political and Social Affairs Division. Political patronage: A newly troubled tradition. Ottawa: Library of Parliament, 1989.

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Wright, Anthony. Beyond the patronage state. London: Fabian Society, 1995.

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Hachemaoui, Mohammed. Clientélisme et patronage dans l'Algérie contemporaine. Paris: Éditions Karthala, 2013.

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Gomez, Edmund Terence. Malaysia's political economy: Politics, patronage, and profits. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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Gomez, Edmund Terence. Malaysia's political economy: Politics, patronage and profits. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

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Simpson, Jeffrey. Spoils of power: The politics of patronage. Toronto: Collins, 1988.

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Fantozzi, Pietro. Politica clientela e regolazione sociale: Il mezzogiorno nella questione politica italiana. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 1993.

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Colloque sur Faveurs et corruption (2012 Université de Lorraine). Patronage et corruption politiques dans l'Europe contemporaine. Paris: Armand Colin, 2014.

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Richard, Graham. Patronage and politics in nineteenth-century Brazil. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Patronage, Political"

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McCourt, Willy. "Sri Lanka: Political Patronage." In The Human Factor in Governance, 135–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230208308_7.

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Thelen, Elizabeth M. "Patronage as Political Proxy." In Religion, Landscape and Material Culture in Pre-modern South Asia, 78–98. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003095651-6.

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Hodder, Rupert. "Patronage and Politics." In High-level Political Appointments in the Philippines, 5–12. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-4560-05-4_2.

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Hodder, Rupert. "Recasting Patronage: Merit." In High-level Political Appointments in the Philippines, 109–39. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-4560-05-4_7.

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MacHardy, Karin J. "Political Culture, Political Space." In War, Religion and Court Patronage in Habsburg Austria, 21–46. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230536760_2.

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Altschuler, Daniel, and Javier Corrales. "Political Obstacles: Patronage and Polarization." In The Promise of Participation, 130–46. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137271846_10.

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Hodder, Rupert. "Introduction: Patronage and Development." In High-level Political Appointments in the Philippines, 1–4. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-4560-05-4_1.

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Hodder, Rupert. "Re-Casting Patronage: Organizations." In High-level Political Appointments in the Philippines, 83–107. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-4560-05-4_6.

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Blair, Harry W. "Agricultural Credit, Political Economy, and Patronage." In Undermining Rural Development with Cheap Credit, 183–93. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429270178-19.

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Kleibrink, Alexander. "Access to Patronage Resources." In Political Elites and Decentralization Reforms in the Post-Socialist Balkans, 121–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137495723_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Patronage, Political"

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Subandi, Yeyen, Achmad Nurmandi, Zuly Qodir, Hasse Jubba, Titin Purwaningsih, Tri Nur Rochimah, and M. Syamsurrijal. "Bibliometric Analysis and Visualization of Political Patronage Articles in Indonesia Indexed in Scopus." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Democracy and Social Transformation, ICON-DEMOST 2021, September 15, 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.15-9-2021.2315569.

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HUDEC, Martin. "Pork barrel politics in context of Action Plan - Support of Least Developed Districts." In Current Trends in Public Sector Research. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9646-2020-3.

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The aim of the paper Pork barrel politics in context of Action Plan Support of Least Developed Districts is to find out and describe if and by which means the attributes of Pork barrel politics were present in redistribution of funds from Regional grants, which were part of Action Plan – Support of Least Developed Districts. Secondary aim is to see how receiving of this grant could have helped in reelection of incumbent in next election. An Index of political patronage was assembled to measure the level of pork barreling. Based on party affiliation, mayors with connections to government were not highly favored when receiving grant, not even in the case of affiliation with party, which redistributed the grants. Neither there were no significant differences in the odds of reelection based on whether the incumbent received a grant or not, that is an unexpected result relative to other research in the field
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Damanik, Ahmad taufan. "Patronage-Clientelism and Political Identity of Chinese Candidate, A Case Study of PSMTI in Medan, North Sumatera in General Election 2014." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.38.

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Shroff, Meherzad B., and Amit Srivastava. "Hotel Australia to Oberoi Adelaide: The Transnational History of an Adelaide Hotel." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a3996p40wb.

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In the decades following the war, the spread of international luxury chain hotels was instrumental in shaping the global image of modernity. It was not simply the export of modernist architecture as a style, but rather a process which brought about an overall transformation of the industry and culture surrounding modern domesticity. For Adelaide, well before the arrival of large brand hotel chains like Hilton and Hyatt, this process was initiated by the construction of its first international style hotel in 1960 – Australia Hotel. The proposed paper traces the history of this structure and its impact not only on local design and construction industries but also on domestic culture and lifestyle after the shadow period of recovery after the war. This paper looks at three specific enduring legacies of this structure that went well beyond the modernist aesthetics employed by its original designers, the local firm of Lucas, Parker and Partners. The hotel was one of the first to employ the new technology of lift-slab construction and was recognised by the Head of Architecture at the University of Adelaide, Professor Jensen, as the outstanding building of 1960. It is argued that it was the engagement with such technological and process innovations that has allowed the building to endure through several renovation attempts. In her study of Hilton International hotels, Annabelle Wharton argues how architecture was used for America’s expansion to global economic and political power. Following on from her arguments, this paper explores the implications of the acquisition of the Australia Hotel by the Indian hotel chain Oberoi Hotels in the late 1970s when it became Oberoi Adelaide. The patronage of Indian hotelier Mohan Singh Oberoi came alongside the parallel acquisition of Hotel Windsor in Melbourne, heralding a new era of engagement with Asia. Finally, the paper also highlights the broader impact of this hotel, as a leisure venue for the burgeoning middle class, on the evolving domestic culture of Adelaide.
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Reports on the topic "Patronage, Political"

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Schuster, Christian. When the Victor Cannot Claim the Spoils: Institutional Incentives for Professionalizing Patronage States. Inter-American Development Bank, April 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011729.

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Merit-based selection of bureaucrats is central to state capacity building, yet rare in developing countries. Most executives instead favor patronage -political discretion- in public employment. This paper proposes and tests an original theory to explain when executives forsake patronage for merit. The theory exploits exogenous variation in the institutional design of patronage states. In some, constitutions and budget laws monopolize patronage powers in the executive; in others, patronage benefits accrue to the legislature and public employees. When institutions fragment patronage powers and challengers control other government branches, merit becomes more incentive-compatible: it enables executives to deprive challengers of patronage while enhancing public goods provision to court electoral support. Drawing on 130 face-to-face elite interviews, a comparison of reforms in Paraguay, the Dominican Republic and the United States validates the theory. How patronage states are institutionally designed thus shapes their reform prospects: fragmented control over bad government can incentivize good government reforms.
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Rosser, Andrew, Phil King, and Danang Widoyoko. The Political Economy of the Learning Crisis in Indonesia. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2022/pe01.

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Indonesia has done much to improve access to education in recent decades but it has had little success in improving learning outcomes. This paper examines the political origins of this problem. It argues that Indonesia’s learning crisis has reflected the political dominance during the New Order and post-New Order periods of predatory political, bureaucratic and corporate elites who have sought to use the country’s education system to accumulate resources, distribute patronage, mobilize political support, and exercise political control rather than produce skilled workers and critical and inquiring minds. Technocratic and progressive elements, who have supported a stronger focus on basic skills acquisition, have contested this orientation, with occasional success, but generally contestation has been settled in favour of predatory elites. The analysis accordingly suggests that efforts to improve learning outcomes in Indonesia are unlikely to produce significant results unless there is a fundamental reconfiguration of power relations between these elements. In the absence of such a shift, moves to increase funding levels, address human resource deficits, eliminate perverse incentive structures, and improve education management in accordance with technocratic templates of international best practice or progressive notions of equity and social justice—the sorts of measures that have been the focus of education reform efforts in Indonesia so far—are unlikely to produce the intended results.
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Khan, Mahreen. The Role of Clans in Moldova in Politics and Economics. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.116.

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Moldova’s politics, economy, justice system and media are increasingly dominated by a powerful group of elites, led by oligarchs - a new breed of businessmen-politicians who have emerged in the past decade - controlling strategic sectors of the economy and finance, hijacking the political system, taming the judiciary and acquiring monopolistic control of mass media, to promote and protect their vast business empires. Alongside traditional clan, kinship and patronage networks these elites exert influence through informal politics , shaping Moldova’s politics and economy, often hindering reforms for democratisation, rule of law, meritocracy and transparency. This helpdesk report looks at the nature and role of clans in Moldova in the country’s politics and economy. This literature review utilises academic as well as grey sources, research papers, media and blogs published mainly in the past ten years. The sources reveal a paucity of Moldova centric material, especially on the sub-issue of clans, but much more literature is available on the role of informal politics and state capture by elites, especially oligarchs, in Moldova. The evidence found did not address gender and disability issues.
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Bano, Masooda. Beating the ‘Anti-Work’ Culture: Lessons from a Successful Attemptto Improve Performance in State Schools in Pakistan. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE)r, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/105.

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What local-level factors, or horizontal pressures, can improve learning outcomes in government schools in developing countries, when the political elites and education bureaucracy are not exerting enough vertical pressure on principals and teachers to ensure improvement in learning outcomes? Existing research suggests the role of principals, investment in teacher training or improving financial incentives, and increased community participation as possible ways to enhance performance of teachers and principals. Assessing a 25-year state-school improvement programme run by CARE, a prominent education foundation in Pakistan, which has demonstrated visible success in improving student enrolment and performance in national matriculation exams and transition to college and university education, this paper shows that while principals can play a critical role in improving school performance, the real challenge is to suppress the ‘anti-work’ culture that prevails in state schools in countries where appointments of teachers as well as principals remain a source of political patronage. The paper shows that in such contexts NGOs, if given the contractual authority to monitor performance, can act as effective third-party enforcers to help shift the balance in favour of ‘pro-work’ teachers. However, for systematic long-term improvement in school performance, this support needs to come via the district-level education authorities—and this, as we shall see, is often also missing in such contexts. The findings from this study thus support growing evidence on the challenges confronting efforts to strengthen the short route of accountability in countries where the long route of accountability is weak. In such a political-economy context, even committed principals are unlikely to be able to shift school culture in favour of a ‘pro-work’ ethic unless there are wide-ranging reforms in the wider political and bureaucratic culture.
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Bano, Masooda. Beating the ‘Anti-Work’ Culture: Lessons from a Successful Attemptto Improve Performance in State Schools in Pakistan. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE)r, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/105.

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What local-level factors, or horizontal pressures, can improve learning outcomes in government schools in developing countries, when the political elites and education bureaucracy are not exerting enough vertical pressure on principals and teachers to ensure improvement in learning outcomes? Existing research suggests the role of principals, investment in teacher training or improving financial incentives, and increased community participation as possible ways to enhance performance of teachers and principals. Assessing a 25-year state-school improvement programme run by CARE, a prominent education foundation in Pakistan, which has demonstrated visible success in improving student enrolment and performance in national matriculation exams and transition to college and university education, this paper shows that while principals can play a critical role in improving school performance, the real challenge is to suppress the ‘anti-work’ culture that prevails in state schools in countries where appointments of teachers as well as principals remain a source of political patronage. The paper shows that in such contexts NGOs, if given the contractual authority to monitor performance, can act as effective third-party enforcers to help shift the balance in favour of ‘pro-work’ teachers. However, for systematic long-term improvement in school performance, this support needs to come via the district-level education authorities—and this, as we shall see, is often also missing in such contexts. The findings from this study thus support growing evidence on the challenges confronting efforts to strengthen the short route of accountability in countries where the long route of accountability is weak. In such a political-economy context, even committed principals are unlikely to be able to shift school culture in favour of a ‘pro-work’ ethic unless there are wide-ranging reforms in the wider political and bureaucratic culture.
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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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Eli, Shari, and Laura Salisbury. Patronage Politics and the Development of the Welfare State: Confederate Pensions in the American South. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w20829.

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