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Shepherd, Mark Duncan. "Charles I and the distribution of political patronage." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367828.
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QUARESIMA, FEDERICO. "The economics of politics: politicians, firms and patronage." Doctoral thesis, Università Politecnica delle Marche, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11566/245478.
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La presente tesi di dottorato, dal titolo "The Economics of Politics: Politicians, Firms and Patronage", esamina le opzioni di uscita dei parlamentari, in un contesto teorico elettorale maggioritario, in cui il parlamentare eletto decide la sua carriera futura in merito al suo comportamento di fedeltà al partito che lo ha selezionato, o al distretto che lo ha eletto, in virtù delle exit strategies che ha disposizione, tra le quali figura anche una nomina come membro del CdA di una azienda a partecipazione pubblica. Data nomina rientra in quello che nella letteratura scientifica di scienza politica viene definito resource patronage.
La tesi si struttura su tre capitoli, il primo dei quali di rassegna nel quale si riconnettono principalmente tre filoni di letteratura. Il primo filone riguarda il fenomeno della privatizzazione delle aziende pubbliche in un’ottica di political economy, dove cioè il processo di ridimensionamento del settore statale è studiato nei suoi risvolti di consenso elettorale, mantenimento di rendite da parte del ceto politico e mantenimento del controllo politico delle aziende parzialmente privatizzate. Questo primo filone, dove si riscontra il potere di nomina da parte dei partiti come uno dei principali canali di influenza delle aziende in esame, fornisce lo spunto per l’analisi del secondo, il quale descrive quelli che sono i risultati della ricerca ottenuti fino ad oggi in tema di resource patronage. Viene qui approfondito il ruolo delle nomine politiche effettuate dai partiti per gli organi direzionali di aziende a partecipazione pubblica ed enti pubblici in generale. Il principale ruolo risulta essere quello di facilitare dinamiche di controllo e di premialità nei confronti di singoli politici da parte dei partiti. L’ultimo filone di ricerca considerato è quello della selezione politica effettuata dai partiti politici in senso stretto e viene proposto considerando come le dinamiche dei primi due possano influenzare tale processo di selezione, alla luce della possibilità di patronage, normalmente non considerata nei tradizionali modelli presenti in letteratura.
Nel secondo capitolo si stima empiricamente un modello probabilistico circa la possibilità dei parlamentari italiani di essere nominati in un Cda di aziende a partecipazione pubblica. I dataset su cui si basa detto modello sono due: il primo gentilmente concesso dalla Fondazione Rodolfo De Benedetti, il secondo personalmente costruito tramite l’archivio online della Camera di Commercio. Il modello include, oltre alle principali variabili politiche di cui a disposizione, alcune variabili di controllo, socio-economiche, dei parlamentari. I risultati empirici, basati su specificazioni lineari e non lineari, dimostrano una conferma di dinamiche di premialità e controllo nei confronti dei parlamentari attraverso il resource patronage, che potrebbero quindi influenzare la selezione dei candidati nelle future elezioni politiche: questa interpretazione è basata sulla significatività del risultato elettorale e del tasso di fedeltà al partito dei singoli parlamentari presi in esame. In particolare infatti, emerge come vengano premiati coloro tra i parlamentari che manifestano una maggiore lealtà nei confronti del partito di appartenenza e che sperimentano una sconfitta alle elezioni nazionali susseguenti o un ritiro dalla carriera politica.
Nel terzo capitolo si delinea un attinente modello teorico generale che vede tre attori coinvolti: il partito, il parlamentare eletto e il distretto di appartenenza di quest’ultimo. Definite le regole decisionali ottimizzanti per i tre attori il modello descrive le dinamiche che potrebbero guidare il fenomeno del patronage, con particolare riguardo verso i career concerns dei parlamentari eletti. Dapprima viene assunta l’automatica ricandidatura dei parlamentari in carica da parte dei partiti, mentre successivamente il modello descrive le medesime dinamiche in assenza di questa assunzione. I risultati analitici aprono più spunti di riflessione di dette dinamiche, con alcune conclusioni prevedibili mentre altre meno.This PhD Thesis, entitled "The Economics of politics: Politicians, Firms and Patronage", examines parliamentarians exit options, in a majoritarian electoral system, where the elected member of parliament decides his future career considering how much it would be valuable his loyalty to the party, which has selected him as a candidate, or to his electoral district, which has effectively elected him, in terms of possible available exit strategies in case of not reelection. These exit strategies include also an appointment to a private-public enterprise board of directors. This opportunity is what in political science literature is defined as resource patronage. The thesis includes three chapters, the first of which is a review of three related fields of literature.The first area of interest concerns the phenomenon of the privatization of the public companies in a political economy perspective, that is where the process of downsizing the state sector is analyzed considering the electoral consensus and the possible rents deriving from the enduring political control of partly privatized companies. The first literature branch, where it is stressed the relevance of the parties appointment authority as one of the main channels through which parties influence private-public firms administration, provides the starting point for the analysis of the second one, which describes the results, currently available in literature, in terms of resource patronage. Here it is examined in depth the role of political appointments to private-public enterprises (and public firms) management and boards of directors. The main purpose of political appointments is facilitating parties controlling and rewarding opportunities towards their own members of parliament. The last paragraph of the chapter reports articles regarding the political selection in a strict sense and it has been inserted considering how patronage dynamics could influence the entire candidates selection process made by parties. In the second chapter I estimate an empirical probabilistic model regarding italian members of parliament opportunities about being appointed to private-public enterprises boards of governors. The datasets used are two: the first, kindly provided by the Rodolfo De Benedetti Foundation, the second, personally compiled thanks to the online archive of the italian Chamber of Commerce. The model includes, in addition to the main available individual political variables, some individual socioeconomic control variables. The empirical results , based on linear and non linear econometric specifications, show how rewarding and controlling dynamics could be at stake through resource patronage: in particular, it is worth emphasizing the statistical significance of the parliamentarians’ electoral result at next elections and their party loyalty rate. Indeed, the members of parliament awarded with an appointment are those who lose the next electoral race or who retire from the political arena, and who show a greater party loyalty when voting acts in parliament. In the third chapter it is described a related theoretical model where three players are involved: the party, the member of parliament and the district (voters). Once players’ utility functions are laid down, the model describes how their optimization process could influence the political selection, also considering a patronage opportunity, both for the party and the parliamentarian. In a first version of the model it is assumed a strong incumbency advantage hypothesis according to which the party always grants his incumbent the candidacy for the next term election, and then the assumption is relaxed.
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Warner, Mark William. "The Montagu Earls of Salisbury circa 1300-1428 : a study in warfare, politics & political culture." Thesis, University of London, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338981.
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DE, VITIS MICHELE GIULIO. "Party patronage in parliament: the Italian experience." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201106.
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Party patronage is a recent notion in the literature. Often confused with clientelism, corruption and other distributive practices, it has to do with the cartel party (ideal) type and the party-state relationships, providing new and alternative resource for the parties. Defined as the power of party to appoint people in public and semi-public life, patronage also occurs in parliamentary arena, far from the governmental sphere within the bureaucracy and the public administration. This dissertation aims at investigating parliamentary patronage as a job distributive process, individuating the factors that shape this exchange relationship between collective and individual patrons and clients. The empirical research focused on the Italian experience finds that parliamentary patronage works both as an organizational and post-electoral resource. From the qualitative survey addressed through conversational interviews to more than sixty parliamentary patrons and organizers in the last two terms, three main trends emerge: when patrons are represented by collective bodies as the parliamentary group, party networks and allegiance matter -though not excessively- in the distribution of patronage resources, but combined with professional criteria, especially at top level; when individual patrons hold internal institutional offices and distribute jobs related to that office, they are likely to look more at personal networks in selecting their ‘clients’; the control function of patronage, stressed in previous studies about the phenomenon, fades making room for organizational and functional patronage.
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Chidambaram, Soundarya. "Welfare, Patronage, and the Rise Of Hindu Nationalism in India's Urban Slums." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1325189441.
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MacDonald, Deanna. "Margaret of Austria and Brou : Habsburg political patronage in Savoy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0001/MQ43908.pdf.
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Williams, Abigail. "Whig literary culture : poetry, politics, and patronage, 1678-1714." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339967.
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Papaioannou, Georgios. "Essays on contemporary patronage, public administration, and reform." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22839/.
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McDonald, Janice R. (Janice Ruta) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Women and the appointment process in Canada." Ottawa, 1992.
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Haigh, Jane Galblum. "Political Power, Patronage, and Protection Rackets: Con Men and Political Corruption in Denver 1889-1894." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195958.
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This work will explore the interconnections between political power and the various forms of corruption endemic in Denver in the late 19th century placing municipal corruption and election fraud into the larger political, economic, social and cultural framework. Municipal political corruption in Denver operated through a series of relationships tying together, the city police, political factions, utility and industrial leaders, con men, gamblers, protection rackets and the election of U.S. Senators. This work will explore not only the operational ties, but also how these ties served all parties, and the discourse used to rationalize the behavior and distribute blame. The dates for this study are bracketed by two significant events: a mayoral election and trial in 1889-1890, and the City Hall War in the spring of 1894. Each of these events represents a point when a rupture in the tight net of political control sparked a battle for hegemony with a concomitant turn to corruption and election fraud on the part of competing political factions. The level of municipal corruption in Denver was not necessarily unusual; however, the extent of the documentation enables a detailed analysis. Denver newspapers blamed the corruption on an unspecified "gang" and a shadowy "machine." The editors railed against the scourge of con men, and simultaneously used the ubiquitous fraud as a metaphor for trickery and corruption of all kinds. This detailed analysis reveals a more complex series of events through which a cabal of business and industry leaders seized control of both the city and the state government, giving them the political power to wage what has been called a war against labor.
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McGilvary, George Kirk. "East India patronage and the political management of Scotland 1720-1774." Thesis, n.p, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
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Tebeau, Kahreen Celeste. "ANC Dominance and Ethnic Patronage Politics in South Africa." Thesis, Yale University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3580869.
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South Africa has a ruling dominant party, the African National Congress (ANC), which has been in power since apartheid ended in 1994. In national elections, the ANC has consistently received an overwhelming majority of the vote, even though the majority of South Africa's citizens have benefitted little from the ANC's policies. This dissertation investigates why so many South African voters continue to vote for the ANC despite little, if any, measurable improvement in their quality of life since the ANC came to power. In so doing, it examines the literature on dominant parties, voter behavior and what motivates it, the incentives created by various electoral systems, and ethnic patronage politics. It also draws on empirical research into these phenomena in both South Africa and an illustrative comparative case study, Malaysia. Ultimately, I argue that both the theoretical framework and the empirical evidence point toward ethnic patronage as the driving explanation of electoral outcomes in South Africa; they also suggest there is little prospect for significant change in the foreseeable future.
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Choe, Wongi. "Political institutions and politics of financial patronage after liberalization : Argentina, Korea, and Thailand in the 1990s /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10712.
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Hermawan, Yulius Purwadi. "Internal politics of political parties : factionalism and patronage in the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP)." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416318.
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Toral, Guillermo Ph D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "The political logics of patronage : uses and abuses of government jobs in Brazil." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/128632.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, May, 2020Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 309-330).
The political appointment of bureaucrats (or patronage, for short) is a major resource for politicians all around the world. While scholars have long studied patronage, we lack a detailed understanding of how politicians target public employment and how that affects governance and public service delivery. This dissertation contributes to fill this gap. I identify five distinct rationales that drive politicians' use of government jobs: managing bureaucrats (to deliver public services or to extract rents), mobilizing voters, rewarding supporters, tying the opponent's hands, and anchoring coalitions. Each of these political logics of patronage has a different rationale, distinct employment patterns, and divergent effects on governance and service delivery.
Empirically, I document the logics of patronage with data on Brazilian municipal governments, a particularly useful context to study patronage given its wide variation in political and economic development and the coexistence of patronage with civil service and other bureaucrat selection modes. To illustrate the diverse uses of patronage and their consequences I combine administrative microdata (including restricted-access, identified data on the universe of municipal employees, and data on the performance of education and healthcare bureaucracies), two original surveys in one state (a face-to-face representative survey of 926 bureaucrats, and an online survey of 755 local politicians), and 121 in-depth interviews with bureaucrats, politicians, and anti-corruption agents done over 18 months of fieldwork in 7 states. Three novel implications emerge from this dissertation.
First, patronage can alleviate agency problems and thus enhance the accountability and effectiveness of bureaucrats, not only to extract rents but also to deliver public services. Second, when politicians use patronage to extract rents, they mobilize a diverse set of strategies that go beyond the hiring of supporters, including the hiring of civil service bureaucrats and the firing (not just hiring) of temporaries. Third, policies commonly used to reduce patronage -- such as civil service regimes, legal constraints on hiring, and elections for key bureaucratic positions -- can have undesirable consequences because of politicians' strategic responses to constraints on their hiring discretion. These findings are relevant to scholars and policymakers seeking to understand and to improve governance and state capacity.
by Guillermo Toral.
Ph. D.
Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science
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Klopp, Jacqueline M. "Electoral despotism in Kenya : land, patronage and resistance in the multi-party context." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36972.
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In Africa, the new electoral freedoms of the 1990s often ushered in not less but more violence and corruption. Somewhat paradoxically, democratization appeared to lead to greater despotism. Current theories of democratic transitions fail to adequately explain this negative "fall out". On the one hand, by focusing on formal institutional change, most transitions theory marginalizes the "informal" politics of patronage and violence. On the other hand, theorists of "informal" politics tend to assume that formal institutional change does not impinge on patrimonial dynamics. This thesis explains how the advent of electoral freedom challenges patrimonialism and, in the process, deepens local despotism. By a careful look at the Kenyan case, this thesis argues that the re-introduction of multiple political parties posed a genuine challenge to highest level patronage networks. This challenge consisted of "patronage inflation": competitive elections escalated demands for and promises of patronage just as international conditionalities and economic difficulties led to a decline in traditional supplies of patronage. Further, with multiple political parties, voters gained bargaining power to demand both resources and accountability. A critique of patrimonialism emerged into the public realm, particularly from those who had lost out in the spoils system, the growing numbers of poor and landless. These challenges were met by counter-strategies on the part of those most set to lose by a turnover in elections. With the introduction of alternative political parties, President Moi and key patronage bosses instigated localized but electorally beneficial violence in the form of "ethnic clashes". In their struggle to maintain patrimonial dominance, they also increasingly turned to less internationally scrutinized public lands as a patronage resource, leading to increasing and increasingly violent "land grabbing". This triggered counter mobilizations which aimed at reasserting local co
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Favorito, Rebecca. "Constructing Legitimacy: Patrimony, Patronage, and Political Communication in the Coronation of Henry IV." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1468594085.
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Tedder, Melody. "Patronage Piety and Capitulation: The Nobilitys Response to Religious Reform in England." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1301.
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The Tudor Reformation period represents an era fraught with religious and political controversy. It is my goal to present the crucial role the nobility played in the success of the Henrician Reformation as well as to provide a reasonable explanation for the nobility's reaction to religious and political reform. I will also seek to quantify the significance of the nobility as a social group and prove the importance of their reaction to the success of the Henrician Reformation. The nobles because of patronage, self-interest, piety, apathy, fear, or practicality were motivated to support the king's efforts. Their response was the key to the success or failure of the Henrician Reformation. Although Henry VIII started the process of reform, the Henrician Reformation would never have been successful without the enforcement, collaboration, and backing of the nobility.
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Schuster, Christian. "When the victor cannot claim the spoils : institutional incentives for professionalizing patronage states." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3123/.
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In most of the world’s states, bureaucrats are managed based on patronage: political discretion determines recruitment and careers. Corruption, poverty and lower growth often result. Unsurprisingly, patronage reform has taken centre stage in foreign aid. Yet, reforms overwhelmingly fail. Bad government is often good politics. When does good government become good politics in patronage states? To address this conundrum, this dissertation develops and tests a theory of reform of patronage states. The theory builds on a simple insight. Not all patronage states are the same: bad government takes different forms in different countries. Patronage states differ in particular in the institutional locus of control over patronage. Variably, sway over patronage benefits is allocated to the executive, other government branches or public servants. These institutional differences shape the electoral usefulness of patronage states to incumbent Presidents and Prime Ministers. Where institutions deprive incumbents and their allies of patronage control, incumbents face greater incentives to draw on their legal powers to professionalize. The theory is empirically validated through a comparison of reforms in Paraguay and the Dominican Republic, which draws on 130 high-level interviews. Evidence from patronage reforms in the U.S. and U.K., and from cross-country expert survey data on government structures underscores the theory’s external validity. The theory’s implication is clear: the origins of professional bureaucracies may lie in the institutional design of patronage states. This finding challenges scholarly convictions about the ephemeral nature of institutions in patronage states: strong formal institutions may exist in weak institutional contexts. Moreover, formal institutions may be causes – rather than only consequences – of the demise of patronage, clientelism and bad government. As a corollary, this dissertation adds a fresh argument to the age-old debate about the merits of power centralization and fragmentation: good government may arise from fragmented control over bad government.
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Fahmy, Mohamed. "The rise of the lesser notables in Cairo's popular quarters : patronage politics of the National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/114345.
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Ever since the military takeover of 1952, the post-monarchic political system of Egypt has been dependent upon a variety of mechanisms and structures to establish and further consolidate its powerbase. Among those, an intertwined web of what could be described as ‘patronage politics’ emerged as one of the main foundations of these tools and was utilized by the regime to establish the fundamentals of its rule. Throughout the post-1952 era, political patrons and respective clients were existent in Egyptian politics, shaping, to a great extent, the policies implemented by Egypt's rulers at the apex of the political system, as well as the tactics orchestrated by the populace within the middle and lower echelons of the polity. This study aims at analyzing the factors that ensured the durability of patronage networks within the Egyptian polity, primarily focusing on the sort of social structural reconfiguration that has been taking place in the popular communities of Egypt in the beginning of the 21st Century. Dissecting the area of Misr Al Qadima as an exemplar case study of Cairo’s popular quarters, the research mainly focuses on examining the role of the lesser notables, those middle patrons and clients that exist on the lower levels of the Egyptian polity within the ranks of the National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood. Henceforth, the sociopolitical agency of these lesser notabilities shall constitute the prime concern of the writing and, in doing so; this research also attempts to draw some linkage between the micro-level features of the popular polities of Cairo and the macro-level realities of the Egyptian polity at large, in the contemporary period.
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Kim, Henry Albert. "The consequences of clout agenda control in U.S. legislatures /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3259054.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 11, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-188).
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BLIZNAKOVSKI, JOVAN. "VOTE SELLING, PARTY SERVING AND CLIENTELIST BENEFIT-SEEKING: CITIZEN ENGAGEMENT IN POLITICAL CLIENTELISM IN THE WESTERN BALKANS." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/701845.
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This doctoral thesis focuses on a less explored aspect of the political clientelist exchange: the role of citizens in political clientelism. It offers an original theoretical argument on the divergent clientelist engagement of citizens and probes the derived assumptions while using empirical data from the Western Balkan region (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia). The thesis argues that one may distinguish between different types of clients when focusing on the services that they provide in return for the benefits which they obtain. As a result, the study distinguishes between clients who offer only electoral services to political parties in return for petty clientelist benefits (electoral clientelism) and clients who offer extended political services relevant for the building of party organizations in return for grand clientelist benefits (patronage). Party services provided in the past are thus best seen as a form of non-material resource that may be utilized in clientelist bargaining by citizens-clients and which is converted to material benefits through clientelist transactions. The author thus proposes that the variations of citizen engagement are prompted by the individual clients’ divergent resource bases, with the resource base being consisted of both non-material and material resources relevant for political clientelism. Clients who are after grand benefits engage in political clientelism while providing extended party services (and thus accumulate political resources) in comparison to clients who extract petty clientelist benefits; and clients who are better-off in material terms engage in clientelism in order to obtain benefits of higher material value in comparison to poor clients. These assumptions are tested against survey data from the Western Balkan region while examining the differences between clients involved in exchanges of votes for benefits and in citizen-initiated clientelist transactions (multivariate logistic regression analysis). Qualitative data consisted of semi-structured interviews with citizens is used in order to describe the main differences between the two sets of clients. The thesis also relies on original fieldwork conducted in the region consisted of expert information collection. The thesis also aims to contribute to conceptual advancement in understanding the varieties of political clientelism. Beside developing a distinction between different types of benefits and services exchanged through clientelism (i.e. petty and grand benefits/services), the thesis offers a typology of clientelist exchanges and corresponding patron and client strategies of engagement. Following the typology, citizens engage in political clientelism through vote selling, turnout selling, abstention selling, party serving and clientelist benefit-seeking. The first three types are characteristic for the one-off electoral exchanges while the latter two for the iterated exchanges of patronage.
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Alley, April Longley. "Shifting light in the Qamariyya the reinvention of patronage networks in contemporary Yemen /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/453941655/viewonline.
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Hoffmann, Leena Koni. "Big men and the big pot at the centre : patronage politics and democracy in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3418/.
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This thesis explores the historical background of patronage politics in Nigeria by examining its evolution during key periods of the country's political development. It investigates how contemporary relations and structures of power are constructed and maintained by exploring a range of political practices, social identities and economic conditions that evidence a continuity and interconnectedness with Nigeria's precolonial and colonial past. By examining five biographies of contemporary political patrons, this thesis shows how politicians and political entrepreneurs legitimate their actions and goals in the political sphere. This process of legitimating political power takes place through a range of strategies that, first, draw on varied social, cultural and historical repertoires; second, are contingent on social settings, political traditions and cultures; and finally, are designed to construct specific social and political meanings. The central argument presented here is that we cannot fully understand how political patrons and their networks operate unless we understand the varied local contexts and political histories that structure relations of power across Nigeria. This thesis is germane because it investigates how the state penetrates different societal structures as well as how local political networks are integrated into central power.
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Cheeseman, Nicholas. "The rise and fall of civil-authoritarianism in Africa : patronage, participation, and political parties in Kenya and Zambia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439711.
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Meyer, Renate, Markus Höllerer, and Stephan Leixnering. "A question of value(s): Political connectedness and executive compensation in public sector organizations." Taylor&Francis, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10967494.2015.1094162.
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While the de-politicization of public sector management was a core objective of past reform initiatives, more recent debates urge the state to act as a strong principal when it comes to public sector unity and policy coherence - and consequently make a case for reinvigorating links between the political and managerial sphere. Using data from Austrian public sector organizations, we test and confirm the causal relationship of political connectedness of board members and executive compensation. Differentiating between value-based and interest-based in-groups, we suggest that only value-based political connectedness has the potential to restore patronage as a control instrument and governance tool. Self-interested and reward-driven patronage, on the other hand, indicated by a strong association of political connectedness and executive pay, refers to the type of politicization that previous public sector reforms promised to abolish.
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Novotný, Petr. "Financování stran a stranická patronáž v ČR." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85911.
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This thesis proceeds with my bachelor's thesis Financing of Political Parties in Czech Republic. Party patronage is additional field of study of how political parties work in real life. We can analyze different factors while studying party patronage such as the overlap or intrusion of political parties in state administration, the way how patronage is practised and it's criteria, similarly to studying the way how party financing influences for example electoral outcomes. I will point out main theoretical approach to this relatively new field of studies and its methological foundations. I will devote a seprate chapter to a non-existing Law on Public Service and see whether this should be enacted or not.
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McKay, Joanne. "To begin the world anew : political economy, patronage and power : the career of Arthur Dobbs in Ireland and America." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.415067.
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Harris, Jonathan Andrew. "Three Essays on Politics in Kenya." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10572.
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This dissertation examines ethnic patronage, local conflict, and election fraud in Kenya in three separate essays. Fraud, violence, and ethnicity are difficult to measure, and they often play a central role in narratives and theories about African politics. The essays in this dissertation draw on natural language processing, spatial statistics, and demography to improve measurement of these concepts and, in turn, our understanding of how they function in Kenya. The approaches developed here can be generalized to conflict, ethnicity, and fraud in other contexts. The first essay presents a method for extracting ethnic information from names. Existing methods give biased estimates by ignoring uncertainly in the mapping between names and ethnicity. I apply my improved, approximately unbiased method to data on political appointments from 1963 to 2010 in Kenya, and find that existing narratives about distributive politics do not accord with empirical patterns. The second essay examines patterns of violent ethnic targeting during Kenya's 2007-2008 post-election violence. I focus on patterns of arson, one of the key types of violence used in the Rift Valley. I find that incidence of arson is related to the presence of ethnic outsiders, and even more strongly related to measures of land quality, accessibility, and electoral competition. Using a difference-in-differences design, I show that arson caused a significant decrease in the number of Kikuyu and other immigrant ethnic groups registered to vote; no such decline is observed in indigenous ethnic groups. The third essay documents the prevalence of dead voters on Kenya's voter register prior to the contentious 2007 presidential elections, and shows how dead registered voters may have facilitated electoral fraud. Simply accounting for the number of dead voters demonstrates that turnout was greater than 100% in several opposition constituencies, and implausibly high in most of the incumbent president's home province. Ecological inference suggests that ballot-stuffing occurred in candidate strongholds, rather than competitive constituencies. These results are consistent with the opposition party's allegations of fraud.Government
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Dudek, Carolyn Marie. "EU accession and Spanish regional development : winners and losers /." Bruxelles [u.a.] : Lang, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/378644718.pdf.
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Klein, Konstantin Matthias. "Building the city of God : imperial patronage and local influence in Jerusalem from Throdosius I to Justinian (379-565 AD)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d7c9c052-9975-4cd6-939f-af3028894751.
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This thesis offers a fresh study of the sources on the history of the city of Jerusalem in the period between the reigns of the Roman emperors Theodosius the Great and Justinian I. In the Holy Land, this period roughly coincides with the arrival of St Jerome in 385 and the completion of Jerusalem's last major church building before the Persian and Muslim conquests, the Nea church, dedicated in 543. One of the main aims of this thesis is to investigate the role of imperial patronage in the city and contrast it with the growing influence of local actors, i.e. bishops, monks, and rich pilgrims who settled there. My reading of the sources makes clear that Jerusalem and the imperial court were more closely connected than previously assumed. This manifested itself not only in imperial building projects, but also in the exchange of theological concepts and ideas. One of my key findings about this traffic is that the cult of saints was introduced to Jerusalem from Constantinople, while, in contrast, the veneration of the Virgin Mary originated in the holy city and reached the capital from there. The thesis offers a new interpretation of patriarchal politics in the times of the Christological controversies following the Council of Chalcedon (451) and of the political self-perception of Jerusalem from the beginning of the sixth century onwards, when the city with its loca sancta entered into a new form of relationship with the emperor Justinian, who bestowed his favour on Jerusalem in the form of imperial donations in return for the support of his ecclesiastical policies by the clergy and monks of Jerusalem.
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Milstein, Joanna M. "The Gondi family : strategy and survival in late sixteenth-century France." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2579.
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This thesis details the rise to power of one of the great families of late sixteenth-century France, the Gondi. Antoine de Gondi, the last of fifteen children, left his native Florence to settle permanently in France in the first decade of the sixteenth century. Like many other Italian immigrants of his time, he established himself in Lyon as a merchant and banker. He later bought the Seigneurie du Perron, and married a woman of Piedmontese origin, Marie-Catherine de Pierrevive. Catherine de’ Medici met the couple and soon after invited them to court, giving them positions in the royal households. Antoine’s children, most notably Albert and Pierre, distinguished themselves at court, and not long afterwards were awarded the highest offices of state and church. Albert became Marshal of France in 1573, and Pierre became Bishop of Paris in 1570. At the same time, they proved themselves indispensable servants to the monarchy, and served the crown diplomatically, politically and financially, both in France and on foreign missions. Both brothers had large Parisian real estate holdings, both inside and outside the city centre. The essential role of the Gondi women in family strategy is also analysed. Albert and Pierre’s sister, Jeanne, became Prioress at the royal Priory of Saint-Louis de Poissy. The cousins of Albert and Pierre, Jean-Baptiste and Jérôme Gondi, stayed closely connected to the world of international banking and, together with other bankers, facilitated loans to the increasingly insolvent crown. The Gondi were often targets of anti-Italian hostility from various segments of French society, and contemporary perceptions of the Gondi family are examined. This study shows the family’s deployment of and reliance on close kin to expand their web of influence throughout France and abroad. This dissertation details the many mechanisms employed by the Gondi family to consolidate and expand their influence during the tumultuous French wars of religion.
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Amirali, Asha. "Market power : traders, farmers, and the politics of accumulation in Pakistani Punjab." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bb0c636a-2e2c-4a4b-9df8-d81c8ad129fa.
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This thesis examines traders' strategies of accumulation in agricultural commodity markets in Pakistani Punjab. It contributes to the literature on markets as social and political institutions as well as to broader debates on patronage, informality, urbanization, and class formation in South Asia. The principal aim of the thesis is to identify the institutions and ideologies facilitating exchange and study how they function in the market. It also aims to account for the increased political importance of traders, understood as members of Pakistan's intermediate classes, and reflect on the nature of their political participation. Non-programmatic, functional alignments are shown to be the norm and compatible with both military and democratic regimes. Through a close look at activities in one agricultural commodity market - or mandi, as it is known in Punjab - the present work explores the practices and linkages traders cultivate to bolster their economic and political power. Plunging into everyday mandi life in small-town Punjab, it illustrates how customary institutions articulate with the state and capital to co-regulate economic activity and create conditions for durable domination. Enmeshment in patron-client relations, links with the local state, associational activity, ownership and control of capital, and thick social ties are demonstrated to be key means by which wealth and power are accumulated. Class is shown to articulate closely with caste and kinship while being irreducible to them, and the role of dominant social institutions is demonstrated to be highly variable across the many processes ongoing in the market.
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Escobar, Cristina. "Clientelism, mobilization and citizenship : peasant politics in Sucre, Colombia /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9901446.
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Poirier, Marine. "Le bon parti : soutenir le régime autoritaire : le cas du Congrès populaire général au Yémen (2008-2011)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM1081.
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La démarche générale de cette thèse est d’aller étudier le politique ailleurs que dans les oppositions, en explorant les ressorts de l’engagement et les logiques d’action au sein d’un parti hégémonique au pouvoir. A partir d’une enquête de terrain menée au Yémen entre 2008 et 2011 dans différentes sections locales du Congrès populaire général (CPG – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm), j’interroge les pratiques militantes ordinaires et les investissements dont le parti fait l’objet. Le CPG constitue un observatoire privilégié pour interroger l’exercice de la domination – ses modes d’imposition et de contournement – dans un contexte où le régime autoritaire se trouve contesté. Au pouvoir depuis sa création en 1982 et fondé sur l’accommodation historique d’acteurs politiques divers, le parti forme un cadre dans lequel opèrent et se déploient les réseaux de patronage du président Ali Abdallah Saleh (1978-2012). La structure de l’échange politique qui en résulte favorise le développement de dépendances matérielles qui n’excluent pas, si ce n’est entretiennent, des formes multiples d’attachement affectif et idéologique au parti au pouvoir. Je souligne dans cette thèse les ambivalences du soutien au régime autoritaire, l’évolution du régime d’obligations et de contraintes qui en découle, ainsi que l’ambivalence et la réversibilité de l’obéissance et du consentement. Ce travail invite ainsi à interroger les ressorts du fonctionnement et de la résilience d’un régime autoritaire et à dépasser les lectures fonctionnalistes réduisant le parti hégémonique soit à un instrument de reproduction du régime autoritaire, soit à celui de son irrésistible réformeContrary to political scientists’ tendency to focus on opposition actors and politics of contention in the Arab world, I study “the political” elsewhere. Built on extensive fieldwork carried out in Yemen from 2008 to 2011, my dissertation explores the motives of commitment, logics of action and everyday forms of activism in a hegemonic ruling party, the General people’s congress (GPC – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm) and in a context where the regime’s authority is contested. The GPC is a great observatory to interrogate the exercise of domination. Founded in 1982, the party has operated as a key apparatus of Ali Abdallah Salih’s authoritarian regime (1978-2012) and a relay for its patronage networks. Far from constituting a homogenous amalgam of president supporters within which discipline is obvious, deep divisions and contradictory logics of action strain the GPC. If its loose structure, the extreme heterogeneity of its members and the elasticity of its political line require the imposition of schemes of domination, they favour in return the expression of indiscipline. In this regard, I study diffuse modes of domination as well as ways to bypass, or even exploit, them. By exploring the dynamics of clientelist politics and politicisation promoted by the party, my dissertation underlines the ambivalences of “participation” and sheds light on the blurry frontier between compliance and resistance, consent and dissent
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Gudžinskas, Liutauras. "Transformation of postcommunist states and their welfare regimes: comparative analysis of Baltic countries." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20120917_092729-56937.
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This dissertation seeks to evaluate how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries develop state under the conditions of liberal democracy and membership of the European Union (EU). The issues of quality of democracy and governance of postcommunist states are analysed through lenses of welfare politics. The main attention is paid to Baltic countries. The main method applied in dissertation is a qualitative comparison of several (similar) cases. In the first part of dissertation “middle-range” theories are observed, which allows to understand the general patterns of development of postcommunist countries. Distinction of modern and patronage states is established, which is best seen comparing CEE liberal democracies vis-à-vis postsoviet dictatorships. In the second part of dissertation these general patterns are analysed only at the level of CEE countries. It is established that the distinction of modern and patronage states to some extent also replicates among CEE countries themselves, and also among Baltic countries. By many important parameters indicating the level of state capacities Estonia distinguishes itself from other Baltic countries. In the third part, comparative research is focussed at the maximum. One analyses the development of healthcare – the core welfare policy – in the Baltic region. It is established that there are significant differences among Baltic countries in timing, speed and achieved results of healthcare reforms, which also has important... [to full text]Šia disertacija siekiama įvertinti, kaip Vidurio ir Rytų Europos (VRE) šalims sekasi vystyti valstybę liberaliosios demokratijos ir narystės ES sąlygomis. Į pokomunistinių valstybių valdymo ir demokratijos kokybės problemas šioje disertacijoje žvelgiama pirmiausia per gerovės politikos prizmę. Didžiausias dėmesys skiriamas Baltijos šalims. Disertacijoje taikomas metodas – kokybinis kelių (panašių) atvejų lyginimas. Pirmojoje disertacijos dalyje apžvelgiamos „vidutinio nuotolio“ teorijos, kurios leidžia suprasti pokomunistinių šalių gerovės režimų raidos bendrąsias tendencijas. Nustatoma modernių ir patronažinių valstybių skirtis, kuri ryškiausiai matyti tarp VRE liberaliųjų demokratijų ir posovietinių diktatūrų. Toliau, antrojoje disertacijos dalyje, šios bendrosios tendencijos analizuojamos tik VRE šalių lygmeniu. Nustatoma, kad modernių ir patronažinių valstybių skirtis tam tikru mastu atsikartoja VRE regione ir taip pat tarp Baltijos šalių. Estija iš kitų Baltijos šalių išsiskiria daugeliu svarbių valstybės gebėjimų parametrų. Trečiojoje dalyje, lyginamasis tyrimas maksimaliai sufokusuojamas. Nagrinėjama sveikatos apsaugos – kertinės gerovės politikos – raida Baltijos šalyse. Nustatoma, kad sveikatos apsaugos reformos laikas, tempas ir pasiekti rezultatai reikšmingai skiriasi tarp Baltijos šalių, ir tai turi svarbių implikacijų šių valstybių raidai.
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Silva, Gleidylucy Oliveira da. "Vozes do silêncio: participação e deliberação no nordeste brasileiro – uma análise a partir do território rural do litoral norte de Alagoas." Universidade Federal de Alagoas, 2011. http://www.repositorio.ufal.br/handle/riufal/3544.
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This dissertation discusses the political participation with in a particular public policy: the Rural Territory Program, established in Brazil since 2003. Through deliberation and political relations on the northern coast of Alagoas, the conflicts between the proposed contribution supported the assumptions of participatory democracy and the reality recognized by social hierarchies were analyzed. Thus, supported by pragmatic sociology of Boltanski, which develops its work on the moral legitimacy of orders listed in a situation of competition and / or criticism, besides the concept of patronage developed by Lanna, in his work on traditional relationships in Northeastern Brazil, we aim to contribute to the discussion on state participation and action comprehended on contemporary political sociology. At the same time, it's easily perceived the existence of a tradition that relies in silence and resignation regarding politics. Finally, we identified several reactions triggered by individuals during debates and analyzed it through boltanskian citès typology.FAPEAL - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas
Este trabalho versa sobre a questão da participação política dentro de uma política pública específica: o Programa Territórios Rurais, instituído no Brasil desde 2003. Neste sentido, buscamos analisar, por meio da deliberação e das relações políticas no Litoral Norte de Alagoas, os embates entre a proposta de participação apoiada nos pressupostos da democracia participativa e a realidade marcada por hierarquias sociais. Assim, apoiados na sociologia pragmática de Boltanski, que desenvolve seus trabalhos sobre as ordens de legitimação moral elencadas numa situação de disputa e/ou crítica, e também no conceito de patronagem desenvolvido por Lanna, no seu trabalho sobre relações tradicionais no Nordeste brasileiro, buscamos trazer contribuições para o debate em torno da participação e da ação do Estado que se desenha na sociologia política contemporânea. Ao mesmo tempo, percebemos como há uma tradição que se assenta no silêncio não reivindicativo e na resignação em torno da política. Por fim, identificamos diversas lógicas que são acionadas pelos indivíduos envolvidos numa situação de debate e as analisamos a partir da tipologia boltanskiana das citès.
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Honeyman, Valerie. "'That ye may judge for yourselves' : the contribution of Scottish Presbyterianism towards the emergence of political awareness amongst ordinary people in Scotland between 1746 and 1792." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/10826.
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This thesis offers a new interpretation of the origins of eighteenth-century popular political consciousness in Scotland during the second half of the eighteenth century by considering the relationship between Presbyterianism, literacy and political activity, and it examines the long-standing enmity to the authority of the elite expressed through patronage disputes, the burgh reform movement and opposition to Catholic relief. In particular it discusses the ongoing debate over lay ecclesiastical patronage arguing that religious dispute was a major stimulus to the process of politicising ordinary people. This process was aided by the inherent radicalism within Presbyterianism which was egalitarian and anti-hierarchical, and which was used to justify inclusion in the political process. It also emphasises the continuing relevance of Scotland’s Covenanting tradition for people from all walks of life who engaged with ideas predominantly through polemical religious books, particularly Covenanting theology and history, and it argues that the clergy provided a crucial link between the general populace and the issues of the day through their ability to draw people into contemporary debate as a result of their preaching and publications.
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Curto, Grau Marta. "The Political Economy of the Tactical Allocation of Public Spending: Evidence from Spain." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/130791.
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Nevertheless, this peculiarity of the Spanish political system did not eliminate the incentives for governments to use pork-barrel policies. On the one hand, despite electoral results being centrally planned, Madrid’s limited capacity to intervene in society implied that elections outcomes had to be negotiated with the local elites, who demanded compensations (such as public funds) for their districts’ electoral support. On the other hand, the two-party system may be seen as a duopoly regime, in which opposition districts were actually those which did not respect the alternation system, and voted for either the dynastic party that was going to lose the election or for a third political force. Restoration Spain provides therefore an interesting case of a political system in which a dominating duopoly used pork-barrel strategies to persuade the electorate to change the sign of their votes in every electoral call.
In this setting, two kinds of political economy models may be relevant to analyze pork-barrel in Restoration Spain. One can see the Spanish Restoration as a semi-democratic regime ruled by a duopoly that furthered its political goals by using the geographical allocation of public resources. More specifically, governments showered resources on those districts that were loyal to the alternation system, and starved the rebellious ones. This would be similar to a typical semi-democratic system, although one in which the hegemonic political force was not a single party but a duopoly. On the other hand, given the importance of local elites, non-partisan motivations may also offer a partial description of the political process. In non-partisan models, the distribution of public funds reflects the influence and ability of individual MPs, who compete for administrative resources to reinforce their links with their electorates. Indeed, bringing home the pork increases MPs’ reputation with local elites (Levitt and Snyder, 1995; Levitt and Poterba, 1999; Milligan and Smart, 2005).
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Hajj, Jimmy. "Le rôle des oligarchies communautaires dans le développement local : étude des représentations dans le caza de Jezzine." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019GREAH024.
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Trois décennies ont passé depuis l’accord de paix entre les Libanais au terme de la guerre civile commencée en 1975. L’accord de Taëf a adopté l’application de la décentralisation administrative pour favoriser le développement local au Liban. Les conférences internationales de financement du Liban (Paris 3, CEDRE, …) qui ont généré des dons et des prêts conditionnés à des réformes structurelles dont une nécessaire gouvernance locale fait partie afin de renforcer la participation des municipalités et des habitants.Ce développement économique des territoires régionaux libanais dépend du pouvoir des familles claniques féodales. Depuis des siècles, ces anciennes familles détiennent les ressources de production et ont la mainmise sur la gouvernance territoriale. Ces familles se partagent le territoire du Liban et leurs tractations conditionnent les règles d’une démocratie consensuelle. Chaque famille gouverne son fief et joue le jeu des influences politiques et de la protection de sa communauté confessionnelle pour influencer les instances politiques nationales. La logique communautaire de la société libanaise avec sa mosaïque de 18 groupes confessionnels répartis sur un petit territoire est entretenue par les familles claniques qui se présentent comme les protectrices de leur communauté. Le clientélisme est leur moyen de leur maintien au pouvoir. Dans cette perspective, ce système de gouvernance est devenu pour les politiciens un leurre sociopolitique.Notre thèse contribue à une lecture socio-politico-économique de l’influence de ces grandes familles sur le développement économique du caza de Jezzine.Dans le cadre de cette recherche on étudie l’application des notions de gouvernance territoriale, de décentralisation, des autorités traditionnelles ainsi que celle du développement économique local. Après une analyse de la littérature existante sur ces thèmes, nous avons conduit une analyse en deux volets afin de construire un modèle avec les variables impliquées dans le développement à Jezzine : une étude qualitative exploratoire par l’analyse d’entretiens avec des représentants de la société jezzinoise et une étude quantitative confirmatoire par questionnaire. Cette thèse éclaire la dynamique sociopolitique territoriale des familles claniques féodales à Jezzine, mais aussi les liens avec la gouvernance nationale. Le modèle final obtenu comprend 20 variables indépendantes et montre que ces grandes familles claniques forment une variable médiatrice pour expliquer le développement économique local du caza de Jezzine. Ceci nous permettra d’élaborer des pistes sur l’impact d’une telle démarche de décentralisation appliquée au LibanThree decades have passed since the peace agreement among the Lebanese at the end of the civil war, started in 1975. The Taef agreement adopted the administrative decentralization to promote local development in Lebanon. The international fundraising conferences for Lebanon (Paris 3, CEDRE, ...) that generated donations and conditioned loans linked to structural reforms such as a necessary local governance to strengthen the participation of municipalities and inhabitants.This economic development of Lebanese local territories depends on the power of feudal clan families. For centuries, these ancient families hold the means of production and have control over the local governance. The territory of Lebanon is controlled by these families, their alliances, and their political confessional practices called by them a “consensual democracy”. Each family gains its political influences over the national political authorities through its objective of “protecting its confessional community”. So, the community-based logic of Lebanese society with its mosaic of 18 sectarian groups spread over a small territory is maintained by the clan families who present themselves as the protectors of their community. Political patronage is their way of keeping them in power. In this perspective, this system of governance has become for Lebanese traditional politicians a socio-political decoy.Our thesis contributes to a socio-politico-economical reading of the influence of these large families on the economic development of the caza of Jezzine.We studied the implementation of the notions of territorial governance, decentralization, traditional authorities as well as local economic development. After an analysis of the existing literature on these topics, we conducted two-part analysis to build a model with the variables involved in the development in Jezzine: an exploratory qualitative study conducted through interviews with the representatives of Jezzine society, and a confirmatory quantitative questionnaire-based study. This thesis illuminates the socio-political territorial dynamics of the feudal clan families in Jezzine, and their interrelations with the national governance. The final model obtained includes 20 independent variables and shows that these large clan families form a mediating variable to explain the local economic development of the caza of Jezzine. This will allow us to elaborate on the impact of such a decentralization process applied to Lebanon
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Pinthong, Jaree. "Clientelism, social policy and welfare state development : a case study on Thailand." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:57492483-eca6-4fda-b5cc-420cc8ee894c.
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This thesis consists of four independent chapters each of which addresses the relationship between clientelism and social policy in relation to welfare state development from different perspectives. The overarching research question examines whether the adoption of such policies leads to de-clientelisation, and, if so, to what extent. The research extensively draws upon both cross-national data and that from Thailand between 2000-2012 during which populist welfare policies have gained significant influence on political development. Chapter 1 employs a global dataset of developing countries to offer a comparative perspective on the subject and shows that political parties generally trade-off between social policy and their engagement in clientelism. The latter three chapters take Thailand as a case study empirically investigate clientelist mechanisms at different geographic levels. Focusing on the household level, Chapter 2 evaluates the role of patron-client relations in determining access to the Thailand Village Fund based on the Socio-Economic Household Surveys. The provincial level is examined in Chapter 3 which studies economic and political determinants of two types of provincial-level distributive transfers: social policy spending and discretionary spending. Chapter 4 examines the clientelist mechanism at the national level through an assessment of the electoral linkage dynamics by measuring changes in personal votes. The findings show some degree of resilience of clientelist relations as they intervene with social policy allocation, particularly at local level. The global trend contrasts with the case of Thailand where, as in-depth analyses of the latter three chapters have shown, clientelist relations often persist and convert into a new form, for example the southern model of welfare regimes.
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McNally, Patrick. "Patronage and politics in Ireland 1714-1727." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359112.
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Martin, Nicolas E. "Politics, patronage, and debt bondage in the Pakistani Punjab." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2348/.
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This thesis examines landlord politics in the rural Pakistani Punjab and contributes to the literature on the state and criminalised politics in South Asia as well as to broader debates on factionalism and violence, class formation, proletarianization and bonded labour. The thesis also examines whether, and in what sense, Muslim saints play a role in legitimising and consolidating a highly personalised and hierarchical political order. The principal aim of the thesis is to document, and to account for, the entrenchment of violent factional politics in the Punjabi countryside and to consider how this may have forestalled the emergence of horizontal, class-based, political assertiveness. Members of the landed elite still wield considerable power over much of the rural population through tenancy relations, patronage and coercion. This enables them to obtain votes during elections and to command corvee labour, as well as to enforce debt-bondage. The thesis illustrates how this remains true despite the growing, although partial, proletarianization of former tenants and of members of menial and artisan occupational groups. One implication of this situation is that in addition to members of marginal landless groups voting for landlords during elections they also frequently fight on their behalf rather than against them. Competition for political office remains largely restricted to the landed elite and resembles a zero-sum game where winners appropriate the spoils of power for themselves and, to varying degrees, for their clients. The fact that winners take all, combined with the widespread availability of Kalashnikovs and other weapons, means that political competition is intense and involves high levels of violence. The thesis analyses how the regional political coalitions of landlord politicians are often structured on the basis of pragmatism, kinship, feuds and local rivalries, rather than on that of ideological commitment to political parties.
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Mitchell, Emily. "Patronage and politics at Barking Abbey, c.950-c.1200." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272158.
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Javed, Umair. "Profit, piety, and patronage : bazaar traders and politics in urban Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3843/.
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This thesis studies the political and social practices of prosperous bazaar merchants and traders to understand the dynamics of power and authority in contemporary urban Pakistan. Broadly, it considers how propertied groups, such as traders, maintain their dominant position in Pakistan's political sphere, and how the consent of subordinate classes is structured to reproduce this persisting arrangement. Drawing on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork in a large wholesale bazaar of Lahore, this thesis demonstrates that bazaar traders accumulate power and authority through a fused repertoire of transactional bargaining, material patronage, and Islamic civic leadership. By mobilizing voluntary associations, and forming personalized relations of reciprocity with state functionaries and political elites, traders are able to reproduce their material and status privileges through political access and co-optation of public resources. Such networks also position them as patrons and brokers for the urban poor who work in marketplaces, helping the latter resolve pressing issues of everyday subsistence, while sustaining ties of exploitative dependence in the process. These ties are simultaneously legitimized through an accompanying cultural politics grounded in religious ideals. Bazaar traders remain deeply embedded with Islamist actors and play a central role in administering mosques, seminaries, and religious charities. Therefore, notions of piety, divinely ordained class and status hierarchies, and benevolent civic virtue - disseminated and popularized through their articulation and performance by bazaar traders - shape the cultural frames under which class authority and material conditions are interpreted by subordinate groups in marketplaces. Ultimately, these processes act as the building blocks of a persisting arrangement, wherein the influence bazaar traders possess through economic resources and their authority over the urban poor is transacted with weak political parties during elections, thus underpinning the reproduction of Pakistan's elite-dominated political sphere. By documenting the everyday power practices of a dominant group and the microprocesses that feed into the political sphere, this thesis rectifies deterministic statist and structuralist explanations for Pakistan's lasting regime of elite power. It also contributes to ongoing debates on the roles played by the state, political parties, and civil society in the articulation of hegemonic political arrangements.
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Arévalo, León Rosa. "Can I count on you? The stability of Cesar Álvarez’s administration (2006 - 2013)." Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91872.
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This article analyzes the factors that contributed to Cesar Alvarez’s administration stability as regional president of Ancash during almost two full consecutive terms (2006 – 2013). Thus, the research focuses on the development of clientelistic and patronage networks that strength- ened his ties with citizens, providing him with constant support. Moreover, those practices protected him from any act of fiscalization or investigation. Finally, public spending, largely financed with mining canon, made possible for Alvarez to show himself as an efficient regional president by developing major infrastructure projects in the region.El presente artículo se centra en los factores que dieron estabilidad a la gestión del expresidente regional de Áncash, César Álvarez, durante casi dos periodos consecutivos (2006- 2013) y con probables miras hacia uno tercero. De esta manera, la investigación se enfoca en el desarrollo de redes clientelares y de patronazgo que fortalecieron los nexos que estableció con la ciudadanía, proporcionándole apoyo constante. Asimismo, aquellas prácticas le sirvieron de blindaje ante cualquier acto de fiscalización o investigación. Por último, el gasto público en gran parte producto del canon minero, hizo que Álvarez se demuestre como una autoridad eficiente alpromocionar grandes obras de infraestructura -sobrevaloradas- en la región.
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Beecroft, Mark. "Empires of patronage : Colonel William Sykes and the politics of Victorian science." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322718.
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Javid, Hassan. "Class, power, and patronage : the landed elite and politics in Pakistani Punjab." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/468/.
Full textAbstract:
Following their conquest of Punjab, the British erected an administrative apparatus that relied heavily upon the support of the province’s powerful landed elite. The relationship between the two was one of mutual benefit, with the British using their landed allies to ensure the maintenance of order and effective economic accumulation in exchange for state patronage. Over a century and a half later, the politics of Pakistani Punjab continues to be dominated by landowning politicians, despite significant societal changes that could have potentially eroded their power. In order to answer the question of why this is so, this thesis uses a historical institutionalist approach to argue that the administrative framework emerging out of the initial bargain between the colonial state and the landed classes gave rise to a path-dependent process of institutional development in Punjab that allowed the latter to increasingly entrench themselves within the political order during the colonial and post-colonial periods. In doing so, the landed elite were also able to reinforce their bargain with the colonial state and, after independence, the Pakistani military establishment, perpetuating a relationship that facilitated the pursuit of the interests of the actors involved. In order to account for this path-dependent process of institutional development, this thesis treats the initial period of colonial rule in Punjab as a ‘critical juncture’, tracing the factors that led the British to rely on the landed elite for support, and enter into the bargain between the two actors that drove subsequent institutional developments. The thesis then explores the mechanisms used to perpetuate this arrangement over time, focusing in particular on the use, by the state and the landed elite, of legislative interventions, bureaucratic power, and electoral politics, to reinforce and reproduce the institutional framework of politics in Punjab. Finally, the thesis also looks at points in time during which this dominant institutional path has been challenged, albeit unsuccessfully, with a view towards understanding both the circumstances under which such challenges can emerge, and the lessons that can be learnt from these episodes with regards to the prospects for the creation of a democratic and participatory politics in the province.
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Greatorex, Harry. "Patronage for revolutionaries : the politics of community organising in a Venezuelan barrio." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2016. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/64220/.
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The political success of Hugo Chávez and Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution has relied on the promise of both emancipation and improved terms of patronage for the urban poor. This thesis takes a journey through barrio Pueblo Nuevo, the oldest informal township in Mérida city, to consider the tension between these ways of thinking about the relationship between people and government as a context for community organising. Different kinds of evidence are presented from fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2014, when Mérida made international headlines as violent protests erupted and the middle-class neighbourhoods around Pueblo Nuevo barricaded themselves against the state. Observations from community meetings in and around the barrio show how different groups position themselves strategically in relation to political parties and city authorities. Experiences from nine months volunteer teaching work is used to explore the participatory methodology of the barrio’s famous ‘little school’ - the Fundación Cayapa education collective – and its work to reduce gang violence. Experiences of living and participating in Pueblo Nuevo and of building relationships with key community members are drawn on to explore perceptions of the lawlessness and political radicalism of Venezuela’s barrio populations. Interviews with activists, residents and local officials are used to map the intellectual landscape of the barrio, identifying different overlapping folk concepts about the urban poor – including as ghetto thugs and as social revolutionaries – and connecting these to notions about government and democracy. These connected areas of analysis are used to bring together the existing scholarship around Venezuela’s experience of Chavismo – as a public narrative, as a set of institutions and policies and as the context for barrio organising. The thesis contributes to these existing areas of literature by challenging the representation of Bolivarianism as a break from the pre-Chávez political era. Historical evidence is presented to connect the contemporary experience of Pueblo Nuevo with the history of the barrio as Mérida’s first so-called “land invasion” following ruralurban migration during the mid-Twentieth Century. Important continuities are identified with the pre-Chávez era in the strategies of community groups, their administration by partisan city authorities and within the Bolivarian public narrative of class warfare and popular empowerment. The thesis argues that community organising in Pueblo Nuevo is shaped by the inherited tension between processes of social emancipation and patronage and their premises in competing folk concepts about the urban poor.
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Mills, Deborah. "Dancing with the bear: the politics of Australian national cultural policy." Thesis, University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/23105.
Full textAbstract:
My research topic is an investigation into the policy beliefs that drive the activities of Australia’s national arts advocacy coalitions. My research question is: how have the beliefs and activities of Australia’s arts advocacy coalitions constrained Australia’s national cultural policy? I apply public policy-making theory (the Advocacy Coalition Framework) and cultural policy theory to this question. As neither public policy nor cultural policy theory tell us about how cultural policy is developed, my thesis contributes to this scholarship and provides Australia’s arts sector with insights into this policymaking process and their impact on it. My case studies analyse three national arts policies: Creative Nation (1994); Creative Australia (2013); and Senator George Brandis’ cuts to the Australia Council in 2015 to establish his own arts fund. My research includes semi-structured interviews with 45 past and present coalition members, a survey of organisations involved in the mobilisations against Brandis’ intervention and content analysis of key documentation. My findings are that national arts policy is constrained by contests over policy beliefs. These contests take place within the frame of governments’ preference for a patronage policy mode that supports the subsidised arts. This patronage approach and the commodification of cultural policy constrain attempts to develop a broader national cultural policy. During the period defined by my inquiry the outcomes of these contests over policy beliefs have valorised excellence at the expense of access, designated citizens as consumers of cultural artefacts and strengthened structural inequality within the subsidised arts sector. Also contested have been the policy preferences that require arts funding decisions to be made at arm’s length from government by an artist’s peers. During the period under inquiry, these contests have often been triggered by governments’ attempts to constrain these policy preferences in the interests of greater control over arts funding.