Relevant bibliographies by topics / Peace and Order Council (Philippines)

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Peace and Order Council (Philippines)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Peace and Order Council (Philippines)"

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Hall, Rosalie Arcala. "Politics in the Frontline: Local Civil-Military Interactions in Communist Counterinsurgency Operations in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 27, no. 1 (December 21, 2006): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701001.

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This article examines the interaction of local army units and town/village leaders in several communist frontline communities in Southern Iloilo, in the light of changes in the national government’s policy response after 1986. Civil-military engagement in the frontline is asymmetrical and premised on different understandings of the nature and assessment of the communist threat. For soldiers, the communists are embedded in the community, and pose a serious threat. Local leaders downplay the rebel threat and view the communists as outsiders, but express a nuanced view of the different roles locals play in the communist movement and factional affiliation of rebels in their area. Except for paramilitary formation, the military devises all counterinsurgency programs while civilian leaders and the police are confined to implementation. The Municipal Peace and Order Councils do not serve as institutional means for local civilian leaders to oversee military operations, but rather as venues for local commands to obtain logistical support. Civil-military interface on human rights concerns has become less confrontational and oriented towards soldiers carrying firearms in public, abuse of local generosity particularly in quartering and food provision, and complaints procedure for minor infractions.
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Monocay, Michelle D., and Maria Nove A. Mejica. "The Governance Performance of Selected Barangays in Highly Urbanized City." Philippine Social Science Journal 3, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.52006/main.v3i2.211.

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The Philippines has enacted several policies to continually elevate the performance of its governance. As such, the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) designed a campaign to improve the delivery of services of the different levels of local government units (LGU). A highly urbanized city in the Province of Negros Occidental is a recipient of several recognitions. However, lingering issues such as high incidence of malnutrition, lack of access to potable water, excessive flooding due to drainage and sewerage problems, and several concerns in solid waste management implementation triggered questions on the eligibility of these awards. Thus, this study investigated the level of governance performance of selected barangays in the areas of social services, peace and order, disaster management, and environment management when taken as a whole and grouped according to income and population. Also, it sought to find out if a significant difference exists in the level of governance performance of the barangay councils when they are grouped mentioned demographics.
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Forster, Elisabeth. "Bellicose Peace: China’s Peace Signature Campaign and Discourses about “Peace” in the Early 1950s." Modern China 46, no. 3 (June 2, 2019): 250–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700419851460.

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In the early 1950s, China engaged in several military actions, most notably in the Korean War. Nevertheless, the World Peace Council, an international organization sponsored by the Soviet Union, praised the country as a “fortress for the protection of world peace” in 1954. This hinged upon a very specific, bellicose understanding of “peacefulness,” which did not mean the rejection of war, but war against the “right” enemy. I discuss this understanding, its function within the international community, its embeddedness in international political thinking, and its promulgation among the Chinese population, using the example of a campaign in 1950 to collect signatures on a World Peace Council–authored appeal against the atomic bomb. Self-promotion as a peaceful nation in the bellicose sense served a variety of purposes for the young People’s Republic of China (PRC), most importantly the goal to instill bloc thinking in the PRC’s population and to gain prestige within the new international order of the Cold War.
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Nicor-Mangilimutan, Rhumyla G., Maria Nove A. Mejica, and Merlita V. Caelian. "Implementation of the Community Peace and Order and Public Safety Program in Negros Occidental, Philippines." Philippine Social Science Journal 3, no. 3 (December 30, 2020): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52006/main.v3i3.273.

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Peace is indivisible and global because it is the foundation of the survival of humanity. Ensuring peace and security of the people is vital in maintaining economic development, social order, and political stability. In the Philippines, the functionality of community peace and order and public safety (POPS) is strictly monitored by the government. This descriptive-comparative study assessed the extent of implementation of the POPS in terms of crime prevention and control, anti-illegal drugs, public safety, and enforcement of ordinances. It also investigated the differences in the implementation of the program when the communities are grouped according to variables. Further, it explored the challenges and suggestions of community leaders. Using a researcher-made survey questionnaire, data were gathered from respondents. Findings revealed a great extent of implementation, but there were significant differences when barangays were grouped into variables. The findings were utilized as bases for an enhanced POPS program.
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Kadir, Norizan Binti. "Peranan Wanita dalam Penyelesaian Konflik di Selatan Filipina." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 16, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol16no1.1.

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The roles played by the women in the conflict resolution involving the Muslim community in the Southern Philippines was not given the spotlight it deserved in the series of peace talks between the republic and the separatist groups. The roles of women were as if they were insignificant and of a passive manner while women were undeniably the important “stakeholder” beside the fact that the conflict that erupted affected this group the most amongst the population there. They are also capable to contribute to a new paradigm in conflict resolution. Realizing this, the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) passed Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security as a democratizing mechanism towards the encouragement of women in conflict resolution, protection amidst conflict, and peacemaking.
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Redoble, Freyanne A., Vilma B. Ramos, Amerjaphil Louie A. Vidal, and Elsie Valdes. "Factors Affecting Effective Dissemination of Peace and Order Ordinances to Punong Barangays in Maria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 18, 2018): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i4.14065.

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The study measured the factors affecting effective dissemination of peace and order ordinances to punong barangays in the Municipality of Maria Aurora, Aurora Province, Philippines. The study used predesigned survey questionnaires and key informants in the gathering of data. The questionnaire distribution was based on purposive sampling. The participants are thirty-four (34) punong barangays. The barangay is the smallest political unit in the Philippines. The data gathered are treated with frequency distribution and weighted mean. The factors of dissemination are: a) socio-demographic characteristics of respondents, b) information sources, c) strategies and channels of communication are measured. In general, participants’ level of interest towards new legislation is positive. However, a slight divergence is noticed in the case of upland barangays as they manifested little awareness on the existing peace and order ordinances. Thus, it is recommended that effective dissemination strategies be adopted and information materials be developed to improve dissemination of new ordinances. The use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in information dissemination is highly recommended.
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Candelaria, Sedfrey M. "The plight of indigenous peoples within the context of conflict mediation, peace talks and human rights in Mindanao, the Philippines." Thesis Eleven 145, no. 1 (April 2018): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618763838.

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Republic Act 8371 or the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA) was passed by the Philippine Congress in order to address the concerns of the indigenous communities which had received marginal attention through the past decades. Indigenous communities have also been displaced from their lands due to armed conflicts between government soldiers and secessionist groups, particularly the Moro rebels and the communist-led New Peoples’ Army. The Philippines has been privy to peace initiatives with these two groups for some time now. Political circumstances, however, and legal impediments have periodically stalled the peace processes. It is the author’s intention to focus on the predicament of indigenous communities as they seek a strategic role in shaping the content of peace agreements being negotiated by the Philippine government with the rebel groups. How have the indigenous communities made an impression on the two peace processes through the years? And, have the indigenous peoples’ rights been sufficiently protected in the context of the peace agreements? The author will draw from his own insights on the peace processes and agreements which have been negotiated and even tested before the Supreme Court of the Philippines.
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Dingman, Roger. "The Diplomacy of Dependency: The Philippines and Peacemaking with Japan, 1945–52." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 17, no. 2 (September 1986): 307–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001077.

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Historians have examined the Japanese peace settlement of 1951 in a variety of ways. A few have treated it as an episode in the ongoing evolution of the structure of international relations in the Pacific and East Asia. Most have focused on the interaction between the principal victor, the United States, and vanquished Japan, weighing the negotiating successes and failures of each and assessing the impact of the settlement on subsequent Japanese-American relations. Recently still other historians have exploited newly available archival materials to analyze the role middle-range powers such as Australia and Britain played in shaping the 1951 peace treaty. While this research has revealed a great deal about the San Francisco peace settlement, it has left unexplored the part small powers played in a major restructuring of the Pacific/East Asian international order.
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Ragandang, Primitivo III C., and Sulpecia L. Ponce. ""Philippines: The Role of Bae in Resolving Conflict and Maintaining Tribal Peace and Order "." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 27 (April 1, 2019): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.27.4.

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Latif, Ikhwan Rahmatika, Dyah Mutiarin, and Achmad Nurmandi. "The Quality of Peace in Post-Conflict Situation: A Comparative Study Between Armed Conflicts in Aceh and Bangsamoro." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.430.

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This article investigates the quality of peace in armed conflicts that occurred in the Southeast Asia region. The authors compared the cases of Aceh, where the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement or GAM and the government of Republic Indonesia ended peacefully with the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding, with the conflict in the southern Philippines, where a peace agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, was successfully achieved between the government of Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. This research employed document analysis to analyse the peace settlement documents of both parties and the derivative laws of the agreed settlements, as well as other relevant sources as the secondary data. All documents and sources were processed through the NVivo 12 application. The findings revealed that in both Aceh and Bangsamoro, the quality of peace is far from significant, for not all the terms of the agreements had been realised and there was still mutual suspicion prevailing between the two fighting parties. Therefore, what had been agreed upon in the Aceh and Bangsamoro post-conflict agreements must be accomplished as they should be in order to create a lasting peace, thereby allowing the people to experience a sufficient quality peace together.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Peace and Order Council (Philippines)"

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Clark, Janet. "Striving to preserve the peace! : the National Council for Civil Liberties, the Metropolitan Police and the dynamics of disorder in inter-war Britain." Thesis, n.p, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/.

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Books on the topic "Peace and Order Council (Philippines)"

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National Council of Churches in the Philippines. A public faith, a social witness. Quezon City: National Council of Churches in the Philippines, 1995.

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Philippines. President (1986-1992 : Aquino) and National Police Commission (Philippines). Crime Prevention and Coordination Service., eds. Peace and Order Council: Executive Order no. 309, as amended with implementing rules and regulations (IRR). [Manila]: National Police Commission, Crime Prevention and Coordination Service, 1997.

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Coronel, Ferrer Miriam, University of the Philippines. Peace, Conflict Resolution and Human Rights Program., and Mindanao Studies Program, eds. The Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development: A response to the controversy. [Quezon City]: UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies Peace, Conflict Resolution and Human Rights Program and the Mindanao Studies Program, 1997.

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After the Coup: The National Council for Peace and Order Era and the Future of Thailand. ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute, 2019.

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Those who would give light must endure burning: Report of the Consultation on Spirituality for Justice and Peace sponsored by the National Council of Churches in the Philippines and the World Council of Churches, Education and Renewal Unit, November 26-30, 1986, La Sallette Shrine, Silang, Cavite, Philippines. Quezon City: National Council of Churches in the Philippines, 1987.

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1769-1852, Gore Francis, Upper Canada Executive Council, and Upper Canada. Lieutenant-Governor (1806-1817 : Gore), eds. Public notice is hereby given by order of His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor in Council: That no petition from sons or daughters of U.E. Loyalists will be hereafter received without a certificate from the magistrates in quarter sessions, signed by the chairman and clerk of the peace .. [S.l: s.n., 1987.

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1769-1852, Gore Francis, Upper Canada Executive Council, and Upper Canada. Lieutenant-Governor (1806-1817 : Gore), eds. Public notice is hereby given by order of His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor in Council: That no petition from sons or daughters of U.E. Loyalists will be hereafter received without a certificate from the magistrates in quarter sessions, signed by the chairman and clerk of the peace ... [S.l: s.n., 2000.

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Praññʻ thoṅʻ cu Mranʻ mā Nuiṅʻ ṅaṃ toʻ Nuiṅʻ ṅaṃ toʻ Ṅrimʻ vapʻ Pi prāʺ mhu taññʻ chokʻ reʺ ʼA phvaiʹ nhaṅʻʹ Nuiṅʻ ṅaṃ toʻ ʼEʺ khyamʻʺ Sā yā reʺ nhaṅʻʹ Phvaṃʹ phruiʺ reʺ Koṅʻcī tuiʹ ka thutʻ pranʻ khaiʹ so upade myāʺ, naññʻʺ upade myāʺ e* ʼa ññvhanʻʺ, 1988-1999 =: Index of laws and rules enacted and promulgated by the Union of Myanmar the State Law and Order Restoration Council and the State Peace and Development Council, 1988-1999. [Rangoon]: Rheʹ ne khyupʻ Ruṃʺ, 2000.

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Corten, Olivier, and Pierre Klein. Part I Conclusion of Treaties, 1 Are Agreements between States and Non-State Entities Rooted in the International Legal Order? Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199588916.003.0001.

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Can peace agreements concluded between a State and a non-State entity produce legal effects in the international sphere, as mentioned in Article 3 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties? Could it be considered that, following the conclusion of such agreements, some areas that were traditionally conceived as pertaining to the national jurisdiction of States (such as the use of violence within national borders, or the choice of a political system) are as of now governed by international law? On the basis of numerous agreements reviewed in this study, a clearly affirmative answer would appear excessive. As far as the international legal effects of such instruments are concerned, much will depend on the specificities of each agreement and on the way it has been implemented. Most of these agreements prove to be rather ambiguous, a significant portion of their components evidencing their rooting in the domestic legal order. This ambiguity finds confirmation in the very pragmatic treatment of peace agreements by the Security Council and States when they call for compliance with these instruments. In the vast majority of cases, such demands are made in the name of the maintenance of international peace and security, without much attention being paid to the characterization in legal terms of the parties' undertakings under these agreements. It therefore appears difficult to reach clear-cut conclusions as to the legal effects of such peace agreements in the international sphere — and, as a consequence, as to their possible characterization as ‘treaties’ under international law.
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Goetz, Anne Marie, and Rob Jenkins. Participation and Protection. Edited by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.013.10.

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This chapter focuses on the political and institutional factors behind the implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1325. It illuminates two elements of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda: participation and protection. It argues that despite the WPS Agenda’s efforts, women continue to remain underrepresented in peace negotiations and post-conflict political settlements. Further, by concentrating solely on protecting women from sexual violence, and neglecting an analysis of gender inequality and its contribution to conflict-propensity, the WPS Agenda perpetuates a protectionist narrative. This is due to opposition to the participation agenda from developing country member-states, a lack of accountability systems, and a lack of a powerful advocate within the UN bureaucratic system. The chapter concludes with suggestions for a recently formed working group under resolution 2242 to utilize, in order to better enable women’s participation in peace and security processes.
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Book chapters on the topic "Peace and Order Council (Philippines)"

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Geis, Anna, and Wolfgang Wagner. "‘What We Are Fighting For’: Democracies’ Justifications of Using Armed Force since the End of the Cold War." In The Justification of War and International Order, 293–310. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865308.003.0016.

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While this volume’s Part IV is devoted to internal and external oppositions to ‘liberal peace’ in the early and mid-twentieth century, Anna Geis and Wolfgang Wagner introduce Part V by turning to paradoxes of democratic warfare and its justification in the last three decades: Democratic warfare has a strong impact on the development of domestic, regional, and international normative orders and has in a number of cases been conducted without the authorization of the UN Security Council. Drawing on insights of the ‘democratic peace’ scholarship, this chapter investigates justifications offered by democratic governments and members of parliaments after 1990 when seeking to legitimate or to reject a participation in military interventions. Such justification patterns have changed over time during the period of liberal hegemony since they always reflect the interplay between changing domestic constellations of interest and power, hegemonic discourse within the state and the surrounding normative order. The chapter presents empirical research on justifications that democratic actors have brought forward in Western parliaments (with regard to the Gulf War, Kosovo, Iraq War, Afghanistan, and the fight against ‘Daesh’ in Iraq and Syria).
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Foot, Rosemary. "The Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict, and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda." In China, the UN, and Human Protection, 99–131. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843733.003.0004.

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The protection of civilians in armed conflict (POC) since 1999 has been recognized as a core obligation of the United Nations, and as vital to the legitimation of the Security Council’s role and status in its efforts to control and confront large-scale violence. Over the course of this same period, and with the passage in 2000 of Security Council Resolution 1325, the women, peace and security (WPS) agenda has also become a prominent part of action associated with the protection of civilians. This chapter first discusses some of the steps that have been taken to put POC and WPS on the UN’s agenda, before turning to the official Chinese response to these two core areas of the UN’s activities. That response illustrates once again a complex interplay between Beijing’s understanding that it must be responsive in this area of action, while remaining attentive to its belief in the need to ensure the preservation of a state-based international order that includes a restrained UN Security Council interpretation of the types of conflict that represent threats to international peace and security. In both the POC and WPS policy areas, China accords a primary role to economic development as the most effective means of preventing the conflicts that are the source of civilian harm and for improving women’s rights and representation.
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de Liévana, Gema Fernández Rodríguez, and Christine Chinkin. "Human Trafficking, Human Rights and Women, Peace and Security: The Sound of Silence." In New Directions in Women, Peace and Security, 189–206. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529207743.003.0012.

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The chapter discusses the tension that exists between three separate UN agendas, those relating to CEDAW and WPS; the fight against trafficking in human beings; and the Security Council’s broader agenda for the maintenance of international peace and security. It considers in particular how the securitisation of WPS and human trafficking by the Security Council has diluted and fragmented the discourse of women’s human rights. It argues that as a form of gender-based violence, human trafficking is subject to the human rights regime that has evolved to combat such violence and that human rights mechanisms should be engaged to hold States responsible for their failure to exercise due diligence to prevent, protect against and prosecute those responsible – in the widest sense – for human trafficking. The incidence of human trafficking (as a form of gender-based violence) in armed conflict means that it comes naturally under the auspices of the WPS agenda. The Security Council’s silence in this regard constitutes of itself a form of violence that weakens the potential of the WPS agenda to bring structural transformation in post-conflict contexts. In agreement with the Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children and cognisant of some of the downsides, we argue that ‘in order to ensure more efficient anti-trafficking responses, a human rights-based approach … should be mainstreamed into all pillars of the women and peace and security agenda’. In turn this would provide a new direction for the WPS agenda.
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Claus, Kreß. "Part II Predominant Security Challenges and International Law, International Security, Ch.13 Aggression." In The Oxford Handbook of the International Law of Global Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198827276.003.0014.

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This chapter discusses the concept of aggression. Article 39, the opening clause of the United Nations Charter’s collective security system, contains the term ‘act of aggression’, the existence of which in a given case falls to be determined by the United Nations (UN) Security Council. Recalling Article 39, the UN General Assembly, in 1974, adopted a resolution on the Definition of Aggression (Resolution 3314 (XXIX)). As the term ‘act of aggression’ is used alongside the terms ‘threat to peace’ and ‘breach of the peace’ in Article 39, the UN Security Council is not bound to determine the existence of an act of aggression to activate the Charter's collective security system and authorize the use of force by one or more States in order to maintain or restore international peace and security. In the view of the International Court of Justice and the International Law Commission, the prohibition of aggression forms part of customary international law. Here again, however, the distinct legal significance of the concept compared to ‘use of force’ and ‘armed attack’ is of quite limited reach. Contrariwise, the concept of aggression has been of considerable importance in the realm of international criminal law since the latter’s inception.
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Elizabeth, Wilmshurst. "Part III Security Governance Tools, Ch.45 The Use of Force." In The Oxford Handbook of the International Law of Global Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198827276.003.0046.

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This chapter describes the collective security system established by the United Nations Charter and focuses on the use of force. The vision of the founders of the United Nations—‘determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war’—was to make the preservation of international peace a collective responsibility and to locate that responsibility in the United Nations and, in particular, the United Nations Security Council. States were obliged to refrain from the use of force in their international relations, and there would be no resort to armed force except ‘in the common interest’, as declared in the preamble to the Charter. However, contemporary security threats such as global terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction give rise to questions about whether the law is ‘sufficient’. The chapter then outlines the international legal framework and discusses some of the difficulties in interpreting or applying aspects of the law in the context of recent challenges to the international legal order. It considers whether this legal framework is still appropriate to deal with current security threats and whether the efficacy of the law is still recognized in the practice of States.
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Llewellyn-Smith, Michael. "The Akrotiri Uprising." In Venizelos, 79–92. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197586495.003.0010.

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The chapter describes the progressive break down of order and increase in intercommunal violence in 1895-7, leading to a form of autonomy. As the situation deteriorated the Powers (Britain, France, Russia, Italy) were sucked in, sending warships to help keep the peace, and taking on responsibility for governance and security in the large towns. Venizelos played a large part, largely diplomatic and political rather than military, once he concluded that he could no longer stand aside. He and a band of insurgents occupied the Akrotiri peninsula from which they were able to deal with the Powers' ships, the consuls, the Greek ships, and the local Christian population. The chief operators in this complex situation of insurgency were the consuls of the Powers, the Admirals who formed a governing Council for Crete, local Cretan leaders, and a Greek force under Colonel Vassos. The Greek and Cretan aim was union with Greece, but this was reduced to autonomy in deference to the Powers. The solution reached was evacuation of the Greek forces, and agreement on a form of autonomy for Crete, but not before Greece had invaded Thessaly and suffered a humiliating defeat by a Turkish army.
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Adam, Day, and Malone David M. "Part V Global and Regional Security Mechanisms, Ch.59 The Role of the United Nations in Shaping Global Security Law." In The Oxford Handbook of the International Law of Global Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198827276.003.0060.

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This chapter argues that the United Nations (UN) has contributed to the international law of global security in three related ways: (1) as a lawmaker, or something very much like it, with the UN Security Council (UNSC) empowered through the Charter to adopt decisions binding on all Member States; (2) as an interpreter of international law, with significant impact on the law of global security; and (3) as an agenda-setter, establishing norms and shaping international responses to new security challenges. In all of these, the role of the UNSC has predominated, particularly in the post-Cold War period when the pace of its engagement and its willingness to intervene in a wide range of settings increased dramatically. This does not mean that the UN is always the best, or even the appropriate, actor when it comes to making, shaping, and enforcing international law. The chapter then considers the political limitations of the UN as an actor shaping global law, and the attendant risks this contested role poses to effective management of international peace and security. Just as it adapted in the post-Cold War period to new conflict dynamics and power constellations, the UN is likely to remain a key player in the global legal order in some respects and will need to calibrate its decisions accordingly, which it has not always done in the past.
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