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Journal articles on the topic 'Paulinus of Nola'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Rees, Roger. "PAULINUS OF NOLA." Classical Review 52, no. 2 (2002): 305–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.2.305.

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2

Lienhard, Joseph T. "Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola. Catherine Conybeare , Paulinus of Nola." Journal of Religion 82, no. 4 (2002): 631–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/491184.

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3

Kasprzak, Dariusz. "Kontakty św. Paulina z Noli z Rzymem i jego biskupami." Vox Patrum 46 (July 15, 2004): 293–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6818.

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The article aims to reconstruct on the basis of the writings of St. Paulinus of Nola both the way the famous master of Nola saw Rome and the significance of his pilgrimages there. Ancient, pre-Christian Rome is called by him the daughter of Babylon because of the pagan character of Rome and the numerous sins committed by its citizens as well. However, thanks to the presence of true believers such as Melanie or the relics of holy Apostles and martyrs like Peter and Paul, Pagan Rome becomes more the daughter of Zion and new Jerusalem. Paulinus of Nola and Terasia, his wife, once a year traveled

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4

van den Hoek, Annewies, and John J. Herrmann. "Paulinus of Nola, Courtyards, and Canthari." Harvard Theological Review 93, no. 3 (2000): 173–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000025293.

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Some of the most elaborate and detailed descriptions of early Christian churches by a Latin writer are given by the nobleman Pontius Meropius Paulinus, who is usually known as Paulinus of Nola, after the city where he became bishop in the latter part of his life. He was born in Bordeaux around 353, of a wealthy family that had extensive properties in Aquitania, Gallia Narbonensis, Latium, and Campania. He received an education appropriate to his noble stature and became the prize student of Ausonius, also a native of Bordeaux, who was the tutor of the (future) emperor Gratian and a celebrated

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5

Fielding, Ian. "PERFORMING MIRACLES: THE NATALICIA OF PAULINUS OF NOLA AS POPULAR ENTERTAINMENT." Ramus 47, no. 1 (2018): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2018.4.

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Paulinus of Nola might not be very widely read today, even among professional classicists, but he remains the most popular Latin poet in his adopted hometown. At the Christian basilica complex in Cimitile, near Nola, where Paulinus founded a community for ascetic devotees of the cult of St. Felix in the late fourth century, his poetry is still recited publicly on a number of festive days each year. On a recent visit to Cimitile, I found myself in the audience at one of these narrazioni, which had been organized as a prelude to the Festa dei Gigli, held annually in Paulinus’ honor on June 22. F

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6

Pałucki, Jerzy. "Łaska Boża i jej nieodzowna pomoc w utrzymaniu nadziei w codziennym życiu człowieka na przykładzie pism Paulina z Noli." Vox Patrum 67 (December 16, 2018): 499–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3411.

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Letters and songs of Paulinus of Nola († 431) require a reader to be keen, careful and critical to the content its carries, specifically from the dogmatic point of view. Paulinus differentiates God’s the Father Grace, Christ’ Grace, Grace given by the Holy Spirit and finally grace received by people through the intercessions of saints. He never questions the dogma of the Trinity, but he is nonetheless criticised by Hieronymus as being too general in his writings, especially in poems. It is important to note that grace (gratia) as perceived by Paulinus of Nola does not only mean sacramental g

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7

Pałucki, Jerzy. "Teologia w posłudze pasterskiej Paulina z Noli." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 427–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3593.

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The article presents – on the basis of analysies of the selected letters and of Carmen 20 by Paulinus of Nola – different ways to combine contemplatio and actio in his life as a bishop and using theological argumentation in his pastoral care with a special emphasis on the Paulinus’ commitment as a bishop for the poor.

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8

Pałucki, Jerzy. "Świeccy adresaci listów Paulina z Noli." Vox Patrum 42 (January 15, 2003): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7158.

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Die Briefe des hl. Paulinus von Nola betreffen uberwiegend mit dem Geistesleben. Meistens gab es biblische Kommentare, die er, erfullend Wunsche seiner Empfanger, schrieb. Sie enthalten auch verschiedene geistliche Hinweise. Auf diese Weise ging Paulinus seinen Adressaten mit Rat an die Hand. Paulinus' Korrespondenz ist uberdies die vollkommene Quelle fur diese, die sich mit den Anfangen des monastischen Lebens und Reaktionen der Christen und der Heiden danach beschaftigen. Sie zeigt auch die Teilnahme der Laien uber sehr unterschiedlicher Niveau der Glaube im Leben der Kirche und des Staates.

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9

White, C. "Review: Paulinus Noster. Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola." Journal of Theological Studies 53, no. 1 (2002): 346–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/53.1.346.

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10

Perdicoyianni, Helene. "Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 10, no. 4 (2002): 537–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2002.0071.

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11

Smith, Thomas A. "Paulinus of Nola: Life, Letters, and Poems (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 8, no. 3 (2000): 466–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2000.0050.

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12

Shanzer, Danuta. "Paulinus of Nola: Life, Letters, and Poems (review)." Catholic Historical Review 87, no. 3 (2001): 481–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2001.0135.

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13

Buchheit, Vinzenz. "GÖTTLICHER HEILSPLAN BEI PAULINUS VON NOLA (c. 22)." Vigiliae Christianae 56, no. 4 (2002): 434–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007202320809220.

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14

Campone, Maria Carolina. "Dabit ubera Christus. Metafore erotiche e rielaborazioni classiche nel concetto dell’immutabilità divina di Paolino di Nola." Augustinianum 59, no. 2 (2019): 407–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201959226.

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Poem XXII of Paulinus Nolanus constitutes an important testimony to the saint’s personality and of his mystical experience. Reinterpreting classical poetry according to Christian faith, he expresses the bond of love between Christ and man through erotic symbols and classic metaphors. Through this union, Paulinus also clarifies the concept of divine immutability, fundamental to the patristic theology of the first centuries.

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15

Harmless, William. "Book Review: Paulinus of Nola: Life, Letters, and Poems." Theological Studies 61, no. 2 (2000): 358–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056390006100214.

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16

Pałucki, Jerzy. "Małżeństwo drogą doskonalenia chrześcijańskiego na podstawie epistolografii św. Paulina z Noli." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 469–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4146.

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According to Paulinus of Nola proper Christian formation is only possible in a community. Of course, he accepted its various forms, from family life, through monasticism to the hermit, but in this case, always remaining in the contact with other hermits. No doubt the example of Paulinus and Theresia had a great impact on the decisions of many aristocratic families who wanted to go in their footsteps. Their determined attitude and brave opposition to the overall criticism from the „world”, added the courage to those who were thinking alike, but so-called „political correctness”, or rather „cla

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17

Milanov, Rosen. "„Militia Saeculi“ and „Militia Christi“ in the Two Letters of Paulinus of Nola († 431) to Crispinianus." Proglas 31, no. 2 (2022): 294–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.54664/sttt2608.

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There are in the epistolary corpus of the great Latin Christian poet and writer of the 5th century Paulinus of Nola († 431) two letters to a soldier whose name is Crispinianus, which reveal the author’s outlook on military service (militia). This paper discusses the language and style of those letters. It also seeks out the arguments against military service and examines the way they are constructed. According to Paulinus, militia saeculi is not compatible with a fulfilling Christian life. The last section of the article examines the character, specifications and goals of the Christian alterna

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18

Jakobi, Rainer. "Ein Triptychon aus Nola. Zur Interpretation des neugefundenen Paulinus-Titulus." Wiener Studien 122 (2009): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/wst122s215.

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19

NAUMAN, JONATHAN. "Alternative Saints: Eucherius, Paulinus of Nola, and Henry Vaughan'sSilex Scintillans." Seventeenth Century 26, no. 2 (2011): 264–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2011.10555670.

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20

Pałucki, Jerzy. "Formowanie się chrześcijańskich obrzędów małżeńskich na podstawie Carmen XXV Paulina z Noli." Vox Patrum 65 (July 15, 2016): 523–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3514.

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Church Fathers tried to combat the legacy of paganism and made tireless efforts towards Christianising family events, recalling the teaching of the Bible. Tertullian, for example, complained that the Christians of Carthage didn’t marry in the church. The article discusses Carmen XXV of Paulinus of Nola († 431), written for the occasion of marriage of Julian and Tysia. The poem contains one of the oldest descriptions of the ceremony of Christian marriage. Bishop of Nola pays attention to the spiritual dimension of the sacrament – specifically to its rich, full of symbols rite as well as to fac

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21

Schusser, Theresia. "Islème Sassi: Paulinus und sein Nola. Werbung für ein spätantikes Pilgerzentrum." Das Historisch-Politische Buch (HPB) 68, no. 2 (2020): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.68.2.190.

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22

PENN, MICHAEL. "Ritual Kissing, Heresy and the Emergence of Early Christian Orthodoxy." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 4 (2003): 625–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046903007991.

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Amidst the theological controversies of the fourth and fifth centuries, the ritual kiss often played an important role in trying to distinguish orthodox from heretical Christians. For early Christian leaders such as Rufinus, Jerome, Augustine and Paulinus of Nola, the kiss became a means to malign an opponent while simultaneously reinforcing one's own claims to theological legitimacy. The kiss's connection to a wide range of symbolic systems made it a particularly versatile tool for early Christian polemics.

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23

Wysocki, Marcin. "“Shall I show joy or sorrow?” (Poem 31). Pain of loss – a study of Paulinus of Nola’s works." Vox Patrum 82 (June 15, 2022): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.13736.

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Unfortunately, Paulinus of Nola is not a very appreciated Father of the Church today, because he did not contribute much to the development of the dogmas of the early Church, and yet his contemporaries respected him and indicated him as an example and referred to his conversion and spiritual path. He was regarded as a spiritual master. Therefore, when discussing the issue of passiones, and above all the pain after the loss of loved ones, it is worth and should refer to the preserved works of Paulinus: his letters and poems. He himself experienced the tragic death of his brother, the premature

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24

Roberts, Michael. "Narrating the Saints: Paulinus of Nola and the Beginning of Verse Hagiography." Journal of Late Antiquity 15, no. 1 (2022): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2022.0003.

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25

Wright, Neil. "Imitation of the poems of Paulinus of Nola in early Anglo-Latin verse." Peritia 4 (January 1985): 134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.101.

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26

Litovchenko, E. V., and S. V. Shilina. "Specificity of Paulinus of Nola Letter Collection and Its Significance for Historical Studies." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 5 (2018): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2018)5-19.

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27

Krynicka, Tatiana. "Wczesna korespondencja Auzoniusza z Paulinem z Noli." Vox Patrum 65 (July 15, 2016): 353–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3506.

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The article is devoted to the four letters written by Ausonius to Paulinus of Nola before the latter left Aquitania in 389 changing his style of life and provoking the deep crisis of their intimate friendship (Epist. 17-20, ed. R.P.H. Green). Ausonius writes to his pupil, admirer and friend about literary theory and practice, thanks for the gifts and favours, asks for help in an hour of need, sends him new year’s wishes. The exchange of letters provided to the famous befriended poets an opportunity to participate in the jolly literary games and to share mutual respect, admiration and love.

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28

Campone, Maria Carolina. "Vocibus concinentium." Augustinianum 61, no. 2 (2021): 463–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm202161228.

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The analysis of Letter XLV of Paulinus of Nola, addressed to Augustine, shows how the author rebuilds, at its deepest level, the conceptual nucleus of platonic reflection, founded on the notion of “harmony” – with clear mathematical-musical and political implications – which also determines the presence of the cursus of this subject in the letter’s prose. Contrasting this text with others by the Cimitilite ascetic, it is possible to point out a precise line of thought, intended to define an ideal model of society founded on the polysemic value of concinentia through a revival of the common the

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29

Lossl, J. "Review: Der Briefwechsel des Paulinus von Nola. Kommunikation und soziale Kontakte zwischen christlichen Intellektuellen." Journal of Theological Studies 54, no. 2 (2003): 794–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/54.2.794.

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30

Meconi, David Vincent. "Der Briefwechsel des Paulinus von Nola: Kommunikation und soziale Kontakte zwischen christlichen Intellektuellen (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 12, no. 3 (2004): 374–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2004.0045.

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31

Sánchez, Juan Antonio Jiménez. "Los espectáculos de la tradición romano-pagana en la obra de Paulino de Nola." Augustinianum 50, no. 2 (2010): 453–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201050217.

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In this paper we study the presence of elements related to Roman games in the work of the bishop Paulinus of Nola (355-431 AD). References to shows inhis work are not as abundant as they occurs among his contemporaries. Nevertheless, many of these references possess a great importance for us. Certainly, they are similar to other allusions made by his contemporaries; however they express the opinion of one of the most famous and prestigious bishops of the Late Antiquity about these popular exhibitions. In his writings we can see his criticism of the waste of wealth in the organization of the Ro

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32

Hahn, Cynthia. "What Do Reliquaries Do for Relics?" Numen 57, no. 3-4 (2010): 284–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852710x501324.

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AbstractThis article introduces prominent issues that surround the Christian use of reliquaries, first discussing examples from Trier made by the renowned Archbishop Egbert in the tenth century, then turning to early Christian texts to investigate the beginnings of relic practice and belief. Of special interest are the letters and poems of Paulinus of Nola, but also the commentaries of Augustine, Ambrose, Victricius of Rouen and others that flesh out an understanding of how reliquaries were essential to the project of creating an appropriate reverentia for relics (Peter Brown's term). The mate

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33

Liebs, Detlef. "Sigrid Mratschek, Der Briefwechsel des Paulinus von Nola. Kommunikation und soziale Kontakte zwischen christlichen Intellektuellen." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 122, no. 1 (2005): 287–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2005.122.1.287.

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34

TROUT, Dennis E. "The dates of the ordination of Paulinus of Bordeaux and of his departure for Nola." Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 37, no. 2 (1991): 237–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.104642.

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35

Bastiaensen, A. A. R. "Sigrid Mratschek: Der Briefwechsel des Paulinus von Nola. Kommunikation und soziale Kontakte zwischen christlichen Intellektuellen." Gnomon 76, no. 6 (2004): 510–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2004_6_510.

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36

Wright, Neil. "Imitation of the poems of Paulinus of Nola in early Anglo-Latin verse: a postscript." Peritia 5 (January 1986): 392–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.142.

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37

Darby, Peter. "The Presentation of Jerome’s First Letter to Paulinus of Nola in the Codex Amiatinus Pentateuch Diagram." Peritia 31 (January 2020): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.5.124469.

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38

SIVAN, H. "Nicetas' (of Remesiana) mission and Stilicho's Illyrican ambition: notes on Paulinus of Nola Carmen XVII (Propemticon)." Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 41, no. 1 (1995): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.104723.

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39

Petrovic, Sonja. "A medieval motif of beneficence and related folklore parallels: Alms and sale of saints." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 78 (2012): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1278011p.

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In the Middle Ages, beneficence, alms and charity represented vivid reality and literary topic. Motifs and topoi of beneficence are formed according to poetic and generic rules, they adapt to particular lives and types of saints, and become part of models of sanctity. The motif of the saint who sells himself into slavery in order to achieve the ideal of beneficence and virtue is noted in the apocryphal Acts of Thomas the Apostle in India, and in lives of St. Saint Sava the Serbian, St. Serapionn the Sindonite, St. Paulinus of Nola, and St. Peter the Merciful. The same motif is noted in Serbian

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40

Adkin, Neil. "‘Alii discunt–pro pudor!–a feminis’: Jerome, Epist. 53.7.1." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 2 (1994): 559–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800044098.

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In the letter which initiated his correspondence with Paulinus of Nola Jerome deplores the propensity of the inexpert to pontificate on scripture. Three kinds of incompetence are denounced. The second takes the following form: ‘alii discunt – pro pudor!–a feminis, quod viros doceant’ (Epist. 53.7.1). As in the other two denunciations, Jerome has chosen to express himself in general terms; scholars have nonetheless assumed that here a specific individual is meant. Nautin argued that with these words Jerome was attacking Rufinus, who is here represented as being intellectually dependent on his p

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41

Brakke, David. "Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola. By Catherine Conybeare. Oxford Early Christian Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. xii + 187. $60.00 cloth." Church History 71, no. 3 (2002): 642–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700130343.

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42

Mratschek-Halfmann, Sigrid. "Multis enim notissima est sanctitas loci: Paulinus and the Gradual Rise of Nola as a Center of Christian Hospitality." Journal of Early Christian Studies 9, no. 4 (2001): 511–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2001.0059.

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43

Trout, Dennis E. "Paulinus Nolanus und die Basilica Nova in Cimitile/Nola: Studien zu einem zentralen Denkmal der spätantik-frühchristlichen Architektur (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 15, no. 1 (2007): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2007.0023.

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44

Dijkstra, Roald. "Tijd om te lachen?" Lampas 52, no. 2 (2019): 214–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2019.2.008.dijk.

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Summary Early Christian humour is not well-known and often its mere existence is doubted. However, modern humour research has proven that humour is a universal human phenomenon. This article investigates in which (con)texts early Christian humour can be found, focusing on the fourth century. Several severe judgements by famous Church Fathers are indeed critical about humour and its most directly related physical response: laughter. The writing of fiction in general was also suspect. However, the theologians’ verdicts of humour also reveal that it was not absent from early Christian society, wh

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45

O'Donnell, J. "C. Conybeare, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (Oxford Early Christian Studies). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. xii + 187. ISBN: 0-19-924072-8. £35.00." Journal of Roman Studies 92 (November 2002): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800032925.

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46

O'Donnell, J. "C. Conybeare, Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola (Oxford Early Christian Studies). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. xii + 187. ISBN: 0-19-924072-8. £35.00." Journal of Roman Studies 92 (November 2002): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184936.

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47

Goldhill, Simon. "FORMS OF ATTENTION: TIME AND NARRATIVE IN ECPHRASIS." Cambridge Classical Journal 58 (November 26, 2012): 88–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270512000036.

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This paper investigates differing forms of attention entailed by the ecphrastic gaze in epic and epigram as a way of considering issues of time and narrative as crucial elements of ecphrasis. Its first section focuses particularly on Paulinus of Nola, who has been almost wholly ignored in recent discussions of ecphrasis, but who not only provides the first example of an ecphrasis of an ecphrasis – the description of an ecphrastic inscription attached to a work of art – but also provides a set of poems which construct the viewer's experience of visiting a church. This is taken as exemplary of a

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48

Schroeder, Caroline T. "“A Suitable Abode for Christ”: The Church Building as Symbol of Ascetic Renunciation in Early Monasticism." Church History 73, no. 3 (2004): 472–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098267.

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In reading many early Christian texts from and about Egypt, one is struck by the importance of space for the ascetic lifestyle. Whether it be Antony locked in his desert fortress, the tightly arranged cells of Kellia in theApopthegmata Patrum, or the landscape of the desert in so much hagiographical literature, the space in which the early Christians practiced ascetic renunciation was as infused with as much meaning as the ascetic practices themselves. Since few texts with descriptions of early ascetic space survive, studies have been left largely to archaeologists and art historians, not hist

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49

Wysocki, Marcin. "Pewniejsza nadzieja? Zachęty do życia monastycznego w epistolografii IV i V wieku." Vox Patrum 70 (December 12, 2018): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3204.

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The turn of the 4th and 5th centuries is a period of exuberant development of a monastic life in the West. This fact was also reflected in the correspondence of the authors of this period (Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome and Paulinus Nolensis of Nola), who are considered to be the fathers of the Western monasticism. Many people entered the path of life devoted to Christ voluntarily and without dilemmas, but there were also those who were encouraged to make this decision and yet they felt some resistance. Of this we can also find testimonies in the letters of the authors mentioned above. Among thei

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50

McGill, Scott C. "Poeta arte christianus: Pomponius's Cento Versus ad Gratiam Domini as an Early Example of Christian Bucolic." Traditio 56 (2001): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900002397.

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Critics have amply considered how Christian authors in late antiquity adapted the forms, language, and themes of classical poetry to create an ecclesiastical poetic tradition. Studies related to this topic have largely focused upon biblical epic and the carmina of well-known poets like Prudentius and Paulinus of Nola. In this paper, I wish to proceed into the less trodden area of Christian bucolic poetry, and specifically to one of the first examples of the form, Pornponius's Versus ad Gratiam Domini. This text, dating to the late fourth or early fifth century, is a 132-line Virgilian cento (w

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