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Journal articles on the topic 'Patronage politics'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

HEYWORTH, S. J. "PROPERTIUS, PATRONAGE AND POLITICS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 50, no. 1 (December 1, 2007): 93–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2007.tb00266.x.

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2

Lichtenthäler, Gerhard. "Power, politics and patronage." Études rurales, no. 155-156 (January 1, 2000): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesrurales.20.

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3

Macknight, Lorraine. "Politics, Patronage, and Diplomacy." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 47, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2021.470104.

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When a hymnbook is placed outside its more expected hymnological environment and put in a wider contextual framework, particularly a political one with significant diplomatic aspects, a better appreciation is gained of the hymnbook and the circumstances of its compilation. Critically, the complexity and progressive transparency of hymn transmission from one country to another is also revealed. This article focuses on Prussian diplomat Christian Karl Josias von Bunsen and his Gesang-und Gebetbuchs (1833). A primary source for several translators, notably Catherine Winkworth (1827–1878), the hymnbook directly affected the movement of many hymns from Germany to England, Scotland, and Australia.
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4

Kopecký, Petr, and Gerardo Scherlis. "Party Patronage in Contemporary Europe." European Review 16, no. 3 (July 2008): 355–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000306.

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Party patronage is generally associated with social, economic and political underdevelopment, and is hence seen as largely irrelevant in the context of contemporary European politics. In this article, we argue to the contrary, proposing that patronage reappears on the stage of European politics as a critical organizational and governmental resource employed by political parties to enhance their standing as semi-state agencies of government. In order to illustrate our main contention, we first define party patronage, disentangling it from other notions of political particularism that are often used synonymously in the literature. Second, we provide a brief overview of the literature on the past and present of patronage practices in Europe, arguing that rather than declining, patronage is still likely to be a relevant feature of contemporary party politics in Europe. Finally, we analyse the role of party patronage in the light of recent developments in several European countries, identifying three distinct patterns of patronage practices in the region.
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5

Baggaley, David. "Politics, Patronage & Public Art." Circa, no. 54 (1990): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25557571.

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6

Shin, Jae Hyeok. "Voter Demands for Patronage: Evidence from Indonesia." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 1 (April 2015): 127–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800004197.

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In this article I seek to explain the microfoundations of patronage politics in the developing world. Two distinct approaches have evolved in the literature. One puts emphasis on the demand side, arguing that patronage persists because poor voters tend to desire individualistic goods over policy. The other focuses on the supply side: few politicians offer programmatic policy, so voters have no alternative but to vote for the politicians who distribute patronage. In this study I test those competing theories using original data from Jakarta, Indonesia. I find evidence supporting the demand-side theory: when both patronage and policy are offered, poor, less-educated voters tend to demand patronage, such as jobs and money, over national programs like free education and universal health care, whereas well-off, better-educated voters tend to prefer the national policies. However, the study also reveals that demands for patronage are affected by level of participation in politics: those who voted in previous elections and those who affiliate with a political party are more likely to demand patronage. This microfoundational evidence helps to explain the persistence of patronage politics in places of widespread poverty.
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7

Panizza, Francisco, Conrado Ricardo Ramos Larraburu, and Gerardo Scherlis. "Unpacking Patronage: The Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina's and Uruguay's Central Public Administrations." Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, no. 3 (December 2018): 59–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000303.

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This study makes the following contributions to the study of the politics of patronage appointments in Latin America: Conceptually it adopts Kopecký, Scherlis, and Spirova's (2008) distinction between clientelistic and nonclientelistic types of patronage politics and widens these authors classification of patrons’ motivations for making appointments, specifically as a lens for the study of patronage practices within Latin America's presidentialist regimes. Analytically, it sets up a new taxonomy of patronage appointments based on the roles that appointees’ play vis-à- vis the executive, the ruling party, and the public administration – one that can be used for the comparative study of the politics of patronage. Empirically, it applies this taxonomy to a pilot study of the politics of patronage in Argentina and Uruguay under two left-of-center administrations. Theoretically, it contributes to theory-building by relating the findings of our research to the differences in party systems and presidential powers within the two countries under study, and to agency factors associated with the respective governments’ own political projects. The article concludes that differences in patronage practices are a manifestation of two variant forms of exercising governmental power: a hyper-presidentialist, populist one in Argentina and a party-centered, social-democratic one in Uruguay.
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8

Auyero, Javier, Pablo Lapegna, and Fernanda Page Poma. "Patronage Politics and Contentious Collective Action: A Recursive Relationship." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 03 (2009): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00054.x.

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AbstractBased on ethnographic reanalysis and on current qualitative research on poor people's politics, this article argues that routine patronage politics and nonroutine collective action should be examined not as opposite and conflicting political phenomena but as dynamic processes that often establish recursive relationships. Through a series of case studies conducted in contemporary Argentina, this article examines four instances in which patronage and collective action intersect and interact: network breakdown, patron's certification, clandestine support, and reaction to threat. These four scenarios demonstrate that more than two opposing spheres of action or two different forms of sociability, patronage, and contentious politics can be mutually imbricated. Either when it malfunctions or when it thrives, clientelism may lie at the root of collective action.
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9

Kettering, Sharon. "Patronage and Politics during the Fronde." French Historical Studies 14, no. 3 (1986): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/286384.

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10

Urban, Michael E., and John P. Willerton. "Patronage and Politics in the USSR." Russian Review 52, no. 4 (October 1993): 577. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130680.

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11

Naseemullah, Adnan. "Patronage vs. ideology in Indian politics." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 59, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2021.1910397.

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12

Makhasin, Luthfi. "Islamic Organisation and Electoral Politics: Nahdlatul Ulama and Islamic Mobilisation in Indonesia's Local Election." PCD Journal 5, no. 2 (December 18, 2017): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.29318.

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This paper deals with patronage and piety politics in local election by comparing two cases of the 2017 local election in Central Java Province. It focuses on the role of and dilemma faced by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Indonesia’s Muslim organization, in electoral competition in Indonesia. This article confirms previous scholarly works on the widespread of patronage distribution in and the impact of rising religious conservatism to electoral competition. However, this paper shows both piety and patronage politics are neither necessarily negative for maintaining oligarchic rule nor bad for provoking intolerance and violence. The case of Nahdlatul Ulama reveals that Islamic organisation in Indonesia is not immune from electoral politics and due to institutional weaknesses of most of political parties in Indonesia, it will likely remains an important political player for mobilising support in upcoming elections, both at local and national level.
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13

Omobowale, Ayokunle Olumuyiwa, and Akinpelu Olanrewaju Olutayo. "Chief Lamidi Adedibu and patronage politics in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 3 (July 16, 2007): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002698.

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ABSTRACTSince the acceptance of multi-party democracy as the most viable alternative to autocracy and military rule in Africa, democratic rule has become the vogue. Nigeria's attempt at democracy was (and is) accompanied by patronage politics, whereby certain personalities exact great influence on the political process. This study spotlights Chief Lamidi Adedibu and his patronage style in Nigerian politics, and shows that Adedibu gained political ‘patronic’ prominence during Nigeria's Third Republic in the 1990s, through the provision of the survival needs of the poor majority who are, mostly, used as thugs for protection against challenges from opponents and for political leverage. Since then, he has remained a ‘valuable tool’ of ‘any government in power’ and politicians ready to provide the necessary goods for onward transmission to clients.
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14

Cahyati, Devy Dhian, and Yonatan Hans Luter Lopo. "Daily Patronage Politics: A Village Chief’s Route to Power." PCD Journal 7, no. 2 (November 22, 2019): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.51737.

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This article discusses the politics of patronage used by incumbents in contesting village chief elections. Through observations and interviews conducted before and after the 2018 village chief elections in Klangor Village, Galur District, Kulon Progo Regency, the researchers explored the strategies used by the incumbent to contest the election and seek re-election. At the village level, the politics of patronage function differently than at higher levels of government. The authors argue that incumbents do not only create patronage networks during elections, during which voters are provide money or other gifts; they create patronage networks during their everyday activities. Using the economic resources available to them, incumbents combine three approaches to patronage: benevolence politics, scare-off tactics, and money politics. In this article, the authors argue that the incumbent redefined money, transforming it from a means of conducting transactions into a means of appreciating and rewarding voters. By using this strategy, incumbents can guarantee supporters’ loyalty and receive their votes.
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15

Betts, Alexander. "Refugees And Patronage: A Political History Of Uganda’s ‘Progressive’ Refugee Policies." African Affairs 120, no. 479 (April 1, 2021): 243–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adab012.

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Abstract Uganda’s self-reliance policy for refugees has been recognized as among the most progressive refugee policies in the world. In contrast to many refugee-hosting countries, it allows refugees the right to work and freedom of movement. It has been widely praised as a model for other countries to emulate. However, there has been little research on the politics that underlie Uganda’s approach. Why has Uganda maintained these policies despite hosting more refugees than any country in Africa? Based on archival research and elite interviews, this article provides a political history of Uganda’s self-reliance policies from independence to the present. It unveils significant continuity in both the policies and the underlying politics. Refugee policy has been used by Ugandan leaders to strengthen patronage and assert political authority within strategically important refugee-hosting hinterlands. International donors have abetted domestic illiberalism in order to sustain a liberal internationalist success story. The politics of patronage and refugee policy have worked hand-in-hand. Patronage has, in the Ugandan case, been integral to the functioning of the international refugee system. Rather than being an inevitably ‘African’ phenomenon or the unavoidable legacy of colonialism, patronage politics has been enabled by, and essential to, liberal internationalism.
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16

Kenny, Paul D. "The Origins of Patronage Politics: State Building, Centrifugalism, and Decolonization." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 1 (June 18, 2013): 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341300015x.

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This article develops a two-part theory that accounts for both the origins and the persistence of patronage politics. First, greater centrifugal and disintegrative pressures at key moments in the state-building process give local elites more opportunity to institutionalize patronage at the subnational level. Second, decentralized patronage systems are more resistant to reform than centralized ones. Case studies of India and Ceylon illustrate how variation in centrifugal pressures allowed subnational elites to capture the state in the former but not the latter. Further data from the British Empire shows that greater centrifugal pressures faced by British colonies at the time of decolonization are correlated with the persistence of higher levels of patronage over time.
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17

Blauvelt, Timothy. "Abkhazia: Patronage and Power in the Stalin Era." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 203–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254318.

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Abkhazia during the Stalin era was at the same time a subtropical haven where the great leader and his lieutenants built grand dachas and took extended holidays away from Moscow, and also a key piece in the continuing chess match of Soviet politics. This paper will examine how and why this small, sunny autonomous republic on the Black Sea, and the political networks that developed there, played a prominent role in the politics of the south Caucasus region and in Soviet politics as a whole during the Stalin period.
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18

Rahadiri Abheseka, Norin Mustika. "The Paradox of Incumbency: Patronage, Clientelism, and Incumbent Defeat in Village Chief Elections." PCD Journal 7, no. 2 (November 22, 2019): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.51740.

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This article examines the practices of patronage and clientelism during village elections. Examining Mekarsari Village, Yogyakarta, this study finds that patronage strategies such as programmatic politics, vote buying, club goods, and individual gifts were used by all candidates during village elections owing to the lack of strong social bonds between candidates and voters. The incumbent with all advantages and access to material resources also used patronise and clientelism as strategy, but in fact, it cannot guarantee they win the election. This suggests that the societal relationships and practices of patronage and clientelism continue to affect voter’s preference. Applying sociological, psychological, and rational approaches to understanding voter behaviour especially in Java, the study found that, apart from the instrumental and social distance considerations, territorial representation also influenced voter’s preference at Village.
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19

Wolfe, Cary. "Ezra Pound and the Politics of Patronage." American Literature 63, no. 1 (March 1991): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2926560.

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20

Macdonald, James Ross. "Royal Patronage and Catholic Politics inCynthia's Revels." Ben Jonson Journal 26, no. 1 (May 2019): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2019.0243.

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21

Needell, Jeffrey D., and Richard Graham. "Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Brazil." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 2 (May 1991): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515663.

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22

Ginter, Donald E., and Ronald M. Sunter. "Patronage and Politics in Scotland, 1707-1832." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (December 1987): 1216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868547.

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23

Macaulay, Neill, and Richard Graham. "Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Brazil." American Historical Review 96, no. 4 (October 1991): 1333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165265.

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24

Skidmore, Thomas E., and Richard Graham. "Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Brazil." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 2 (1992): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205350.

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25

Alexander, Jocelyn, and JoAnn McGregor. "Introduction: Politics, Patronage and Violence in Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 39, no. 4 (December 2013): 749–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2013.862100.

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26

Hooley, Richard. "Malaysia's Political Economy: Politics, Patronage and Profits." Economic Development and Cultural Change 48, no. 4 (July 2000): 893–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/452484.

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27

Durant, T. Clark, and Michael Weintraub. "An institutional remedy for ethnic patronage politics." Journal of Theoretical Politics 26, no. 1 (July 9, 2013): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629813488986.

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28

Machado, Kit G., Edmund Terence Gomez, and K. S. Jomo. "Malaysia's Political Economy: Politics, Patronage and Profits." Pacific Affairs 71, no. 4 (1998): 593. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761113.

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29

Varkkey, Helena. "Patronage politics, plantation fires and transboundary haze." Environmental Hazards 12, no. 3-4 (December 2013): 200–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17477891.2012.759524.

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30

Needell, Jeffrey D. "Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Brazil." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 2 (May 1, 1991): 393–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-71.2.393.

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31

MCDOWELL, NICHOLAS. "Urquhart's Rabelais: Translation, Patronage, and Cultural Politics." English Literary Renaissance 35, no. 2 (March 2005): 273–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.2005.00060.x.

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32

JAMES, SCOTT C. "Patronage Regimes and American Party Development from ‘The Age of Jackson’ to the Progressive Era." British Journal of Political Science 36, no. 1 (December 8, 2005): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000032.

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This article introduces the concept of patronage regimes and, through it, extends the research on American party development. No systematic empirical inquiry into the operation of American patronage practices has yet been undertaken. Its analysis investigates the strategic allocation of public jobs by party elites to enhance cadre performance in presidential elections. Utilizing a dataset of 49,000 Senate-confirmed, presidential appointments, presidential patronage removals between the years 1829 and 1917 are analysed. Two distinctive patronage regimes are identified: an antebellum regime structured by pure-and-simple spoils politics and a postbellum regime conforming to principles of machine rationality. Factors central to the process of regime transformation are pinpointed. The presence of two successive patronage regimes highlights the importance of endogenous political incentives and elite strategic choice to the emergent character of party organization, shedding new light on the historical development of these pre-eminent nineteenth-century American political institutions.
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33

Whitaker, Reg. "Between Patronage and Bureaucracy: Democratic Politics in Transition." Journal of Canadian Studies 22, no. 2 (May 1987): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.22.2.55.

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34

Green, Peter. "The Politics of Royal Patronage: Early Ptolemaic Alexandria." Grand Street 5, no. 1 (1985): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25006815.

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35

Miller, Lillian B., and Brian W. Dippie. "Catlin and His Contemporaries: The Politics of Patronage." American Historical Review 96, no. 4 (October 1991): 1274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165181.

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36

DeMallie, Raymond J., and Brian W. Dippie. "Catlin and His Contemporaries: The Politics of Patronage." Journal of American History 78, no. 1 (June 1991): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078150.

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37

Martin, Douglas D., and Brian W. Dippie. "Catlin and His Contemporaries: The Politics of Patronage." Western Historical Quarterly 22, no. 3 (August 1991): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969753.

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38

Kochanek, Stanley A. "Governance, Patronage Politics, and Democratic Transition in Bangladesh." Asian Survey 40, no. 3 (May 1, 2000): 530–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3021160.

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39

Rash, Nancy, Brian W. Dippie, and George Catlin. "Catlin and His Contemporaries: The Politics of Patronage." Journal of the Early Republic 11, no. 3 (1991): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3123501.

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40

Beresford, Alexander. "Power, patronage, and gatekeeper politics in South Africa." African Affairs 114, no. 455 (February 3, 2015): 226–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adu083.

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41

Benet, Diana. "Herbert's Experience of Politics and Patronage in 1624." George Herbert Journal 10, no. 1-2 (1986): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ghj.1986.0006.

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42

Kochanek, Stanley A. "Governance, Patronage Politics, and Democratic Transition in Bangladesh." Asian Survey 40, no. 3 (May 2000): 530–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2000.40.3.01p0084c.

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43

Dyck, Paul, and Brian W. Dippie. "Catlin and His Contemporaries: The Politics of Patronage." American Indian Quarterly 16, no. 1 (1992): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185610.

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44

Machado, Kit, and Willem Wolters. "Politics, Patronage, and Class Conflict in Central Luzon." Pacific Affairs 58, no. 2 (1985): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758312.

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45

STOCKER, MARGARITA, and TIMOTHY RAYLOR. "A New Marvell Manuscript: Cromwellian Patronage and Politics." English Literary Renaissance 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 106–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.1990.tb01007.x.

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46

RENO, WILLIAM. "Patronage Politics and the Behavior of Armed Groups." Civil Wars 9, no. 4 (December 2007): 324–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698240701699409.

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47

Morstein-Marx, Robert. "Publicity, Popularity and Patronage in the "Commentariolum Petitionis"." Classical Antiquity 17, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 259–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011085.

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The "Commentariolum Petitionis" has long served to demonstrate the validity of the theory that Republican electoral politics were founded on relationships of patronage that permeated the entire society, and that appeals to the voting citizenry were relatively unimportant for election. Yet the attention the author pays to the necessity of cultivating the popularis voluntas strongly implies that a successful canvasser cannot rely on the direct or indirect ties of patronage and amicitia but must win the electoral support of the anonymous mass of voters. A consular campaign emerges as to a great extent a public performance before the populus in which the candidate seeks to demonstrate to those who do not know him personally that he is dignus consulatu. While the exploitation of personal connections is undeniably important, certain features of the treatment of the studia amicorum in the Commentariolum suggest that the traditional, Gelzerian emphasis on noble patronage is misplaced. Noble allies are particularly prized not for networks of clients but for the luster they shed on a candidate; on the other hand, the homines gratiosi whose electioneering activities are most suggestive of patronage tend to be of middle and lower rank. Nor can all the personal political relationships discussed in the Commentariolum be plausibly subsumed under the concept of patronage, which entails asymmetry between the parties and a connection of some duration; rather, the picture presented here is one of a relatively "free market" of political deal-making between candidates and vote-brokers. The "Commentariolum Petitionis" offers no obstacle to a new model of Republican politics that assigns a much greater role to symbolic appeals to a voting citizenry, and a less dominant role to personal patronage, than have until recently been accepted.
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48

O'Dwyer, Conor. "Runaway State Building: How Political Parties Shape States in Postcommunist Eastern Europe." World Politics 56, no. 4 (July 2004): 520–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2005.0007.

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Why has the rate of expansion of postcommunist state administrations varied so widely among countries that are at comparable stages of economic transition, have similar formal institutions, and have been equally exposed to the dynamics of EU integration? Based on a close comparison of Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia, the author argues that the critical factor in postcommunist state building is the robustness of party competition. The legacy of communism creates strong pressures for patronage politics, which swells the administration, but it is party competition that determines whether the predisposition to patronage politics in fact becomes the practice of patronage politics. The number of state administrative personnel has expanded significantly more in countries where party system development has stalled, and party competition has failed to constrain the party(ies) of government.
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49

Bustikova, Lenka, and Cristina Corduneanu-Huci. "Patronage, Trust, and State Capacity." World Politics 69, no. 2 (March 6, 2017): 277–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000265.

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What explains different levels of clientelism across countries? Why do some politicians deliver clientelistic goods to their electoral constituencies, and why do some voters demand them? This article focuses on the historical origins of trust in states and shows that they have a lasting impact on contemporary patterns of patronage. The shift to programmatic politics reflects a historical transition from personalized trust in politicians to trust in impersonal bureaucracies tasked by political parties to implement policy. Past experience with public bureaucracy informs the expectations of voters and parties regarding the performance of the state and its ability to provide public goods, which in turn shape the degree of clientelistic exchange across societies. To capture state capacity, the authors focus on the critical juncture before the expansion of women's suffrage, and use the ability of public bureaucracies to reduce infant mortality in the interwar period as a proxy for historical state capacity and as an instrument to predict trust. Macrodata from eightyeight electoral democracies and microdata from the most recent wave of the World Value Survey provide supportive evidence for the theory.
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50

Maiorano, Diego. "The Politics of Claim-Making in India." Pacific Affairs 94, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 567–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2021943567.

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How do Indian citizens access the state? While a standard answer would be "through patronage," three recent books show that clientelism, while important, is just part of the story. Not just passive clients at the mercy of their political patrons, Indian citizens actively engage the state and their representatives to make claims and secure what is due to them. Gabrielle Kruks-Wisner's Claiming the State—Active Citizenship and Social Welfare in Rural India shows how rural dwellers navigate the local government system to access social welfare. Adam Auerbach's Demanding Development: The Politics of Public Goods Provision in India's Urban Slums documents how local political workers make claims on behalf of their neighbours and provide their settlements with essential services. Jennifer Bussell's Clients and Constituents: Political Responsiveness in Patronage Democracies persuasively demonstrates the importance of higher-level representatives in providing assistance to their constituencies. Together, these books not only demonstrate how political the daily life of ordinary citizens is, but also how the Indian state, while far from its Weberian ideal, is much more inclusive than previously thought.
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You might also be interested in the bibliographies on the topic 'Patronage politics' for other source types:
Dissertations / Theses Books
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