Dissertations / Theses: 'Patronage politics'

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McNally, Patrick. "Patronage and politics in Ireland 1714-1727." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359112.

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Williams, Abigail. "Whig literary culture : poetry, politics, and patronage, 1678-1714." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339967.

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Tebeau, Kahreen Celeste. "ANC Dominance and Ethnic Patronage Politics in South Africa." Thesis, Yale University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3580869.

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South Africa has a ruling dominant party, the African National Congress (ANC), which has been in power since apartheid ended in 1994. In national elections, the ANC has consistently received an overwhelming majority of the vote, even though the majority of South Africa's citizens have benefitted little from the ANC's policies. This dissertation investigates why so many South African voters continue to vote for the ANC despite little, if any, measurable improvement in their quality of life since the ANC came to power. In so doing, it examines the literature on dominant parties, voter behavior and what motivates it, the incentives created by various electoral systems, and ethnic patronage politics. It also draws on empirical research into these phenomena in both South Africa and an illustrative comparative case study, Malaysia. Ultimately, I argue that both the theoretical framework and the empirical evidence point toward ethnic patronage as the driving explanation of electoral outcomes in South Africa; they also suggest there is little prospect for significant change in the foreseeable future.

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Martin, Nicolas E. "Politics, patronage, and debt bondage in the Pakistani Punjab." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2348/.

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This thesis examines landlord politics in the rural Pakistani Punjab and contributes to the literature on the state and criminalised politics in South Asia as well as to broader debates on factionalism and violence, class formation, proletarianization and bonded labour. The thesis also examines whether, and in what sense, Muslim saints play a role in legitimising and consolidating a highly personalised and hierarchical political order. The principal aim of the thesis is to document, and to account for, the entrenchment of violent factional politics in the Punjabi countryside and to consider how this may have forestalled the emergence of horizontal, class-based, political assertiveness. Members of the landed elite still wield considerable power over much of the rural population through tenancy relations, patronage and coercion. This enables them to obtain votes during elections and to command corvee labour, as well as to enforce debt-bondage. The thesis illustrates how this remains true despite the growing, although partial, proletarianization of former tenants and of members of menial and artisan occupational groups. One implication of this situation is that in addition to members of marginal landless groups voting for landlords during elections they also frequently fight on their behalf rather than against them. Competition for political office remains largely restricted to the landed elite and resembles a zero-sum game where winners appropriate the spoils of power for themselves and, to varying degrees, for their clients. The fact that winners take all, combined with the widespread availability of Kalashnikovs and other weapons, means that political competition is intense and involves high levels of violence. The thesis analyses how the regional political coalitions of landlord politicians are often structured on the basis of pragmatism, kinship, feuds and local rivalries, rather than on that of ideological commitment to political parties.

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Warner, Mark William. "The Montagu Earls of Salisbury circa 1300-1428 : a study in warfare, politics & political culture." Thesis, University of London, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338981.

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Mitchell, Emily. "Patronage and politics at Barking Abbey, c.950-c.1200." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272158.

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Chidambaram, Soundarya. "Welfare, Patronage, and the Rise Of Hindu Nationalism in India's Urban Slums." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1325189441.

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Javed, Umair. "Profit, piety, and patronage : bazaar traders and politics in urban Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3843/.

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This thesis studies the political and social practices of prosperous bazaar merchants and traders to understand the dynamics of power and authority in contemporary urban Pakistan. Broadly, it considers how propertied groups, such as traders, maintain their dominant position in Pakistan's political sphere, and how the consent of subordinate classes is structured to reproduce this persisting arrangement. Drawing on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork in a large wholesale bazaar of Lahore, this thesis demonstrates that bazaar traders accumulate power and authority through a fused repertoire of transactional bargaining, material patronage, and Islamic civic leadership. By mobilizing voluntary associations, and forming personalized relations of reciprocity with state functionaries and political elites, traders are able to reproduce their material and status privileges through political access and co-optation of public resources. Such networks also position them as patrons and brokers for the urban poor who work in marketplaces, helping the latter resolve pressing issues of everyday subsistence, while sustaining ties of exploitative dependence in the process. These ties are simultaneously legitimized through an accompanying cultural politics grounded in religious ideals. Bazaar traders remain deeply embedded with Islamist actors and play a central role in administering mosques, seminaries, and religious charities. Therefore, notions of piety, divinely ordained class and status hierarchies, and benevolent civic virtue - disseminated and popularized through their articulation and performance by bazaar traders - shape the cultural frames under which class authority and material conditions are interpreted by subordinate groups in marketplaces. Ultimately, these processes act as the building blocks of a persisting arrangement, wherein the influence bazaar traders possess through economic resources and their authority over the urban poor is transacted with weak political parties during elections, thus underpinning the reproduction of Pakistan's elite-dominated political sphere. By documenting the everyday power practices of a dominant group and the microprocesses that feed into the political sphere, this thesis rectifies deterministic statist and structuralist explanations for Pakistan's lasting regime of elite power. It also contributes to ongoing debates on the roles played by the state, political parties, and civil society in the articulation of hegemonic political arrangements.

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Choe, Wongi. "Political institutions and politics of financial patronage after liberalization : Argentina, Korea, and Thailand in the 1990s /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10712.

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Hermawan, Yulius Purwadi. "Internal politics of political parties : factionalism and patronage in the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP)." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416318.

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Javid, Hassan. "Class, power, and patronage : the landed elite and politics in Pakistani Punjab." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/468/.

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Following their conquest of Punjab, the British erected an administrative apparatus that relied heavily upon the support of the province’s powerful landed elite. The relationship between the two was one of mutual benefit, with the British using their landed allies to ensure the maintenance of order and effective economic accumulation in exchange for state patronage. Over a century and a half later, the politics of Pakistani Punjab continues to be dominated by landowning politicians, despite significant societal changes that could have potentially eroded their power. In order to answer the question of why this is so, this thesis uses a historical institutionalist approach to argue that the administrative framework emerging out of the initial bargain between the colonial state and the landed classes gave rise to a path-dependent process of institutional development in Punjab that allowed the latter to increasingly entrench themselves within the political order during the colonial and post-colonial periods. In doing so, the landed elite were also able to reinforce their bargain with the colonial state and, after independence, the Pakistani military establishment, perpetuating a relationship that facilitated the pursuit of the interests of the actors involved. In order to account for this path-dependent process of institutional development, this thesis treats the initial period of colonial rule in Punjab as a ‘critical juncture’, tracing the factors that led the British to rely on the landed elite for support, and enter into the bargain between the two actors that drove subsequent institutional developments. The thesis then explores the mechanisms used to perpetuate this arrangement over time, focusing in particular on the use, by the state and the landed elite, of legislative interventions, bureaucratic power, and electoral politics, to reinforce and reproduce the institutional framework of politics in Punjab. Finally, the thesis also looks at points in time during which this dominant institutional path has been challenged, albeit unsuccessfully, with a view towards understanding both the circumstances under which such challenges can emerge, and the lessons that can be learnt from these episodes with regards to the prospects for the creation of a democratic and participatory politics in the province.

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Beecroft, Mark. "Empires of patronage : Colonel William Sykes and the politics of Victorian science." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322718.

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Greatorex, Harry. "Patronage for revolutionaries : the politics of community organising in a Venezuelan barrio." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2016. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/64220/.

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The political success of Hugo Chávez and Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution has relied on the promise of both emancipation and improved terms of patronage for the urban poor. This thesis takes a journey through barrio Pueblo Nuevo, the oldest informal township in Mérida city, to consider the tension between these ways of thinking about the relationship between people and government as a context for community organising. Different kinds of evidence are presented from fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2014, when Mérida made international headlines as violent protests erupted and the middle-class neighbourhoods around Pueblo Nuevo barricaded themselves against the state. Observations from community meetings in and around the barrio show how different groups position themselves strategically in relation to political parties and city authorities. Experiences from nine months volunteer teaching work is used to explore the participatory methodology of the barrio’s famous ‘little school’ - the Fundación Cayapa education collective – and its work to reduce gang violence. Experiences of living and participating in Pueblo Nuevo and of building relationships with key community members are drawn on to explore perceptions of the lawlessness and political radicalism of Venezuela’s barrio populations. Interviews with activists, residents and local officials are used to map the intellectual landscape of the barrio, identifying different overlapping folk concepts about the urban poor – including as ghetto thugs and as social revolutionaries – and connecting these to notions about government and democracy. These connected areas of analysis are used to bring together the existing scholarship around Venezuela’s experience of Chavismo – as a public narrative, as a set of institutions and policies and as the context for barrio organising. The thesis contributes to these existing areas of literature by challenging the representation of Bolivarianism as a break from the pre-Chávez political era. Historical evidence is presented to connect the contemporary experience of Pueblo Nuevo with the history of the barrio as Mérida’s first so-called “land invasion” following ruralurban migration during the mid-Twentieth Century. Important continuities are identified with the pre-Chávez era in the strategies of community groups, their administration by partisan city authorities and within the Bolivarian public narrative of class warfare and popular empowerment. The thesis argues that community organising in Pueblo Nuevo is shaped by the inherited tension between processes of social emancipation and patronage and their premises in competing folk concepts about the urban poor.

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Klopp, Jacqueline M. "Electoral despotism in Kenya : land, patronage and resistance in the multi-party context." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36972.

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In Africa, the new electoral freedoms of the 1990s often ushered in not less but more violence and corruption. Somewhat paradoxically, democratization appeared to lead to greater despotism. Current theories of democratic transitions fail to adequately explain this negative "fall out". On the one hand, by focusing on formal institutional change, most transitions theory marginalizes the "informal" politics of patronage and violence. On the other hand, theorists of "informal" politics tend to assume that formal institutional change does not impinge on patrimonial dynamics. This thesis explains how the advent of electoral freedom challenges patrimonialism and, in the process, deepens local despotism. By a careful look at the Kenyan case, this thesis argues that the re-introduction of multiple political parties posed a genuine challenge to highest level patronage networks. This challenge consisted of "patronage inflation": competitive elections escalated demands for and promises of patronage just as international conditionalities and economic difficulties led to a decline in traditional supplies of patronage. Further, with multiple political parties, voters gained bargaining power to demand both resources and accountability. A critique of patrimonialism emerged into the public realm, particularly from those who had lost out in the spoils system, the growing numbers of poor and landless. These challenges were met by counter-strategies on the part of those most set to lose by a turnover in elections. With the introduction of alternative political parties, President Moi and key patronage bosses instigated localized but electorally beneficial violence in the form of "ethnic clashes". In their struggle to maintain patrimonial dominance, they also increasingly turned to less internationally scrutinized public lands as a patronage resource, leading to increasing and increasingly violent "land grabbing". This triggered counter mobilizations which aimed at reasserting local co

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Harris, Jonathan Andrew. "Three Essays on Politics in Kenya." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10572.

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This dissertation examines ethnic patronage, local conflict, and election fraud in Kenya in three separate essays. Fraud, violence, and ethnicity are difficult to measure, and they often play a central role in narratives and theories about African politics. The essays in this dissertation draw on natural language processing, spatial statistics, and demography to improve measurement of these concepts and, in turn, our understanding of how they function in Kenya. The approaches developed here can be generalized to conflict, ethnicity, and fraud in other contexts. The first essay presents a method for extracting ethnic information from names. Existing methods give biased estimates by ignoring uncertainly in the mapping between names and ethnicity. I apply my improved, approximately unbiased method to data on political appointments from 1963 to 2010 in Kenya, and find that existing narratives about distributive politics do not accord with empirical patterns. The second essay examines patterns of violent ethnic targeting during Kenya's 2007-2008 post-election violence. I focus on patterns of arson, one of the key types of violence used in the Rift Valley. I find that incidence of arson is related to the presence of ethnic outsiders, and even more strongly related to measures of land quality, accessibility, and electoral competition. Using a difference-in-differences design, I show that arson caused a significant decrease in the number of Kikuyu and other immigrant ethnic groups registered to vote; no such decline is observed in indigenous ethnic groups. The third essay documents the prevalence of dead voters on Kenya's voter register prior to the contentious 2007 presidential elections, and shows how dead registered voters may have facilitated electoral fraud. Simply accounting for the number of dead voters demonstrates that turnout was greater than 100% in several opposition constituencies, and implausibly high in most of the incumbent president's home province. Ecological inference suggests that ballot-stuffing occurred in candidate strongholds, rather than competitive constituencies. These results are consistent with the opposition party's allegations of fraud.
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Tedder, Melody. "Patronage Piety and Capitulation: The Nobilitys Response to Religious Reform in England." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1301.

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The Tudor Reformation period represents an era fraught with religious and political controversy. It is my goal to present the crucial role the nobility played in the success of the Henrician Reformation as well as to provide a reasonable explanation for the nobility's reaction to religious and political reform. I will also seek to quantify the significance of the nobility as a social group and prove the importance of their reaction to the success of the Henrician Reformation. The nobles because of patronage, self-interest, piety, apathy, fear, or practicality were motivated to support the king's efforts. Their response was the key to the success or failure of the Henrician Reformation. Although Henry VIII started the process of reform, the Henrician Reformation would never have been successful without the enforcement, collaboration, and backing of the nobility.

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Tropp, Håkan. "Patronage, politics and pollution : precarious NGO-state relationships : urban environmental issues in south India /." Linköping : Tema, Univ. [distributör], 1998. http://www.bibl.liu.se/liupubl/disp/disp99/arts182s.htm.

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Twist, Rebecca L. "Patronage, devotion and politics a Buddhological study of the Patola Sahi Dynasty's visual record /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1197663617.

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Sahai, Nandita Prasad. "Politics of patronage and protest : the State, society, and artisans in early modern Rajasthan /." New Delhi : Oxford university press, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb410047595.

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Twist, Rebecca L. "Patronage, devotion and politics: a Buddhological study of the Patola Sahi Dynasty's visual record." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1197663617.

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Murphy, Gregory. "Langston Hughes' struggle for artistic freedom, the role of patronage and politics in Hughes' writing." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq26249.pdf.

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Hogan, Arlene. "The priory of Llanthony Prima and Secunda in Ireland, 1172-1541 : lands, patronage and politics /." Dublin ; Portland : Or. : Four Courts Press, 2008. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41237923d.

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Hoffmann, Leena Koni. "Big men and the big pot at the centre : patronage politics and democracy in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3418/.

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This thesis explores the historical background of patronage politics in Nigeria by examining its evolution during key periods of the country's political development. It investigates how contemporary relations and structures of power are constructed and maintained by exploring a range of political practices, social identities and economic conditions that evidence a continuity and interconnectedness with Nigeria's precolonial and colonial past. By examining five biographies of contemporary political patrons, this thesis shows how politicians and political entrepreneurs legitimate their actions and goals in the political sphere. This process of legitimating political power takes place through a range of strategies that, first, draw on varied social, cultural and historical repertoires; second, are contingent on social settings, political traditions and cultures; and finally, are designed to construct specific social and political meanings. The central argument presented here is that we cannot fully understand how political patrons and their networks operate unless we understand the varied local contexts and political histories that structure relations of power across Nigeria. This thesis is germane because it investigates how the state penetrates different societal structures as well as how local political networks are integrated into central power.

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Fahmy, Mohamed. "The rise of the lesser notables in Cairo's popular quarters : patronage politics of the National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/114345.

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Ever since the military takeover of 1952, the post-monarchic political system of Egypt has been dependent upon a variety of mechanisms and structures to establish and further consolidate its powerbase. Among those, an intertwined web of what could be described as ‘patronage politics’ emerged as one of the main foundations of these tools and was utilized by the regime to establish the fundamentals of its rule. Throughout the post-1952 era, political patrons and respective clients were existent in Egyptian politics, shaping, to a great extent, the policies implemented by Egypt's rulers at the apex of the political system, as well as the tactics orchestrated by the populace within the middle and lower echelons of the polity. This study aims at analyzing the factors that ensured the durability of patronage networks within the Egyptian polity, primarily focusing on the sort of social structural reconfiguration that has been taking place in the popular communities of Egypt in the beginning of the 21st Century. Dissecting the area of Misr Al Qadima as an exemplar case study of Cairo’s popular quarters, the research mainly focuses on examining the role of the lesser notables, those middle patrons and clients that exist on the lower levels of the Egyptian polity within the ranks of the National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood. Henceforth, the sociopolitical agency of these lesser notabilities shall constitute the prime concern of the writing and, in doing so; this research also attempts to draw some linkage between the micro-level features of the popular polities of Cairo and the macro-level realities of the Egyptian polity at large, in the contemporary period.

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Zamchiya, Phillan. "Agrarian change in Zimbabwe : politics, production and accumulation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:25e709cb-d621-47fa-a68e-db89ddacc3b3.

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The analysis of agrarian change presented in this thesis integrates state practices and wider politics to the study of rural differentiation, using a case study of Zimbabwe. Most studies of agrarian change in the 21st century have tried to come to grips with rural differentiation in Africa, its causes and effects, by using particular models such as those of neo-classical economics, livelihood approaches, Marxist analysis of accumulation and social and cultural networks, or a combination of variables from the four approaches. However, these theoretical approaches fail to comprehensively integrate the role of the state and politics into the analysis of rural differentiation. My study explains differentiation by exploring beneficiary selection, production and accumulation processes on Zimbabwe’s Fast Track land reform resettlement schemes. Fast Track involved a series of partisan and violent invasions of largely white owned commercial farms from 2000, which constituted the largest land redistribution in post-colonial Africa. Scholars exploring politics and the Zimbabwean state have not applied their insights to an analysis of field based data on production and accumulation on Zimbabwe’s resettlement farms. I argue that the restructuring of the state and politics as an instrument of violence and as a site of accumulation dominated by patronage-both justified through ideology-was central to agrarian change after 2000. I find the three concepts of violence, patronage and ideology more useful in capturing the nuances and modalities of empirical realities on resettlement schemes than neo-patrimonial theories that provide generalised accounts of the African state. Though still acknowledging the role of other differentiating factors such as social networks, hard work by resettled farmers and economic factors, it is through the integration of political processes into the analysis of agrarian change that, I argue, one can understand better the dynamics shaping rural differentiation in post-2000 Zimbabwe.

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Escobar, Cristina. "Clientelism, mobilization and citizenship : peasant politics in Sucre, Colombia /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9901446.

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Spraggs-Hughes, Amanda. "The Politics of Patronage| Cultural Authority and the Collections of the Earls of Pembroke at Wilton House." Thesis, Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10191789.

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This paper examines the cultural and material history of early Modern Britain as demonstrated through the art acquisitions and art and architectural commissions of the Earls of Pembroke at Wilton House in Wiltshire.

By examining the collection of the 4^th Earl, it is demonstrated that the cultural authority was firmly in the hands of the monarchy. With the Civil War and subsequent execution of Charles I in 1649, the previously held power of the monarch as central artistic authority was diminished. This is demonstrated in the collection of Philip’s grandson Thomas, 8^th Earl of Pembroke. The nature of Thomas’s collection and role in the scientific enlightenment in England suggest that cultural authority has shifted away from the monarchy to science and the academy.

The examination of the primary source materials for this project is supported by the usage of Omeka, a web based archiving and presentation tool used by archives and museums field of digital humanities.

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Amirali, Asha. "Market power : traders, farmers, and the politics of accumulation in Pakistani Punjab." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bb0c636a-2e2c-4a4b-9df8-d81c8ad129fa.

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This thesis examines traders' strategies of accumulation in agricultural commodity markets in Pakistani Punjab. It contributes to the literature on markets as social and political institutions as well as to broader debates on patronage, informality, urbanization, and class formation in South Asia. The principal aim of the thesis is to identify the institutions and ideologies facilitating exchange and study how they function in the market. It also aims to account for the increased political importance of traders, understood as members of Pakistan's intermediate classes, and reflect on the nature of their political participation. Non-programmatic, functional alignments are shown to be the norm and compatible with both military and democratic regimes. Through a close look at activities in one agricultural commodity market - or mandi, as it is known in Punjab - the present work explores the practices and linkages traders cultivate to bolster their economic and political power. Plunging into everyday mandi life in small-town Punjab, it illustrates how customary institutions articulate with the state and capital to co-regulate economic activity and create conditions for durable domination. Enmeshment in patron-client relations, links with the local state, associational activity, ownership and control of capital, and thick social ties are demonstrated to be key means by which wealth and power are accumulated. Class is shown to articulate closely with caste and kinship while being irreducible to them, and the role of dominant social institutions is demonstrated to be highly variable across the many processes ongoing in the market.

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Chiasson, Rachelle A. M. "Musicians and intelligence operations, 1570-1612: politics, surveillance, and patronage in the late Tudor and early Stuart years." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18298.

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ABSTRACT Musicians and Intelligence Operations, 1570-1612: Politics, Surveillance, and Patronage in the Late Tudor and Early Stuart Years by Rachelle C.-Taylor The problem of musicians’ involvement in intelligence operations during the late Tudor and early Stuart years has to date remained relatively unexplored. There is convincing evidence, however, that artists from different disciplines were particularly targeted for recruitment in intelligence operations, designed by Elizabeth I’s councillors, Willam Cecil, Lord Burghley and Francis Walsingham, to infiltrate and disable Catholic oppositional networks on the Continent and in England in the aftermath of the Elizabethan settlement on religion. The Scottish revolt that preceded the arrival of Mary, Queen of Scots in England (1568), the Northern Rising of Catholic Earls (end of 1569), the excommunication of Elizabeth I (1570), and the so-called “Ridolfi” plot to assassinate Elizabeth and raise the Queen of Scots to the English throne (uncovered in 1571) combined to create a large-scale political crisis that galvanized the fledgling intelligence operations, dubbed by scholars as the first “modern” secret service. Religious and political upheavals in late Tudor England had marked consequences on artistic patronage. Although this dissertation is not a comprehensive study of music patronage as it shifted with changing networks of power, I will propose that a form of alternative patronage did emerge with the growth industry in intelligence operations. By the 1580s, large numbers of university students and artists, among them the great Eizabethan dramatist Christopher Marlowe, were recruited to serve in the covert war that mirrored mounting overt hostilities in the Netherlands and in France. By the 1590s, after Walsingham’s death, the Earl of Essex created his own intelligence service, which gradually became an instrument of Essexian aspiration to royal favour. Robert Cecil, Burghley
RESUME ANALYTIQUE Musiciens et services de renseignements élisabéthains et jacobéens, 1570-1612 : politique, contrôle, et mécénat Le phénomène de l’implication de musiciens dans les services de renseignements aux confins des époques élisabéthaine et jacobéenne n’a pas été beaucoup exploré jusqu’à date. Il existe cependant des preuves tangibles démontrant que des artistes de différentes disciplines étaient bel et bien concernés lorsqu’ il était question de recrutement au sein de ces services. Deux conseillers à la cour d’Elizabeth Ière, William Cecil, Lord Burghley, et son protégé Sir Francis Walsingham, conçurent un système d’espionnage qui avait comme objet d’infiltrer et d’affaiblir les réseaux d’opposition catholiques en pleine croissance autant sur les fronts étranger que domestique. Dès 1570, la réforme protestante avait cédé à une crise politico-religieuse de très grande envergure qui eut l’effet de galvaniser les services de renseignements de Burghley et Walsingham, services dont on dit qu’ils furent les premiers d’envergure « moderne ». Cette crise eut également un effet profond sur le mécénat artistique. Dès 1580, les services de renseignements constituaient ni plus ni moins qu’une industrie en pleine expansion. Artistes et académiques étaient recrutés pour servir dans une guerre secrète à l’image des hostilités ouvertes qui sévissaient sur le continent. Après la mort de Walsingham en 1590, le Baron Essex créa lui-même ses propres services de renseignements qui rivalisèrent avec ceux que gérait Burghley. Essex saisit également l’occasion de se servir de l’appareil secret qu’il avait érigé dans le but de se promouvoir auprès de la reine et au sein de la cour, où les luttes intestines s’intensifiaient durant l’ultime décennie du XVIe siècle. Des études de cas font la structure de la présente thèse. En examinant des documents d’archives$

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Brown, Giles Patrick Allen. "Politics and patronage at the Abbey of Saint-Denis (814-98) : the rise of a royal patron saint." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.304823.

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Weingärtner, Tanja. "Écouen and the patronage of Anne de Montmorency (1493-1567) : politics and self-fashioning in the French Renaissance." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265433.

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Kalinowski, Angela V. "Patterns of patronage, the politics and ideology of public building in the Eastern Roman Empire, 31 bce-600 ce." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ35439.pdf.

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Arévalo, León Rosa. "Can I count on you? The stability of Cesar Álvarez’s administration (2006 - 2013)." Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91872.

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This article analyzes the factors that contributed to Cesar Alvarez’s administration stability as regional president of Ancash during almost two full consecutive terms (2006 – 2013). Thus, the research focuses on the development of clientelistic and patronage networks that strength- ened his ties with citizens, providing him with constant support. Moreover, those practices protected him from any act of fiscalization or investigation. Finally, public spending, largely financed with mining canon, made possible for Alvarez to show himself as an efficient regional president by developing major infrastructure projects in the region.
El presente artículo se centra en los factores que dieron estabilidad a la gestión del expresidente regional de Áncash, César Álvarez, durante casi dos periodos consecutivos (2006- 2013) y con probables miras hacia uno tercero. De esta manera, la investigación se enfoca en el desarrollo de redes clientelares y de patronazgo que fortalecieron los nexos que estableció con la ciudadanía, proporcionándole apoyo constante. Asimismo, aquellas prácticas le sirvieron de blindaje ante cualquier acto de fiscalización o investigación. Por último, el gasto público en gran parte producto del canon minero, hizo que Álvarez se demuestre como una autoridad eficiente alpromocionar grandes obras de infraestructura -sobrevaloradas- en la región.

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Klein, Konstantin Matthias. "Building the city of God : imperial patronage and local influence in Jerusalem from Throdosius I to Justinian (379-565 AD)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d7c9c052-9975-4cd6-939f-af3028894751.

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This thesis offers a fresh study of the sources on the history of the city of Jerusalem in the period between the reigns of the Roman emperors Theodosius the Great and Justinian I. In the Holy Land, this period roughly coincides with the arrival of St Jerome in 385 and the completion of Jerusalem's last major church building before the Persian and Muslim conquests, the Nea church, dedicated in 543. One of the main aims of this thesis is to investigate the role of imperial patronage in the city and contrast it with the growing influence of local actors, i.e. bishops, monks, and rich pilgrims who settled there. My reading of the sources makes clear that Jerusalem and the imperial court were more closely connected than previously assumed. This manifested itself not only in imperial building projects, but also in the exchange of theological concepts and ideas. One of my key findings about this traffic is that the cult of saints was introduced to Jerusalem from Constantinople, while, in contrast, the veneration of the Virgin Mary originated in the holy city and reached the capital from there. The thesis offers a new interpretation of patriarchal politics in the times of the Christological controversies following the Council of Chalcedon (451) and of the political self-perception of Jerusalem from the beginning of the sixth century onwards, when the city with its loca sancta entered into a new form of relationship with the emperor Justinian, who bestowed his favour on Jerusalem in the form of imperial donations in return for the support of his ecclesiastical policies by the clergy and monks of Jerusalem.

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Grant, Sarah. "Representations of the princesse de Lamballe (1749-1792) : the portraiture, patronage and politics of a royal favourite at the court of Marie-Antoinette." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1797d7c6-5c22-44a9-8ab3-adfcddfd43fc.

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This thesis examines the portraiture and patronage of Marie Thérèse Louise de Savoie-Carignan, the princesse de Lamballe (1749-1792). It is the first comprehensive and detailed study to be undertaken of the princess's activities as patron. Lamballe was Marie-Antoinette's longest-serving confidante and Superintendent of the Queen's Household. Through close formal analysis of the portraits combined with careful consideration of the sitter's personal circumstances and the wider cultural and historical context, the thesis challenges scholarly assumptions that the princess had only negligible influence as a sitter and patron. As a case study of an independent, professionally ambitious and childless widow, it identifies a wider range of motives and cultural meanings than has previously been ascribed to female court patronage of this period. The first chapter demonstrates that the early depictions of Lamballe as a docile and grieving princess were largely dictated by her father-in-law, an identity the princess subsequently discarded when she assumed a professional role at court. Chapter two examines portraits executed during the princess's rise to political and social prominence and shows that her attachment to the queen and the length of time she spent in her company and service, together with her publicly visible roles as freemason and salonnière, made her a figure of considerable renown and influence and thereby a highly significant patron at the French court. This was enhanced by the princess's international reputation as a talented amateur artist in her own right and by her financial and social support of aspiring artists and art institutions. The princess's engagement with the cult of sentiment and advocacy of women artists is allied to the sorority encouraged by Marie-Antoinette within the women of her select circle. Complementary chapters on the princess's previously unknown anglophile inclinations (discussed in Chapter three) and her private collections, library, and musical and literary patronage (considered in Chapter four) further reveal that Lamballe was an informed and cultivated female patron who operated at the very centre of Marie-Antoinette's circle.

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Atkins, Gareth. "Wilberforce and his milieux : the worlds of Anglican Evangelicalism, c.1780-1830." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252138.

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Evangelical reformism has always been recognized as a massive influence on early nineteenth-century culture. Philanthropic pressure groups dominated public life. But while much attention has recently been devoted to the language and ideas which informed the Evangelical mindset, too many historians have accepted the heroic emphases of nineteenth-century memoirists, and have concentrated on Wilberforce and the crusade against slavery. This thesis contends that the real strength of the movement lay in business, the professions and burgeoning officialdom, and traces the clerical and business networks that connected this metropolitan nexus with provincial Britain. As is shown in chapters on the Church and Universities, patronage and politics, the City of London, the Navy and colonial affairs, this was a dynamic, highly-organized milieu in which patronage, place and influence were used to the full.

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Mubarak, Kamakshi N. "Everyday networks, politics, and inequalities in post-tsunami recovery : fisher livelihoods in South Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6140f40d-9b68-4148-b62e-a3d8d9bdc646.

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The aim of this thesis is to explore how livelihoods are recovering in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami in Sri Lanka through the lens of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework and the social networks approach—methods of inquiry that have gained considerable impetus in livelihoods research. The study is conducted with reference to two tsunami-affected fisher villages in the Hambantota District, Southern Province. It employs a qualitative ethnographic methodology that examines narratives emerging from households, local officials of government and non-government organizations, office bearers of community-based organizations, local politicians, village leaders, and key informants. Focus is on evaluating how particular roles, activities, and behaviour are given importance by these groups in specific post-tsunami contexts and how these aspects relate to broader conceptualizations of social networks, informal politics, social inequality, and ethnographic research in South Asia. The findings support four major contributions to the literature. First, social networks are significant as an object of study and a method of inquiry in understanding livelihoods post-disaster. Second, paying heed to varied forms of informal politics is critical in post-disaster analyses. Third, the concept of intersectionality can extend and improve upon prevailing approaches to social inequality in disaster recovery. Fourth, ethnographic research is valuable for understanding everyday networks, informal politics, and change in South Asia. Collectively, these findings present a human geography of post-tsunami livelihoods in Sri Lanka, where networks, politics, and inequalities, which form an essential part of everyday livelihoods, have been reproduced in disaster recovery. The thesis constitutes a means of offering expertise in the sphere of development practice, highlighting internal differentiation in access to aid as a key issue that needs to be identified and systematically addressed by policymakers and practitioners.

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Hajj, Jimmy. "Le rôle des oligarchies communautaires dans le développement local : étude des représentations dans le caza de Jezzine." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019GREAH024.

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Trois décennies ont passé depuis l’accord de paix entre les Libanais au terme de la guerre civile commencée en 1975. L’accord de Taëf a adopté l’application de la décentralisation administrative pour favoriser le développement local au Liban. Les conférences internationales de financement du Liban (Paris 3, CEDRE, …) qui ont généré des dons et des prêts conditionnés à des réformes structurelles dont une nécessaire gouvernance locale fait partie afin de renforcer la participation des municipalités et des habitants.Ce développement économique des territoires régionaux libanais dépend du pouvoir des familles claniques féodales. Depuis des siècles, ces anciennes familles détiennent les ressources de production et ont la mainmise sur la gouvernance territoriale. Ces familles se partagent le territoire du Liban et leurs tractations conditionnent les règles d’une démocratie consensuelle. Chaque famille gouverne son fief et joue le jeu des influences politiques et de la protection de sa communauté confessionnelle pour influencer les instances politiques nationales. La logique communautaire de la société libanaise avec sa mosaïque de 18 groupes confessionnels répartis sur un petit territoire est entretenue par les familles claniques qui se présentent comme les protectrices de leur communauté. Le clientélisme est leur moyen de leur maintien au pouvoir. Dans cette perspective, ce système de gouvernance est devenu pour les politiciens un leurre sociopolitique.Notre thèse contribue à une lecture socio-politico-économique de l’influence de ces grandes familles sur le développement économique du caza de Jezzine.Dans le cadre de cette recherche on étudie l’application des notions de gouvernance territoriale, de décentralisation, des autorités traditionnelles ainsi que celle du développement économique local. Après une analyse de la littérature existante sur ces thèmes, nous avons conduit une analyse en deux volets afin de construire un modèle avec les variables impliquées dans le développement à Jezzine : une étude qualitative exploratoire par l’analyse d’entretiens avec des représentants de la société jezzinoise et une étude quantitative confirmatoire par questionnaire. Cette thèse éclaire la dynamique sociopolitique territoriale des familles claniques féodales à Jezzine, mais aussi les liens avec la gouvernance nationale. Le modèle final obtenu comprend 20 variables indépendantes et montre que ces grandes familles claniques forment une variable médiatrice pour expliquer le développement économique local du caza de Jezzine. Ceci nous permettra d’élaborer des pistes sur l’impact d’une telle démarche de décentralisation appliquée au Liban
Three decades have passed since the peace agreement among the Lebanese at the end of the civil war, started in 1975. The Taef agreement adopted the administrative decentralization to promote local development in Lebanon. The international fundraising conferences for Lebanon (Paris 3, CEDRE, ...) that generated donations and conditioned loans linked to structural reforms such as a necessary local governance to strengthen the participation of municipalities and inhabitants.This economic development of Lebanese local territories depends on the power of feudal clan families. For centuries, these ancient families hold the means of production and have control over the local governance. The territory of Lebanon is controlled by these families, their alliances, and their political confessional practices called by them a “consensual democracy”. Each family gains its political influences over the national political authorities through its objective of “protecting its confessional community”. So, the community-based logic of Lebanese society with its mosaic of 18 sectarian groups spread over a small territory is maintained by the clan families who present themselves as the protectors of their community. Political patronage is their way of keeping them in power. In this perspective, this system of governance has become for Lebanese traditional politicians a socio-political decoy.Our thesis contributes to a socio-politico-economical reading of the influence of these large families on the economic development of the caza of Jezzine.We studied the implementation of the notions of territorial governance, decentralization, traditional authorities as well as local economic development. After an analysis of the existing literature on these topics, we conducted two-part analysis to build a model with the variables involved in the development in Jezzine: an exploratory qualitative study conducted through interviews with the representatives of Jezzine society, and a confirmatory quantitative questionnaire-based study. This thesis illuminates the socio-political territorial dynamics of the feudal clan families in Jezzine, and their interrelations with the national governance. The final model obtained includes 20 independent variables and shows that these large clan families form a mediating variable to explain the local economic development of the caza of Jezzine. This will allow us to elaborate on the impact of such a decentralization process applied to Lebanon

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Fjelde, Hanne. "Sins of omission and commission the quality of government and civil conflict /." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-109960.

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Shepherd, Mark Duncan. "Charles I and the distribution of political patronage." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367828.

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MacDonald, Deanna. "Margaret of Austria and Brou : Habsburg political patronage in Savoy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0001/MQ43908.pdf.

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McDonald, Janice R. (Janice Ruta) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Women and the appointment process in Canada." Ottawa, 1992.

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Papaioannou, Georgios. "Essays on contemporary patronage, public administration, and reform." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22839/.

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McGilvary, George Kirk. "East India patronage and the political management of Scotland 1720-1774." Thesis, n.p, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/.

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Haigh, Jane Galblum. "Political Power, Patronage, and Protection Rackets: Con Men and Political Corruption in Denver 1889-1894." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195958.

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This work will explore the interconnections between political power and the various forms of corruption endemic in Denver in the late 19th century placing municipal corruption and election fraud into the larger political, economic, social and cultural framework. Municipal political corruption in Denver operated through a series of relationships tying together, the city police, political factions, utility and industrial leaders, con men, gamblers, protection rackets and the election of U.S. Senators. This work will explore not only the operational ties, but also how these ties served all parties, and the discourse used to rationalize the behavior and distribute blame. The dates for this study are bracketed by two significant events: a mayoral election and trial in 1889-1890, and the City Hall War in the spring of 1894. Each of these events represents a point when a rupture in the tight net of political control sparked a battle for hegemony with a concomitant turn to corruption and election fraud on the part of competing political factions. The level of municipal corruption in Denver was not necessarily unusual; however, the extent of the documentation enables a detailed analysis. Denver newspapers blamed the corruption on an unspecified "gang" and a shadowy "machine." The editors railed against the scourge of con men, and simultaneously used the ubiquitous fraud as a metaphor for trickery and corruption of all kinds. This detailed analysis reveals a more complex series of events through which a cabal of business and industry leaders seized control of both the city and the state government, giving them the political power to wage what has been called a war against labor.

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Toral, Guillermo Ph D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "The political logics of patronage : uses and abuses of government jobs in Brazil." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/128632.

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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, May, 2020
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 309-330).
The political appointment of bureaucrats (or patronage, for short) is a major resource for politicians all around the world. While scholars have long studied patronage, we lack a detailed understanding of how politicians target public employment and how that affects governance and public service delivery. This dissertation contributes to fill this gap. I identify five distinct rationales that drive politicians' use of government jobs: managing bureaucrats (to deliver public services or to extract rents), mobilizing voters, rewarding supporters, tying the opponent's hands, and anchoring coalitions. Each of these political logics of patronage has a different rationale, distinct employment patterns, and divergent effects on governance and service delivery.
Empirically, I document the logics of patronage with data on Brazilian municipal governments, a particularly useful context to study patronage given its wide variation in political and economic development and the coexistence of patronage with civil service and other bureaucrat selection modes. To illustrate the diverse uses of patronage and their consequences I combine administrative microdata (including restricted-access, identified data on the universe of municipal employees, and data on the performance of education and healthcare bureaucracies), two original surveys in one state (a face-to-face representative survey of 926 bureaucrats, and an online survey of 755 local politicians), and 121 in-depth interviews with bureaucrats, politicians, and anti-corruption agents done over 18 months of fieldwork in 7 states. Three novel implications emerge from this dissertation.
First, patronage can alleviate agency problems and thus enhance the accountability and effectiveness of bureaucrats, not only to extract rents but also to deliver public services. Second, when politicians use patronage to extract rents, they mobilize a diverse set of strategies that go beyond the hiring of supporters, including the hiring of civil service bureaucrats and the firing (not just hiring) of temporaries. Third, policies commonly used to reduce patronage -- such as civil service regimes, legal constraints on hiring, and elections for key bureaucratic positions -- can have undesirable consequences because of politicians' strategic responses to constraints on their hiring discretion. These findings are relevant to scholars and policymakers seeking to understand and to improve governance and state capacity.
by Guillermo Toral.
Ph. D.
Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science

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Favorito, Rebecca. "Constructing Legitimacy: Patrimony, Patronage, and Political Communication in the Coronation of Henry IV." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1468594085.

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Burn, Geoffrey Livingston. "Land and reconciliation in Australia : a theological approach." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/117230.

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This thesis is a work of Christian theology. Its purpose is twofold: firstly to develop an adequate understanding of reconciliation at the level of peoples and nations; and secondly to make a practical contribution to resolving the problems in Australia for the welfare of all the peoples, and of the land itself. The history of the relationships between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Australia has left many problems, and no matter what the non-Indigenous people try to do, the Indigenous peoples of Australia continue to experience themselves as being in a state of siege. Trying to understand what is happening, and what can be done to resolve the problems for the peoples of Australia and the land, have been the implicit drivers for the theological development in this thesis. This thesis argues that the present generation in any trans-generational dispute is likely to continue to sin in ways that are shaped by the sins of the past, which explains why Indigenous peoples in Australia find themselves in a stage of siege, even when the non-Indigenous peoples are trying to pursue policies which they believe are for the welfare of all. The only way to resolve this is for the peoples of Australia to seek reconciliation. In particular, the non-Indigenous peoples need to repent, both of their own sins, and the sins of their forebears. Reconciliation processes have become part of the international political landscape. However, there are real concerns about the justice of pursuing reconciliation. An important part of the theological development of this thesis is therefore to show that pursuing reconciliation establishes justice. It is shown that the nature of justice, and of repentance, can only be established by pursuing reconciliation. Reconciliation is possible because God has made it possible, and is working in the world to bring reconciliation. Because land is an essential part of Indigenous identity in Australia, the history of land in court cases and legislation in Australia over the past half century forms an important case study in this work. It is shown that, although there was significant repentance within the non-Indigenous legal system in Australia, the degree of repentance available through that legal system is inherently limited, and so a more radical approach is needed in order to seek reconciliation in Australia. A final chapter considers what the non-Indigenous people of Australia need to do in order to repent.

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Schuster, Christian. "When the victor cannot claim the spoils : institutional incentives for professionalizing patronage states." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3123/.

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In most of the world’s states, bureaucrats are managed based on patronage: political discretion determines recruitment and careers. Corruption, poverty and lower growth often result. Unsurprisingly, patronage reform has taken centre stage in foreign aid. Yet, reforms overwhelmingly fail. Bad government is often good politics. When does good government become good politics in patronage states? To address this conundrum, this dissertation develops and tests a theory of reform of patronage states. The theory builds on a simple insight. Not all patronage states are the same: bad government takes different forms in different countries. Patronage states differ in particular in the institutional locus of control over patronage. Variably, sway over patronage benefits is allocated to the executive, other government branches or public servants. These institutional differences shape the electoral usefulness of patronage states to incumbent Presidents and Prime Ministers. Where institutions deprive incumbents and their allies of patronage control, incumbents face greater incentives to draw on their legal powers to professionalize. The theory is empirically validated through a comparison of reforms in Paraguay and the Dominican Republic, which draws on 130 high-level interviews. Evidence from patronage reforms in the U.S. and U.K., and from cross-country expert survey data on government structures underscores the theory’s external validity. The theory’s implication is clear: the origins of professional bureaucracies may lie in the institutional design of patronage states. This finding challenges scholarly convictions about the ephemeral nature of institutions in patronage states: strong formal institutions may exist in weak institutional contexts. Moreover, formal institutions may be causes – rather than only consequences – of the demise of patronage, clientelism and bad government. As a corollary, this dissertation adds a fresh argument to the age-old debate about the merits of power centralization and fragmentation: good government may arise from fragmented control over bad government.

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Kim, Henry Albert. "The consequences of clout agenda control in U.S. legislatures /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3259054.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 11, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-188).

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Patronage politics'

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