To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Peace and Order Council (Philippines).
Journal articles on the topic 'Peace and Order Council (Philippines)'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Peace and Order Council (Philippines).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Hall, Rosalie Arcala. "Politics in the Frontline: Local Civil-Military Interactions in Communist Counterinsurgency Operations in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 27, no. 1 (December 21, 2006): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701001.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the interaction of local army units and town/village leaders in several communist frontline communities in Southern Iloilo, in the light of changes in the national government’s policy response after 1986. Civil-military engagement in the frontline is asymmetrical and premised on different understandings of the nature and assessment of the communist threat. For soldiers, the communists are embedded in the community, and pose a serious threat. Local leaders downplay the rebel threat and view the communists as outsiders, but express a nuanced view of the different roles locals play in the communist movement and factional affiliation of rebels in their area. Except for paramilitary formation, the military devises all counterinsurgency programs while civilian leaders and the police are confined to implementation. The Municipal Peace and Order Councils do not serve as institutional means for local civilian leaders to oversee military operations, but rather as venues for local commands to obtain logistical support. Civil-military interface on human rights concerns has become less confrontational and oriented towards soldiers carrying firearms in public, abuse of local generosity particularly in quartering and food provision, and complaints procedure for minor infractions.
2
Monocay, Michelle D., and Maria Nove A. Mejica. "The Governance Performance of Selected Barangays in Highly Urbanized City." Philippine Social Science Journal 3, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.52006/main.v3i2.211.
Full textAbstract:
The Philippines has enacted several policies to continually elevate the performance of its governance. As such, the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) designed a campaign to improve the delivery of services of the different levels of local government units (LGU). A highly urbanized city in the Province of Negros Occidental is a recipient of several recognitions. However, lingering issues such as high incidence of malnutrition, lack of access to potable water, excessive flooding due to drainage and sewerage problems, and several concerns in solid waste management implementation triggered questions on the eligibility of these awards. Thus, this study investigated the level of governance performance of selected barangays in the areas of social services, peace and order, disaster management, and environment management when taken as a whole and grouped according to income and population. Also, it sought to find out if a significant difference exists in the level of governance performance of the barangay councils when they are grouped mentioned demographics.
3
Forster, Elisabeth. "Bellicose Peace: China’s Peace Signature Campaign and Discourses about “Peace” in the Early 1950s." Modern China 46, no. 3 (June 2, 2019): 250–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700419851460.
Full textAbstract:
In the early 1950s, China engaged in several military actions, most notably in the Korean War. Nevertheless, the World Peace Council, an international organization sponsored by the Soviet Union, praised the country as a “fortress for the protection of world peace” in 1954. This hinged upon a very specific, bellicose understanding of “peacefulness,” which did not mean the rejection of war, but war against the “right” enemy. I discuss this understanding, its function within the international community, its embeddedness in international political thinking, and its promulgation among the Chinese population, using the example of a campaign in 1950 to collect signatures on a World Peace Council–authored appeal against the atomic bomb. Self-promotion as a peaceful nation in the bellicose sense served a variety of purposes for the young People’s Republic of China (PRC), most importantly the goal to instill bloc thinking in the PRC’s population and to gain prestige within the new international order of the Cold War.
4
Nicor-Mangilimutan, Rhumyla G., Maria Nove A. Mejica, and Merlita V. Caelian. "Implementation of the Community Peace and Order and Public Safety Program in Negros Occidental, Philippines." Philippine Social Science Journal 3, no. 3 (December 30, 2020): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52006/main.v3i3.273.
Full textAbstract:
Peace is indivisible and global because it is the foundation of the survival of humanity. Ensuring peace and security of the people is vital in maintaining economic development, social order, and political stability. In the Philippines, the functionality of community peace and order and public safety (POPS) is strictly monitored by the government. This descriptive-comparative study assessed the extent of implementation of the POPS in terms of crime prevention and control, anti-illegal drugs, public safety, and enforcement of ordinances. It also investigated the differences in the implementation of the program when the communities are grouped according to variables. Further, it explored the challenges and suggestions of community leaders. Using a researcher-made survey questionnaire, data were gathered from respondents. Findings revealed a great extent of implementation, but there were significant differences when barangays were grouped into variables. The findings were utilized as bases for an enhanced POPS program.
5
Kadir, Norizan Binti. "Peranan Wanita dalam Penyelesaian Konflik di Selatan Filipina." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 16, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol16no1.1.
Full textAbstract:
The roles played by the women in the conflict resolution involving the Muslim community in the Southern Philippines was not given the spotlight it deserved in the series of peace talks between the republic and the separatist groups. The roles of women were as if they were insignificant and of a passive manner while women were undeniably the important “stakeholder” beside the fact that the conflict that erupted affected this group the most amongst the population there. They are also capable to contribute to a new paradigm in conflict resolution. Realizing this, the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) passed Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security as a democratizing mechanism towards the encouragement of women in conflict resolution, protection amidst conflict, and peacemaking.
6
Redoble, Freyanne A., Vilma B. Ramos, Amerjaphil Louie A. Vidal, and Elsie Valdes. "Factors Affecting Effective Dissemination of Peace and Order Ordinances to Punong Barangays in Maria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 18, 2018): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i4.14065.
Full textAbstract:
The study measured the factors affecting effective dissemination of peace and order ordinances to punong barangays in the Municipality of Maria Aurora, Aurora Province, Philippines. The study used predesigned survey questionnaires and key informants in the gathering of data. The questionnaire distribution was based on purposive sampling. The participants are thirty-four (34) punong barangays. The barangay is the smallest political unit in the Philippines. The data gathered are treated with frequency distribution and weighted mean. The factors of dissemination are: a) socio-demographic characteristics of respondents, b) information sources, c) strategies and channels of communication are measured. In general, participants’ level of interest towards new legislation is positive. However, a slight divergence is noticed in the case of upland barangays as they manifested little awareness on the existing peace and order ordinances. Thus, it is recommended that effective dissemination strategies be adopted and information materials be developed to improve dissemination of new ordinances. The use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in information dissemination is highly recommended.
7
Candelaria, Sedfrey M. "The plight of indigenous peoples within the context of conflict mediation, peace talks and human rights in Mindanao, the Philippines." Thesis Eleven 145, no. 1 (April 2018): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618763838.
Full textAbstract:
Republic Act 8371 or the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA) was passed by the Philippine Congress in order to address the concerns of the indigenous communities which had received marginal attention through the past decades. Indigenous communities have also been displaced from their lands due to armed conflicts between government soldiers and secessionist groups, particularly the Moro rebels and the communist-led New Peoples’ Army. The Philippines has been privy to peace initiatives with these two groups for some time now. Political circumstances, however, and legal impediments have periodically stalled the peace processes. It is the author’s intention to focus on the predicament of indigenous communities as they seek a strategic role in shaping the content of peace agreements being negotiated by the Philippine government with the rebel groups. How have the indigenous communities made an impression on the two peace processes through the years? And, have the indigenous peoples’ rights been sufficiently protected in the context of the peace agreements? The author will draw from his own insights on the peace processes and agreements which have been negotiated and even tested before the Supreme Court of the Philippines.
8
Dingman, Roger. "The Diplomacy of Dependency: The Philippines and Peacemaking with Japan, 1945–52." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 17, no. 2 (September 1986): 307–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001077.
Full textAbstract:
Historians have examined the Japanese peace settlement of 1951 in a variety of ways. A few have treated it as an episode in the ongoing evolution of the structure of international relations in the Pacific and East Asia. Most have focused on the interaction between the principal victor, the United States, and vanquished Japan, weighing the negotiating successes and failures of each and assessing the impact of the settlement on subsequent Japanese-American relations. Recently still other historians have exploited newly available archival materials to analyze the role middle-range powers such as Australia and Britain played in shaping the 1951 peace treaty. While this research has revealed a great deal about the San Francisco peace settlement, it has left unexplored the part small powers played in a major restructuring of the Pacific/East Asian international order.
9
Ragandang, Primitivo III C., and Sulpecia L. Ponce. ""Philippines: The Role of Bae in Resolving Conflict and Maintaining Tribal Peace and Order "." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 27 (April 1, 2019): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.27.4.
Full text
10
Latif, Ikhwan Rahmatika, Dyah Mutiarin, and Achmad Nurmandi. "The Quality of Peace in Post-Conflict Situation: A Comparative Study Between Armed Conflicts in Aceh and Bangsamoro." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.430.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates the quality of peace in armed conflicts that occurred in the Southeast Asia region. The authors compared the cases of Aceh, where the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement or GAM and the government of Republic Indonesia ended peacefully with the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding, with the conflict in the southern Philippines, where a peace agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, was successfully achieved between the government of Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. This research employed document analysis to analyse the peace settlement documents of both parties and the derivative laws of the agreed settlements, as well as other relevant sources as the secondary data. All documents and sources were processed through the NVivo 12 application. The findings revealed that in both Aceh and Bangsamoro, the quality of peace is far from significant, for not all the terms of the agreements had been realised and there was still mutual suspicion prevailing between the two fighting parties. Therefore, what had been agreed upon in the Aceh and Bangsamoro post-conflict agreements must be accomplished as they should be in order to create a lasting peace, thereby allowing the people to experience a sufficient quality peace together.
11
Eduardo, Jesster Pasule. "Restorative Justice in Cordillera Administrative Region: Tradition and Praxis towards a Peace Process Model." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i1.3748.
Full textAbstract:
The study assessed the peace processes under the concept of Restorative Justice in Cordillera Administrate Region (CAR). Restorative Justice (RJ) is a means to heal, not punish, the harm caused by one person to another. It is a process which allows the harmed party to participate in the decisions which are made to heal the harm caused them. The study used the Individual Positivism Theory to analyze the use of RJ in CAR. Through Descriptive Survey Method, the level of attainment of the goals and objectives of peace processes was measured based on the responses of the three groups of respondents in the study namely: (a) Stakeholders (victims, complainants, respondents, witnesses, and the community); (b) Barangay Peace and Order Council (BPOC) (Lupong Tagapamayapa chaired by the Punong Barangay [Barangay Officials] and Council of Elders); and (c) PNP organic personnel. Hence, study showed that RJ through indigenous method of conflict resolution played a significant role in preserving Unity, Peace and Order, and Justice in the community most especially among families, relatives, or clans in CAR.
12
Safaraz, Nizam. "United Nations Security Council Intervention Towards Gross Human Rights Violation of The Rohingya Ethnicity." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 8, no. 06 (June 10, 2021): 6464–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v8i06.01.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract
Every human being has the rights to be protected from discrimination by any party, especially the act of gross human rights violations. In order to prevent this, the Security Council has a function to secure international peace and security from threats to international peace. One of the case that is becoming an international concern is the human rights violations on Rohingya by Myanmar Military. In its implementation, the UN Security Council can intervene a country known to violate human rights of its people, however the Security Council's intervention caused a controversy that questioned the validity of the intervention by Security Council. Thus, the purpose of this research is to find out whether the situation in Myanmar is valid for the UN Security Council to carry out humanitarian interventions. Accordingly, this research also analyzes legal measures by the UN Security Council in dealing with human rights violations in Myanmar.
Keyword: Human Rights, Humanitarian Intervention, Rohingya, UN Security Council
13
Al-Own, Gasem M. S., and Maysa Said Bydoon. "Evolution of Asset-Freezing through the UN Security Council." Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, no. 4 (April 5, 2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v6i4.1160.
Full textAbstract:
<p>The UN Security Council (UNSC) carries out its task in maintaing and restoring international peace and security. However, it is argued that the Security Council evolved new ways to maintain international peace and security that differ from what was originally intended when the UN Charter adopted in 1945. The Development of Asset-freezing could be considered as an example of this evolution. This Article analyses the historic evolution of asset-freezing in the UN legal order by the UNSC to identify the changes in the nature of asset-freezing. This article argues that asset-freezing has been designed as a means to put pressure on states to abide by the orders of the UNSC for the purpose of maintaining international collective security.</p>
14
Mamlyuk, Boris N. "Uniting for “Peace” in the Second Cold War: A Response to Larry Johnson." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300002014.
Full textAbstract:
Larry Johnson’s timely and important essay challenges both utopian and realist accounts of UN law and practice by reviving the debate over the nature and functions of the UN General Assembly, particularly the General Assembly’s power to deploy certain legal tactics not only to influence collective security deliberations in the UN Security Council, but also, more significantly, to provide some legal justification for multilateral military “collective measures” in the event of Security Council gridlock. One vehicle by which the General Assembly may assert its own right to intervene in defense of “international peace and security” is a “Uniting for Peace” (UFP) resolution, authorized by resolution 377(V) (1950). At its core, a “uniting for peace” resolution is an attempt to circumvent a Security Council deadlock by authorizing Member States to take collective action, including the use of force, in order to maintain or restore international peace and security. General Assembly resolution 377(V) does not require resolutions to take specific legal form—language that echoes the preambular “lack of unanimity of the permanent members [that results in the Security Council failing to] exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security” is sufficient to render a given resolution a UFP, provided the General Assembly resolution calls for concrete “collective [forceful] measures.” For this reason, experts disagree on precisely how many times a UFP has indeed been invoked or implemented, although informed analysts suggest UFP has been invoked in slightly more than ten instances since 1950.
15
Enns, Fernando. "Am Beginn eines ökumenischen »Pilgerwegs der Gerechtigkeit und des Friedens«. Für eine theologisch begründete, politisch verantwortliche und ökumenisch anschlussfähige Friedensethik – aus der Perspektive der Friedenskirchen." Evangelische Theologie 75, no. 4 (August 11, 2015): 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2015-0406.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract It seems that peace ethics nowadays faces new challenges because of so-called ›new wars‹, ›asymmetric conflicts‹, ›hybrid warfare‹ and ›failing states‹. Yet political reactions and peaceethical arguments still draw back on old rationales based on the putatively overcome ›just war doctrine‹. Contrary to it, the ecumenical movement has long developed the new conceptual framework of ›just peace‹, which has been continued as the ›pilgrims’ way of peace and justice‹ by the World Council of Churches. - In order to overcome the apparent lack of political alternatives, the present essay assesses this discussion critically from the perspective of Peace Churches and shows new ways towards a peace ethics which is theologically founded, politically reasonable and compatible with ecumenism.
16
McCormack, Timothy L. H. "Anticipatory Self-Defence in the Legislative History of the United Nations Charter." Israel Law Review 25, no. 1 (1991): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700010256.
Full textAbstract:
Article 51 of the United Nations Charter states that:Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of selfdefense shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.International lawyers are still arguing about the scope of the right of self-defence in Article 51 of the U.N. Charter. Most of the arguments focus on the semantics of Article 51. Those who argue for a “restrictive view” of the provision emphasise the qualifying phrase “if an armed attack occurs”.
17
Bailliet, Cecilia M. "Peace is the Fundamental Value that International Law Exists to Serve." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 111 (2017): 308–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2017.66.
Full textAbstract:
Hersch Lauterpacht set forth that international law should be functionally oriented toward both the establishment of peace between nations and the protection of fundamental human rights. This perspective was followed by Hans Kelsen, who authored Peace Through Law, reminding us that the pursuit of peace requires patience and commitment to international norms and legal institutions, such as international criminal tribunals, stating, “He who wishes to approach the aim of world peace in a realistic way must take this problem quite soberly, as one of a slow and steady perfection of the international order.” Later on the work of Grenville Clark and Lois B. Sohn spanned three decades, pursuing “World Peace Through World Law” through which they envisioned the creation of a World Conciliation Board, a World Equity Tribunal, compulsory jurisdiction for the ICJ, transfer of primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace from the Security Council to the General Assembly, and world disarmament enforced by regional courts. Several of these topics are under renewed discussion at present, including reform of the Security Council, the value of conciliation in international law, and the new Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Some suggest that the fragmentation of international law into specialized subfields, such as trade law, human rights, etc. resulted in a dissipation of attention to broader, common aims such as peace, instead promoting specialized technical expertise within each realm. To the extent that contemporary international law engaged with peace, it focused on the subject of peace treaties and the role of relevant institutions, such as the United Nations and regional entities.
18
Smith, Barney. "After the Coup: The National Council for Peace and Order Era and the Future of Thailand." Asian Affairs 51, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1706370.
Full text
19
Hewison, Kevin. "After the Coup. The National Council for Peace and Order Era and the Future of Thailand." Journal of Contemporary Asia 50, no. 4 (July 8, 2019): 672–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2019.1631632.
Full text
20
Veneracion-Rallonza, Ma Lourdes. "Building the Women, Peace and Security Agenda in the asean through Multi-Focal Norm Entrepreneurship." Global Responsibility to Protect 8, no. 2-3 (May 24, 2016): 158–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00803005.
Full textAbstract:
Women, Peace and Security (wps) as a global agenda has gained traction since it was institutionalized in the United Nations Security Council fifteen years ago. By December 2014, 46 out of 193 Member States of the United Nations have adopted their National Action Plans to systematically implement their respective country commitments to wps. To date, 24 of the countries with National Action Plans are in Europe while 13 are in Africa; the Asia Pacific Region has 6 and the Americas have 3. In Southeast Asia, only the Philippines has developed a National Action Plan within the framework of the wps while other countries integrated it in the existing broad policy and programmatic frames such as addressing violence against women. At the level of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (asean), taking on the agenda of women, peace and security has yet to move beyond communicative rhetoric. This paper is an attempt to explore how wps can be made part of the regional agenda on human protection and mass atrocities prevention, by mapping out discursive and institutional entry points within several asean Member States and within asean itself through the idea of multi-focal norm entrepreneurship.
21
CHAN, PHIL C. W. "A Keen Observer of the International Rule of Law? International Law in China's Voting Behaviour and Argumentation in the United Nations Security Council." Leiden Journal of International Law 26, no. 4 (November 8, 2013): 875–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156513000459.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractGiven the centrality of law in the creation, decision-making, and impact of the United Nations Security Council, the deliberative discourses among Security Council Members, and the necessity for China to articulate its reasons publicly for its actions within the Security Council, the roles that China plays within the Security Council illuminate and clarify its approaches to the current international legal order. This article explains how law serves as a constitutional–normative framework within which the Security Council must function, followed by a discussion of how the Security Council in turn may serve as a locus of deliberative discourses that delineate, influence, and constrain its members’ state behaviours. It challenges the view that law plays a limited role on matters of international security by exploring China's voting behaviour in the Security Council and the arguments that it has proffered. It also discusses how China may respond to a draft Security Council resolution aimed at its conduct other than simply by vetoing it, and how it has taken a proactive role in the maintenance of international peace and security through the Security Council.
22
Gardachew, Bewuketu Dires. "The African Peace and Security Architecture as a Tool for the Maintenance of Peace and Security. Part 1." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 7, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2020-7-3-179-194.
Full textAbstract:
This study critically explores the extent to which the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) (such as the African Standby Force (ASF), the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), Panel of the Wise (PoW) and the Peace Fund (PF)) have been successful in achieving their institutional objectives, as well as the degree to which they are able to contribute to the work of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC). The AU PSC as a key pillar of the APSA is the main decision-making body regarding issues of peace and security. In order to achieve its responsibility, the AU PSC shall be supported by the African Standby Force, the Continental Early Warning System, Panel of the Wise and the Peace Fund. APSA is the umbrella term for the key African Union (AU) mechanisms for promoting peace, security and stability in the African continent. More specifically, it is an operational structure for the effective implementation of the decisions taken in the areas of conflict prevention, peace-making, peace support operations and intervention, as well as peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction. APSA is envisioned as a means by which Africa can take a greater role in managing peace and security on the continent, with the objective of offering “African solutions to African problems”.
23
Gardachew, Bewuketu Dires. "The African Peace and Security Architecture as a Tool for the Maintenance of Peace and Security. Part 2." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 7, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 322–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2020-7-4-322-333.
Full textAbstract:
This study critically explores the extent to which the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) (such as the African Standby Force (ASF), the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), Panel of the Wise (PoW) and the Peace Fund (PF)) have been successful in achieving their institutional objectives, as well as the degree to which they are able to contribute to the work of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC). The AU PSC as a key pillar of the APSA is the main decision-making body regarding issues of peace and security. In order to achieve its responsibility, the AU PSC shall be supported by the African Standby Force, the Continental Early Warning System, Panel of the Wise and the Peace Fund. APSA is the umbrella term for the key African Union (AU) mechanisms for promoting peace, security and stability in the African continent. More specifically, it is an operational structure for the effective implementation of the decisions taken in the areas of conflict prevention, peace-making, peace support operations and intervention, as well as peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction. APSA is envisioned as a means by which Africa can take a greater role in managing peace and security on the continent, with the objective of offering African solutions to African problems.
24
Tardif, Alain. "Research on Petrus de Bellapertica: portrait of a discrete Chancellor." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 77, no. 3-4 (2009): 385–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004075809x12488525623137.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAfter nearly twenty years of teaching Roman law at Orléans (1278–1296), Petrus de Bellapertica was called to sit in King Philip the Fair's council. Bellapertica, sometimes referred to as “the father of experts”, was valued for his experience in all the major political negotiations of the decade during which he held office in the King's service. These issues included the ecclesiastical tithes, the peace negotiations with the Empire and with England, the conflicts with some of the most powerful feudal lords in the realm, and the great dispute with pope Boniface VIII against the backdrop of the confrontation between spiritual and temporal power. Bellapertica may be credited with the Reform Ordinance of March 1303, with the coronation of pope Clement V in Lyons, and with bringing Lyons closer into the orbit of the French kingdom through the “Philippines” treaties. Unable to prevent the trial of the Templars, he left the political scene three months before he died on 17 January 1308.
25
Cornelio, Jayeel, and Gideon Lasco. "Morality politics: Drug use and the Catholic Church in the Philippines." Open Theology 6, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 327–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2020-0112.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article traces the trajectory of the Catholic Church’s discourses on drug use in the Philippines since the first time a statement was made in the 1970s. By drawing on official statements by the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), it argues that shifts in emphasis have taken place through the years: the destruction of the youth, attack on human dignity, and then social moral decay. Collectively, they emanate from an institutional concern for peace and order. But they also reflect the moral panic around drug use that has been around for decades, which, on several occasions, Filipino politicians, including President Duterte, have mobilized as a populist trope. In this way, the article historicizes the Catholic Church’s official statements and frames them in terms of morality politics through which values and corresponding behavior are defined by an influential institution on behalf of society whose morality it deems is in decline. The article ends by reflecting on the recent statements by the CBCP that invoke compassion and redemption.
26
Schneiker, Andrea. "The UN and women's marginalization in peace negotiations." International Affairs 97, no. 4 (July 2021): 1165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab068.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Although UN Security Council Resolution 1325 calls for increased participation of women in all stages of a peace process, the number of women who participate in formal peace negotiations is still very limited. In order to augment their number, UN Women and other international organizations have published a series of policy reports in which they argue that women's participation increases the success of peace negotiations and leads to more inclusive peace agreements. However, based on an analysis of relevant policy reports and interviews with women and men involved in peace negotiations, I argue that the policy reports do not lead to women's empowerment. Instead, they contribute to women's marginalization in peace negotiations, because they entrap women between conflicting expectations. The type of behaviour that international advocates of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda expect of women when they participate in peace negotiations limits the women's room for manoeuvre—at best. At worst, this type of behaviour prevents women from participating in the negotiations, because it is dismissed by domestic (male) negotiators. But if women who participate in peace negotiations violate the behavioural script proposed by the policy reports, they are considered as not acting in line with the WPS agenda. Hence, no matter how women behave when they sit at the negotiation table, they either lose the support of international or national gatekeepers.
27
Ruijmschoot, Adriaan Martin. "Improving resilience of Cagayan de Oro's water supply to flooding." Water Practice and Technology 15, no. 3 (June 16, 2020): 619–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wpt.2020.052.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The ‘Ridge to Coast, Rain to Tap’ (R2CR2T) project aims to address several identified factors in order to reduce flood vulnerability and improve the resilience of the water supply in Cagayan de Oro, Philippines. The project, which started on 1st January 2018, has adopted an integrated approach, working both directly on the water supply infrastructure and at a systemic level in the river basin. Through capacity development, investments and technical assistance, the project will provide a strong boost to improve the operations of the Cagayan de Oro Water District (COWD). Water supply coverage, sanitation services and disaster risk reduction are being expanded to up to 7,000 previously unserved households in relocation areas, primarily inhabited by people who lost their homes in the 2011 Sendong flood. In the upstream Cagayan de Oro River Basin (CDORB), several pilot reforestation interventions are being implemented in partnership with local Indigenous Peoples (IP) communities to demonstrate effective and sustainable ways for addressing the causes of flooding. The project aims to contribute to an enabling environment in which public and private stakeholders in CDO and Bukidnon Province cooperate towards flood risk reduction. The R2CR2T project is a Public-Private Partnership including partners Cagayan de Oro Water District, VEI, FITC, Unifrutti Tropical Philippines Inc, Cagayan de Oro River Basin Management Council, Hineleban Foundation, Bukidnon Indigenous Peoples Advisory Council, Wetlands International, Philippines Red Cross and Netherlands Red Cross. The R2CR2T project is 49% co-funded by the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and administered by the Netherlands Enterprise Agency (RVO) through the Sustainable Water Fund.
28
TSAGOURIAS, NICHOLAS. "Security Council Legislation, Article 2(7) of the UN Charter, and the Principle of Subsidiarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 24, no. 3 (August 5, 2011): 539–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156511000240.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article considers the relationship between the United Nations and its member states in view of the Security Council's assertion of legislative powers. It claims that the exponential growth in UN powers at the expense of the powers of its member states cannot be arrested by legal means, because of the nature of the UN system and the absence of legally enforceable criteria and compulsory dispute-settlement mechanisms. For this reason, it proposes a different approach to law-making in the area of international peace and security – one that is built around the principle of subsidiarity, as reflected in Article 2(7) of the UN Charter. The role of the principle of subsidiarity in this respect is to determine which authority is best suited to exercise legislative power and how such power should be exercised in order to attain the objective of peace and security more efficiently. It is thus contended that the principle of subsidiarity promotes co-operative relations between the United Nations and its member states by protecting the latters' jurisdictional authority from unnecessary interference.
29
de Lange, Frits. "Pelgrimage als paradigma voor de oecumene1." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 74, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2020.1.001.dela.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In 2013 the World Council of Churches adopted the pilgrimage theme for its policy in the coming years. In this article the implications of the WCC’s use of the pilgrim metaphor is explored and analyzed. It is argued that, in order to present themselves credibly as involved in a Pilgrimage of Justice and Peace, Christian faith communities should embody ‐ at least ‐ the demanding virtues of hope, humility, and the relativization of self-identity.
30
Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 3 (2017): 121–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.3.121.
Full textAbstract:
This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process. It covers the quarter beginning on 16 November 2016 and ending on 15 February 2017. Neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis made any efforts to resume peace negotiations this quarter. The Palestinians opted to coordinate with outgoing U.S. president Barack Obama on UN Security Council resolution 2334 condemning Israeli settlements, while the Israelis pressed incoming U.S. president Donald Trump for a new regional peace approach. U.S. secretary of state John Kerry presented six principles for a Palestinian-Israeli peace deal, and the French government hosted an international peace conference in Paris. Trump took office in January and began backpedaling on his pledge to move the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Meanwhile, Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu continued his efforts to marginalize the Palestinian minority and political opponents in Israel in order to placate the fury of his ruling coalition's ultranationalists over the evacuation of Amona, an illegal settlement outpost. Settler movement leaders used their leverage with Netanyahu to pass a sweeping new bill in the Knesset retroactively legalizing such settlement outposts.
31
Kirgis, Frederic L. "He Got It Almost Right." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001987.
Full textAbstract:
Larry Johnson’s answer to his own question is a qualified “no.” Surely he is correct when he says that the General Assembly does not need the Uniting for Peace resolution in order to consider a matter that is on the UN Security Council’s agenda. The International Court of Justice made that clear in its Advisory Opinion on the Construction of a Wall. It is only when the Security Council is actively pursuing the matter that UN Charter Article 12(1) requires the General Assembly to defer to the Council.Johnson is also correct when he says that Uniting for Peace does not serve to enhance the authority that the UN Charter itself supplies to the Assembly to adopt non-binding resolutions intended to keep or restore peace. The ICJ also made that clear in its Advisory Opinion on the Construction of a Wall. Without relying on the Uniting for Peace resolution, the ICJ in paragraphs 27 and 28 of its Opinion approved the practice of the General Assembly to deal with matters concerning maintenance of international peace and security. The Court turned to the Uniting for Peace resolution only in the ensuing paragraphs of its Opinion, dealing with procedural matters related to the Assembly’s request for an Advisory Opinion.
32
Bustamante, Jacinto Yango. "A Decade Later: The Impact of Empowerment on Women in Sitio Alitaptap, Province of Nueva Ecija, Philippines and Its Effect on Peace and Social Order." International Journal of Law and Public Administration 3, no. 2 (October 15, 2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijlpa.v3i2.5015.
Full textAbstract:
This study examined the impact of empowerment on women after a decade of its rigid campaign in the province of Nueva Ecija, Philippines and its effect on peace and social order as perceived by the residents of sitio Alitaptap, Nueva Ecija. The researcher utilized a descriptive research design using a self-devised questionnaire to gather information. The findings revealed that the respondents have a high level of conformity to the actions of local government unit to empower women. As to the impact of empowerment on women, the respondents agreed to the positive result of the action taken by the local government unit. The study showed that empowering women brought peace and social order and the quality of program implementation in the place caused high degree of effectiveness in the performance of duty of local officials. However, there are some things that are not clear to the respondents as there are some questions where respondents stand neutral. The study revealed that not only will women gain knowledge of their rights on the action of the local government but will also teach men how to respect women. The only negative result of the study is the threat that women may use their rights to prejudice men that may result in social disorder.
33
Alwani, Zainab. "Peace, Jihad & Conflict Resolution." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 166–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.1890.
Full textAbstract:
The international seminar on Peace, Jihad & Conflict Resolution, jointlyorganized by AMSS, IIIT, and the Islamic Educational, Scientific andCultural Organization (ISESCO), was hosted by the Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding (CMCU), Georgetown University on November 2-3, 2002.
The seminar’s goal was to bring a deeper understanding of the place andposition of religion in general, and Islam in particular, toward the dynamicconcepts of peace, jihad, political violence, and military conflict. The seminargot off to a lively start on Saturday morning with introductions presentedby Dr. Jamal Barzinji (vice president, IIIT). Welcoming remarks weremade by Dr. Ahmad S. Weld Abah (chairman, ISESCO Executive Council),Dr. Louay Safi (AMSS president), and Dr. John Esposito (CMCU director).The opening session was followed by an inspiring speech by Dr. Taha Jaberal-Alwani (president, Graduate School of Islamic and Social Sciences[GSISS]), on “Concepts between Islamic and Western Worldviews: Jihad asan Example.”Al-Alwani analyzed the meaning of peace, jihad, and conflict resolutionfrom an Islamic jurisprudential perspective by examining how these conceptsare governed by the values of tawhid (unity of God), tazkiah (purificationof humanity), and ‘imran (establishing a values-based civilization).He discussed how practicing and establishing peace is obligatory for all people,because Islam considers humanity to be one family. Since most ofIslam’s jurisprudential rules are based on peace, according to al-Alwani,“both peace and jihad have different levels, and each one should be fulfilledby individuals, family, and society.” He characterized jihad as: “There is noother concept that will match the meaning of peace in Islam except jihad,”and argued that “jihad is based on different levels: to struggle is the majormeaning of jihad, in order to elevate oneself to a higher level, they muststrive.” The concept of conflict resolution implies that many stages shouldbe applied and negotiated before resorting to war.Thirty-two papers were presented in eight consecutive panels duringthe 2-day seminar. The panelists approached the issues from theoretical perspectivesand sociopolitical experiences in order to overcome stereotypicaldiscussions and superficial impressions. On the first day, the following subthemeswere analyzed in four panels: “Jihad, War and Peace in the IslamicAuthoritative Texts,” “Positive Attitude toward the ‘Other’,” “Religion: ATool for Conflict Resolution,” and “Religious and Cultural Roots of Warand Peace.”These panels drew attention to the need of developing an authenticmethodology that deals objectively with religious texts and history. In thefirst panel, Dr. Jamal Badawi (St. Mary’s University, Canada) offered a newvision in his analysis of how some misunderstood verses and ahadith haveleft a negative impact upon the nature of Muslim and non-Muslim relations.He addressed such questions as: “Does Islam teach hate toward others?” ...
34
Hadi, Rany Purnama, and Sartika Soesilowati. "The role of women in security Indonesian women peacekeepers in the UNIFIL: Challenges and opportunities." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 31, no. 4 (December 17, 2018): 380. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v31i42018.380-388.
Full textAbstract:
Following Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), the United Nations arranged mandates on women, peace and security (WPS) in order to address the equality between men and women, in order to allow them to actively participate in managing world security and peace. The purpose of this mandate was to give women the same opportunities, protection, access to resources and services, as well as right to participation in decision-making, as an attempt to achieve and sustain peace and security. In 2014, women constituted 3% of the UN’s military personnel and 10% of the police personnel out of the total number of UN peacekeepers from 123 countries, including Indonesia. In Lebanon, one of the areas focused on by UN peacekeeping missions, Indonesia currently deploys the largest peacekeeping personnel of up to 1,296 individuals, of which 24 are women. This number constitutes 5% of Indonesia’s total peacekeepers on the UN’s mission. Using the qualitative approach method through collecting secondary data, this paper aims to examine the participation of Indonesian women peacekeepers, particularly in UNIFIL, in relation to helping, protecting and supporting women and girls as the victims of war based on the feminist point of view. It was found that Indonesian women peacekeepers provide a tremendous contribution to the effectiveness of the UN’s peacekeeping operations. Women can provide softer approaches toward war victims and help to promote peace in the region. This shows that women still have not had much opportunity to prove their abilities in battle. Therefore, improvement is needed in order to increase the Indonesian women’s peacekeeper role in peacekeeping operations.
35
Zapico, Florence L., Josefina T. Dizon, Teresita H. Borromeo, Kenneth L. McNally, Edwino S. Fernando, and Jose E. Hernandez. "Genetic erosion in traditional rice agro-ecosystems in Southern Philippines: drivers and consequences." Plant Genetic Resources: Characterization and Utilization 18, no. 1 (January 10, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479262119000406.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper examines genetic erosion in rice landraces thriving in traditional smallholder agricultural systems in the Sarangani uplands, Philippines. In these marginal areas, the crop is closely interwoven with tribal culture and is vital in ensuring food security among upland households. Field visits unveiled high varietal diversity for upland rice and a rich tapestry of indigenous knowledge associated with its cultivation and use. Study results, however, revealed the tapering of the crop's genetic base due to farmers' changing priorities, pest infestation, weakening seed supply systems, shift to cash crops, natural calamities, environmental degradation, government programmes and peace and order problems. Consequently, these pressures undermined traditional agricultural systems in Sarangani upland communities causing food and water scarcity, hunger and suffering on a catastrophic scale. Interdisciplinary strategies aimed at simultaneously averting further varietal losses and environmental degradation while improving human well-being are therefore warranted. Furthermore, making traditional rice farming a lucrative endeavour will induce the younger generation to remain in the uplands and choose farming as a profession. This way, biocultural restoration of agriculture will be attained and the continued presence of the tribal groups in the Sarangani uplands will be ensured for a very long time.
36
Hirschmann, Gisela. "Cooperating with evil? Accountability in peace operations and the evolution of the United Nations Human Rights Due Diligence Policy." Cooperation and Conflict 55, no. 1 (February 15, 2019): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836719828406.
Full textAbstract:
International organizations (IOs) usually cooperate with national actors in order to implement global decisions and policies. This cooperation has become problematic as implementing partners have increasingly been accused of serious human rights violations. This article analyzes how implementing partners from the host state of a United Nations (UN) peace operation are held accountable. I argue that the complexity of contemporary peacekeeping limits the availability of traditional accountability mechanisms. I develop a conceptual model to demonstrate how, instead, different accountability forms interact and complement each other. I illustrate this interplay of accountability with a case study on the emergence of the UN Human Rights Due Diligence Policy (HRDDP). The accountability framework enacted by the Joint Human Rights Unit, the Special Procedures of the UN Human Rights Council and the International Criminal Court in the context of the UN peace operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo threatened the legitimacy of UN peacekeeping. As a consequence, the UN adopted the HRDDP as a new, UN-based accountability mechanism to hold implementing partners from the host state of peace operations accountable.
37
Mwanasali, Musifiky. "The African Union, the United Nations, and the Responsibility to Protect: Towards an African Intervention Doctrine." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 388–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519552.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis essay considers the R2P principle as expressed by the African Union's (AU) Constitutive Act of 2000, the United Nations (UN) World Summit's outcome document of 2005, and recent civilian protection mandates issued for peacekeeping operations by the UN Security Council. Examining how these three international mechanisms have sought to establish and operationalise the norm, the author argues that the AU should make greater efforts to bring R2P implementation into line with the UN Charter in order to secure the legitimacy of regional interventions in Africa. Reflecting on the experience of the AU Mission in Sudan between 2004 and 2007, the importance of clear mandates and sufficient capacity to the success of R2P interventions is emphasised. The use of force by peacekeepers—its feasibility and potential extent—is analysed and placed within the context of peacebuilding in the R2P continuum. The essay also argues for better coordination between the UN Security Council and the world body's Economic and Social Council, as well as with the AU's Peace and Security Council, to ensure a reliable supply of adequate peacebuilding resources to Africa and proper consideration of security and reconstruction matters.
38
PALCHETTI, PAOLO. "Outlawry but with teeth: The problem of enforcing peace through international institutions." Global Constitutionalism 7, no. 3 (November 2018): 358–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381718000175.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:If the main merit of The Internationalists is to shed light, in a powerful and convincing way, on the transformative power of rules, the role of institutions – and in particular of the United Nations and its collective security system centred around the activity of the Security Council – does not come out of the book as clearly as it might. It is submitted that the decision to concentrate upon the rule – the prohibition to use force – while limiting the attention paid to the institution – the United Nations and its collective security system – is not without consequence, particularly given the strict link existing, in the common perception, between the rule and the institution. This brief comment will focus on certain ambivalences emerging from the book about the contribution of the United Nations, as a peace-enforcing organisation, to fostering the emergence of a New World Order, as well as its continuing relevance for preserving the effectiveness of the principle on non-use of force.
39
Nurwanto and Marsudi. "MAINSTREAMING PEACE IN QURANIC TEACHING TEXTBOOKS FOR MUHAMMADIYAH SCHOOLS." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (October 12, 2019): 1347–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.74187.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose: The article reviews whether the contents of some Quranic understandings taught in Muhammadiyah schools endorse peace or not. By taking account of the increasingly violent acts among Indonesian students, making them more seriously engaged in peace provided by schools, ranging from textbooks to classroom practices, is unavoidable.
Methodology: This study is library research intended to uncover peaceful values contained in the Quranic teaching textbooks provided for those studying at Class X, XI and XII or Senior Secondary levels of Muhammadiyah Schools in Yogyakarta. These textbooks had officially been published by the Council of Basic and Middle Education of the Muhammadiyah Provincial Board headquartered in Yogyakarta. These teaching contents are basically unseparated parts of the subject called ISMUBA (Al-Islam, Muhammadiyah Studies and Arabic). By content analysis usage, this article categorizes and elaborates contents relevant to peace issues.
Result: This article especially focuses on the content analysis of the Quranic exegesis textbooks issued in Yogyakarta. The result shows that those textbooks generally provide contents endorsing peace, interpreted from the Quran. However, they seem to have a lack of both content clarity and some relevant sources. Furthermore, the boundaries of the content might also be affected by the learning targets shaped with relatively low-order thinking skills. Therefore, the textbooks remain engaging in providing peace elements even though some limitations are found.
Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students.
Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of mainstreaming peace in Quranic teaching textbooks for Muhammadiyah schools is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.
40
TKAVC, SUZANA. "UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 AND THE ROLE OF GENDER PERSPECTIVE." WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY ON THE 15TH ANNIVERSARY OF UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325/ ŽENSKE, MIR IN VARNOST OB 15. OBLETNICI SPREJETJA RESOLUCIJE VARNOSTNEGA SVETA ORGANIZACIJE ZDRUŽENIH NARODOV 1325, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/3 (September 30, 2016): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.3.2.
Full textAbstract:
An increasingly intensive activity has been noticed recently at the international level with regard to the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and associated resolutions. More and more international events regarding women, peace and security are being organised every year, education and training programmes as well as a conceptual framework of the gender perspective are being developed, and system solutions in both international organisations and national structures are being put forward. One of such solutions is the appointment of ambassadors for women, peace and security, as well as of gender advisors on gender perspective. Last year, a full-time advisor position in this field was set up at the General Staff of the Slovenian Armed Forces. Being a subject matter expert for the area of gender perspective in the Slovenian Armed Forces, I am pleased that the importance of the agenda regarding women, peace and security has been recognised and that a publication has been issued at the academic level by involving experts and gaining support from the leadership. I am grateful to my international colleagues for their papers, for having kindly responded to the invitation to share their views, solutions and experiences with us. This is indeed the main value of this publication: sharing is caring. The set of topics demonstrates to what extent the Resolution and the gender perspective are implemented, ranging from the international level, through national solutions and to the realisation in international operations and missions. Although Resolution 1325 is extensively explained in individual papers, I would like to introduce several key factors linking the Resolution and the gender perspective, to proffer a better understanding of the topic and emphasise why the integration of the gender perspective is vital for both Slovenian and international landscape. The basis for this discussion are conceptual solutions of international organisations and my participation in the NATO Committee on Gender Perspectives. Actions like this are vital for they aim to develop the said area and encourage new ways of thinking,thereby highlighting compound gender-related topics and informing the practices of Slovenian Armed Forces. Resolution 1325 is a milestone for the role of women in conflict prevention and resolution, in peace processes, humanitarian response and in post conflict reconstruction. It underlines three interlinking factors, i.e. women, peace and security. There is no security without peace, and no peace without a safe and secure environment. Moreover, there is no peace and security without addressing the entire population. In the past, women were frequently excluded from peace processes. If solely one perspective is included, the expected result can be partial. In 15 years since the adoption of Resolution 1325, the increased asymmetric threats in a complex security environment have resulted in the need for more comprehensive approaches to ensure security and peace around the world. During this time, many facts which were ignored in the past have been seriously discussed at the international level with the aim of finding solutions. Armed conflicts and the post-conflict period affect women differently than men. Boys and girls too are affected differently, in relative terms. Importantly, acts of men and women in such circumstances can be either different or the same, but due to socially constructed perceptions they are accepted differently. More particularly, it should be stressed that socially constructed is their gender, which is a concept that this introduction defines as social and cultural characteristics associated with a given sex (whereas sex refers to biological differences between males, females, and intersex persons, and is assigned at birth). Gender as such materialises in our reality: for example, while during armed conflicts the majority of men are recruited for combat tasks, women stay at home with children or are forced to leave their homes. That is why they make up the majority of internally displaced persons and refugees both on refugee routes and in refugee camps. Their safety is compromised in such circumstances; they are often targeted by groups of combatants, kidnapped, enslaved or abused. It should also be noted that girls and boys are not exposed in the same way: girls can be subject to pre- mature and forced marriages, boys to early recruitment into combatant groups. As regards the general recognition of the role of men and women in armed conflicts and beyond, the most common perception is of women as victims and men as combatants. However, the truth is that women also are combatants and strong actors for peace, and men are victims of intentionally committed acts. Furthermore, a serious problem in contemporary conflicts is sexual and gender-based violence. This is an alarming issue. This form of violence is predominantly inflicted against women, although also girls, boys and men suffer from it, either in the form of torture or as a weapon of war. It could be said that the gender perspective in relation to international operations and missions has, on the one hand, developed for the purpose of implementing Resolution 1325 and, on the other hand, resulted from militaries’ experiences. Central to the gender perspective in international operations and missions is making women’s and men’s experiences and concerns integral to operation processes, whilst taking into account the different security-related situations these individuals face in line with their gender. As it has been argued, there is evidence that women and men, boys and girls, face different security risks - a process underpinned by the way their masculinities and femininities are perceived in a given culture and society, i.e. gender. Being able to recognise and understand the entire security situation as broadly as possible is crucial for operational effectiveness. Recognising the routes of women, which are usually different from routes used by men due to their individual gender roles, can affect the execution of an operation. Such information influences the provision of security, force protection and operational success. Therefore, the integration of the gender perspective into every process at all levels and in every stage of action is of extreme importance; comprehensive information on situation in the area of operation contribute to decisions of those in command. Experiences gained in international operations and missions have led to observations on certain limitations in the execution of tasks, particularly at the tactical level, for example as regards the exclusion of women from the local environment, particularly in those areas of operation where women are not allowed to communicate publicly with unknown men and where the structure and personnel are predominantly male. The inclusion of the gender perspective into task accomplishment has thus become a necessity to which international organisations, such as UN, NATO, the EU and other have drawn attention. In their structures, the contemporary armed forces need both female and male members at all levels and on different duties. This holds true for the fulfilment of tasks in international operations and missions and for the execution of tasks in domestic environment. International organisations tend to increasingly emphasize the importance of the inclusion of women into all structures; however, questions regarding women in armed forces keep appearing in the military, particularly as regards gender equality, physical performance of women and removal of restrictions in relation to the fulfilment of certain duties for women. There are growing tendencies to implement the gender equality principle, whereby a risk of equating equality with sameness may appear in the militaries. However, to perceive equality as sameness can lead to unilateral or too general solutions. Concerns, for example, that taking into account the biological differences between men and women in setting the standards could mean lower criteria and poorer performance actually lead to more important question: are standards really defined according to the requirements of individual duties or are they too general, and are they also established on the basis of the inclusion of gender perspective? It is crucial to understand that different tasks require different competences and preparedness of an individual. Indeed, the truth is that men and women will never be the same. There is variety between males and females which should be recognised as an advantage and not as a weakness. Failing to include the spectrum of gender, the wholeness cannot be reached; the inclusion of both male and female perspective on the same issue leads to integrity by bringing together the diversity. Due to changing security environment, we all are faced with new challenges, requiring even stronger networking of organisations both at the national and international levels in order to ensure comprehensive and effective solutions. Meteorological changes causing large-scale destruction call more often for the engagement of the armed forces in search and rescue tasks. Last year, mass migration from conflict zones, the Middle East and Africa to Europe required the involvement of the armed forces into tasks at home. Similarly as in fulfilling the tasks in international operations and missions, the armed forces and other government and non-government organisations dealing with refugees and migrants were faced with different cultures, where socially determined roles of men and women have great significance. Such circumstances promote further knowledge about the integration of gender perspective in new directions. The fundamental fact that the society is made up of women and men, girls and boys, remains, just as the diversity which, in its integrity, should bring us all towards ensuring security and peace. I wish you a pleasant reading of papers hoping they will help broaden new horizons and encourage new thoughts.
41
Caron, David D. "The Legitimacy of the Collective Authority of the Security Council." American Journal of International Law 87, no. 4 (October 1993): 552–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203616.
Full textAbstract:
The ideal, once it is embodied in an institution, ceases to be an ideal and becomes the expression of a selfish interest, which must be destroyed in the name of a new ideal. This constant interaction of irreconcilable forces is the stuff of politics. Every political situation contains mutually incompatible elements of utopia and reality, of morality and power.E. H. Carr[T]he crucial question is not what principle is acknowledged but who is accepted as the authoritative interpreter of the principle or, to put it in institutional terms, how the process of legitimization works.Inis Claude, Jr.At this pivotal point in history, a fundamental and oft-raised issue is “international governance.” Means of effective governance are seen as necessary to more complex arrangements of world order. But achieving effective governance ultimately will mean the existence of institutions that legislate, that is, institutions that make decisions binding on the whole. As a general matter, states have been skeptical of, if not hostile toward and consequently unwilling to accept, such governance. The United Nations Security Council is a notable exception; in the sometimes broad, sometimes narrow, area of international peace and security, the Security Council has taken decisions in the name of, and binding upon, the entire international community.
42
O'Sullivan, Míla. "The Women, Peace and Security Agenda: The Unfinished Story of Feminist Revolution versus Compromise in Global Politics." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1646.
Full textAbstract:
The adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security (WPS) in 2000 has prompted the development of an extensive WPS scholarship within the field of feminist International Relations. The dynamic scholarly debate is characterised by certain tensions between two feminist groups – the radical revolutionary one which advocates a redefinition of the global order and is more sceptical of the agenda, and the pragmatist one accentuating the compromise towards the existing peace and security governance. This article explores the two main subjects of the WPS research – the discourse and implementation, as they have been informed by the revolutionary and pragmatist approaches. The article shows that while the academic inquiries into the WPS discourse reveal disappointment with the compromises made regarding the revolutionary vision, this disappointment is also present in the literature on implementation. The latter literature nonetheless acknowledges feminist pragmatism as a way forward given the realities on the ground.
43
Jørgensen, Nina H. B. "State Responsibility for Aiding or Assisting International Crimes in the Context of the Arms Trade Treaty." American Journal of International Law 108, no. 4 (October 2014): 722–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.108.4.0722.
Full textAbstract:
Legal regulation of the arms trade has been slow to evolve despite the promotion after World War I of the idea that, for the sake of peace, arms exports should be limited and despite the condemnation on moral grounds of private arms traders who helped to rouse conflict. Article 26 of the United Nations Charter tasked the Security Council with initiating plans for the establishment of a system to regulate armaments in order to promote peace and security and to restrict the diversion of the world’s resources to military expenditure. The extent of this “diversion” of resources is reflected in the estimate that the total value of the global arms trade in 2013 was at least $85 billion. The United Nations’ efforts, which included the public Register of Conventional Arms and a program of action relating to the illicit trade in small arms, culminated in the adoption of the long-awaited Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) on April 2, 2013, which enters into force on December 24, 2014.
44
Tagoranao, Mariam Saidona, and Alizaman D. Gamon. "Understanding the Religious Rights of the Muslims in the Philippines: A Catalyst for Peace and Justice (Kefahaman tentang Hak Beragama Orang Islam di Filipina: Pemangkin untuk Keamanan dan Keadilan)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2019): 204–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v16i1.779.
Full textAbstract:
Religious rights for minorities are not merely a privilege policy but an important commitment that should be acknowledged by any organization, state or nation. The contemporary legal systems of the world recognize religious rights particularly in today’s multicultural societies. This system has been acknowledged by the international law of human rights and the United Nations Conventions. Religious faith and religious practices are inherently protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Philippines. International law of human rights becomes the basis for a non-Muslim government to provide commitments in promoting spiritual and conventional infrastructures for Muslim minorities. The main objective of this paper is to discuss the national laws that can accommodate Muslim religious rights based on how Islam defines it, in order to achieve a lasting peace in the Philippines. The paper recommends that the universal principle of peace must be contained in the legal reform of every sovereign nation. In addition, religious obligations and liberties must be fairly treated and regarded as a national agenda towards promoting peace and justice.
Keywords: Religious rights, Muslim minorities, Philippine Constitution, Peace and Justice.
Abstrak
Hak keagamaan untuk golongan minoriti bukan sekedar dasar keistimewaan semata, tetapi merupakan suatu komitmen penting yang harus diakui oleh mana-mana organisasi, negara atau bangsa. Sistem undang-undang kontemporari di dunia mengiktiraf hak beragama, khususnya dalam masyarakat pelbagai budaya hari ini. Ia telah diakui oleh undang-undang hak asasi manusia antarabangsa dan Konvensyen Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu. Kepercayaan dan amalan keagamaan pada dasarnya dilindungi oleh perlembagaan negara. Undang-undang ini menjadi asas bagi sebuah kerajaan bukan Islam untuk memberikan komitmen dan keprihatinan dalam mempromosikan infrastruktur rohani dan konvensional bagi golongan minoriti Muslim. Objektif utama kajian ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana undang-undang negara boleh menampung hak agama Islam berdasarkan bagaimana Islam mentakrifkannya, untuk mencapai keamanan yang kekal di Filipina. Keadaan menjadi amat malang apabila makna sebenar perdamaian akhirnya terhakis akibat penyelewengan yang lazimnya berlaku dalam sistem dan amalan perundangan. Walau bagaimanapun disyorkan, bahawa prinsip sejagat kedamaian mesti terkandung dalam reformasi undang-undang bagi setiap negara berdaulat. Di samping itu, kewajipan dan kebebasan beragama mesti dilayan dengan adil dan dianggap sebagai agenda nasional untuk mempromosikan keamanan dan keadilan.
Kata Kunci: Hak keagamaan, minoriti Islam, Perlembagaan Filipina, Keamanan dan Keadilan.
45
Acconci, Pia. "The Reaction to the Ebola Epidemic within the United Nations Framework: What Next for the World Health Organization?" Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 18, no. 1 (2014): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413-00180014.
Full textAbstract:
The World Health Organization (who) was established in 1946 as a specialized agency of the United Nations (un). Since its establishment, the who has managed outbreaks of infectious diseases from a regulatory, as well as an operational perspective. The adoption of the International Health Regulations (ihrs) has been an important achievement from the former perspective. When the Ebola epidemic intensified in 2014, the who Director General issued temporary recommendations under the ihrs in order to reduce the spread of the disease and minimize cross-border barriers to international trade. The un Secretary General and then the Security Council and the General Assembly have also taken action against the Ebola epidemic. In particular, the Security Council adopted a resolution under Chapter vii of the un Charter, and thus connected the maintenance of the international peace and security to the health and social emergency. After dealing with the role of the who as a guide and coordinator of the reaction to epidemics, this article shows how the action by the Security Council against the Ebola epidemic impacts on the who ‘authority’ for the protection of health.
46
Welsh, Jennifer M. "The Security Council's Role in Fulfilling the Responsibility to Protect." Ethics & International Affairs 35, no. 2 (2021): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089267942100023x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe principle of the responsibility to protect (RtoP) conceives of a broad set of measures that can be employed in preventing and responding to atrocity crimes. Nevertheless, the UN Security Council remains an important part of the implementation architecture, given what the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty referred to as its authoritative position in international society as the “linchpin of order and stability.” As part of the roundtable “The Responsibility to Protect in a Changing World Order: Twenty Years since Its Inception,” this review of the Council's role in fulfilling its responsibility to protect advances two somewhat contrasting arguments about the original ICISS report. First, it suggests that the commissioners may have underestimated the Council's potential contribution, by concentrating on the authorization of coercive means to address crises of human protection. Over the past two decades, the Security Council has not only employed various diplomatic, political, and humanitarian measures to address atrocity crimes but also adjusted the purposes and practices of peace operations to advance protection goals and more subtly shaped discourses and expectations about state responsibilities for protection. However, I also argue that the willingness of the ICISS to identify potential alternatives to the Security Council when its members are paralyzed appears in retrospect to have been both bold and forward looking, in light of the Council's failures to act in a timely and decisive manner to protect amid crises and the contemporary realities of geopolitical rivalry. The article concludes by suggesting that future efforts to protect populations from atrocity crimes should focus not only on the herculean task of trying to change the behavior of P5 members of the Council but also on encouraging a new institutional balance between the Security Council and other intergovernmental bodies.
47
Upreti, Bishnu Raj. "Security for Enhancing Peace and Stability in Changing Context of Nepal." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 2, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v2i1.26727.
Full textAbstract:
The world is facing new security challenges in 21st century that has forced global and national security actors to think differently. Unconventional security issues such as resource scarcity, climate change effects, livelihood insecurity, environmental insecurity, food and water insecurity, health insecurity, natural calamities and disasters, pandemic diseases, etc. are now integral part of security going beyond conventional security issue of protecting sovereignty and territory of the state. Further, Nepal has also specific geopolitical and geo-strategic issues and challenges emerged from the Sino-Indian dynamics. Global economic and strategic power is shifting from US to China and therefore China will be most influential in the world order in coming few decades. Similarly, India is also rapidly expanding its influence in global and regional sphere. Hence, small countries like Nepal will have both negative and potentially positive efforts (economically, politically, strategically) to deal in the changing global order (protecting national interests in a situation of aggressive approaches of old and emerging powers) in the context of China-India revelry. As Nepal is having rapid change in political and strategic sphere advancement of security sector is eminent. However, dealing with new security challenges requires enabling environment (favourable legal-regulatory provisions, supportive institutional arrangement, required resources, investing in capacity development especially in education and research, developing sound intelligence and integrating security policy with international relations, economic development and social services). Hence, it is essential to expand security discourse and engage citizen to develop ownership, strengthen the National Security Council, create enabling environment (developing relevant policy and strategies, promulgation of laws and development of rules and procedures, creating responsive institutional mechanisms, developing capabilities, making required resources available, parliamentary oversight and monitoring provisions, invest in security research and education) to address emerging new security challenges of the 21st century.
48
Chambers, Paul, and Napisa Waitoolkiat. "The Role of Security Forces in Thailand’s Deep South Counter-Insurgency." International Studies Review 20, no. 1 (October 19, 2019): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02001003.
Full textAbstract:
This study looks at the role of Thai state security forces in the Deep South across history until early 2017. These forces include the army, navy, police and paramilitaries and have been tasked with enforcing Thai state policy toward the Deep South since the centralization of power by the Siamese monarchy over this region in 1902. After the 2014 coup, the junta initiated a policy of using both repression and negotiations with insurgent groups to achieve its aims in the Deep South. Meanwhile violence has continued. The study, using historical institutionalism, argues that Thai security forces’ preference for a hard-line policy in the Deep South has resulted in a vicious cycle of tension and violence between security officials and local Malay-Muslims which has not been conducive to peace efforts in the region. Nevertheless, any durable peace will need to satisfy military perceptions of security. Yet what has been the historical trajectory of security policy in the Deep South? What has been the policy of the ruling National Council for Peace and Order military junta toward the region? What is the likelihood of the Thai junta becoming more pragmatic regarding the Deep South in the near future? This study examines these questions.
49
Vandeginste, Stef. "The African Union, Constitutionalism and Power-Sharing." Journal of African Law 57, no. 1 (January 28, 2013): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855312000149.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractOver the past decade, the African Union has put in place a normative framework to promote constitutional rule and, in particular, orderly constitutional transfers of power in its member states. Its Peace and Security Council opposes unconstitutional changes of government, including through the use of sanctions. The PSC systematically advocates a return to constitutional order, in particular through free and fair elections, as a remedy for unconstitutional changes of government. However, while opposing unconstitutional means of obtaining or transferring power, the AU has been generally supportive of the use of power-sharing agreements as an instrument of negotiated conflict settlement. Most power-sharing agreements do not accord with the prevailing constitutional order. This dual policy, of opposing certain types of unconstitutional change of government while advocating power-sharing agreements, poses an obvious challenge for the consistency of AU policy.
50
Ilyas, Mohammad. "Regional Seminar And Workshop On The International Islamic Calendar." American Journal of Islam and Society 5, no. 2 (December 1, 1988): 293–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v5i2.2723.
Full textAbstract:
The Pulau Penang Resolution On The InternationalIslamic CalendarPraise be to Allah (SWT), Lord of the worlds. Peace and benedictionbe on His Prophet Muhammad, his family, Companions and followers.Heading the Commandments of Allah (SWT) in the Qur’an is: “Verilyin the creation of the heavens and the earth and in the alternation of thenight and the day are signs for those who use their intellect; those who reflectupon God while standing, sitting and reclining and ponder on the creationof the heavens and the earth saying: ‘0 my Lord You have not created allthese in vain. Glory be to You, save us from the fire”’.From Shawwal 21-24, 1408/June 7-10, 1988, the Universiti Sains Malaysiahosted a Regional Seminar and Workshop on the International Islamic Calendarattended by 100 Muslim scientists, religious scholars ( UZumii’), communityleaders and government officials concerned with Islamic Affairs from 25different countries and international Islamic organizations. The seminar andworkshop was held with the cooperation of the International Institute of IslamicThought, the Islamic Affairs Division of the Prime Minister’s Departmentof Malaysia, the Council of Islamic Affairs of Penang, the Malaysian AirlinesSystem, the Islamic Council of Europe, the International Centre for TheoreticalPhysics, the Third World Academy of Sciences and the Islamic EconomicDevelopment Foundation of Malaysia.The Seminar was declared opened by Y.B. Datuk Dr. Mohammad YusufNoor, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, whose speech wasunanimously adopted as a conference document. The Seminar received countryreports from Thailand, Philippines, Fiji, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Australia,Indonesia, Brunei Darussalam, Maldives and Singapore. The country reportsdiscussed the calendrical practices in various countries in the region andproblems faced in determining important Islamic dates. Subregional discussionswere held regarding future planning in respect of the Islamic Lunar Calendar.Special workshops were held for Muslim scholars (‘Ulama') and communityleaders regarding the implementation of a scientific lunar calendar for theMuslims in the region and the problems and difficulties in the implementation ...