Relevant bibliographies by topics / Peace-building, American

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Peace-building, American'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Peace-building, American"

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SANTISO, CARLOS. "Promoting Democratic Governance and Preventing the Recurrence of Conflict: The Role of the United Nations Development Programme in Post-Conflict Peace-Building." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 3 (August 2002): 555–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x02006508.

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Promoting democracy and strengthening good governance have become core components of post-conflict peace-building initiatives of the United Nations (UN). An often overlooked dimension of the analysis of UN peace support operations has been the crucial role played by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) at the critical juncture linking peacekeeping to sustainable development. UN peace operations in Central America over the last decade have pioneered the organisation's involvement in the uncharted territory of post-conflict peace building. UNDP's Central American experience was the first step in the organisation's evolution away from providing traditional development assistance, towards playing an active and openly political role in post-conflict democracy building and governance reform. This new role of the UNDP has had dramatic repercussions on its mandate, administrative structures, corporate policies and operational strategies. The current institutional renewal of UNDP has its roots in its endorsement of democratic governance as essential dimensions of its mandate to promote sustainable human development. This article assesses the significance, promises and dilemmas of the governance agenda for UNDP and analyses the scope, nature and institutionalisation of democracy and governance programmes within UNDP, using Central America as a case study. It argues that the future of UNDP democracy assistance will largely depend on how successful it is at resolving the inherent tensions between democracy promotion and national sovereignty, while retaining its multilateral approach to peace and democracy.
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Páez, Darío. "Zúñiga, Claudia, and Wilson Lopez-Lopez, ed. 2021. Political psychology in Latin America. Washington: American Psychological Association. 268 p." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 8 (December 28, 2021): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/djhr.2290.

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The book is part of the Psychology in Latin America series of the American Psychological Association (APA) edited by Judith Gibbons and Patricio Cumsille. The book presents a series of chapters written by Latin American researchers from Argentina, Colombia, Chile, El Salvador and Peru on different topics relevant to political psychology in Latin America. The problem of human rights violations and how to confront them, socio-political conflicts and the building of a culture of democracy and peace are transversal axes of the chapters of this book.
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Maguire, Daniel C. "The Abnormality of War: Dissecting the “Just War” Euphemisms and Building an Ethics of Peace." Horizons 33, no. 01 (2006): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036096690000298x.

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I dedicate this essay to a ten year old Afghan boy, Mohammed Noor. He was having his Sunday dinner when an American bomb struck. He lost both eyes and both hands. Who, with this child in mind, would dare sing “God bless America,” the hymn that would make God a co-conspirator with American war-makers? The sightless eyes of this child should haunt us to the end of our days and sear on our souls the absolute need to not just pray for peace, but to do something to make it happen.
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Wiggins, Eugene A. "That the People May Live: The Cowlitz Tribe's Journey of Peace and Justice." Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology 1, no. 2 (September 1, 2007): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/prp.1.2.44.

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AbstractIn an age of conflict and violence, the human family seeks peace-building paradigms. ‘Wisdom’ in traditional Native American culture provides a lens for exploring peace psychology. Native American culture understands ‘wisdom’ to be, ‘that the people may live’. Living implies love of life, love of others' lives, and the right to life and dignity. Here lies wisdom, that people may live with peace and justice. The Cowlitz Indians of western Washington, United States (US), traditionally, based constructive relations on the wisdom of kinship values, an ethic of generosity and reciprocity towards the wider community. Despite land loss and assimilation efforts of the dominant society, the US federal government finally recognised the Cowlitz Nation. This long awaited acknowledgment, won through adherence to traditional wisdom and values, has provided affirmation ‘that the people may live’.
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Gitler, Inbal Ben-Asher. "Reconstructing Religions: Jewish place and space in the Jerusalem YMCA Building, 1919-1933." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 60, no. 1 (2008): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007308783360543.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the representation of Jewish religion and culture in the architecture of the YMCA Building in Jerusalem, a prominent edifice built by the New York architect Arthur Loomis Harmon for the American YMCA. Within it, Jewish place and space were reconstructed as part of an architecture planned to promote Jewish, Christian and Moslem co-existence through an American secular cultural curriculum and a Christian vision of peace.
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Sellers, Robert P. "Interfaith relations and the Christian disciple: Living with others in the way of Jesus." Review & Expositor 114, no. 1 (February 2017): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637317690390.

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People of other faith traditions are our fellow Americans in this religiously-diverse nation. Although some American Christians regrettably are judgmental, suspicious, fearful, or rejecting of the Religious Other in our midst, many do respect and welcome these followers of other spiritual paths and desire to speak of and act toward them in a kind, generous fashion. It is profoundly important that we learn how to live well with our neighbors who are different, not only because such behavior validates the message we preach about love and forgiveness, but also because building personal friendships makes for societal and even global peace. The best role model for how to treat others, including those who are religiously different, is arguably Jesus, who demonstrated in his words and actions why he was rightly called the “Prince of Peace.” If we choose to live with others in the way of Jesus, then at least in our individual “worlds”—and hopefully in the world at large—we will be doing the good work that will bring to reality the astute observation of Hans Küng: “There will be no world peace without peace between the world’s religions.”
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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet. "American Jewish Altruism in Support of International Humanitarian Intervention and Kosovo Peace-building." ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i1.19.

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At the end of 20th century, parts of Europe get caught again by xenophobia’s which were hidden under the rug of the Cold War. Balkans was again at the heart of eruptions of nationalistic ideas and hegemonistic aspirations. In resolving the last unsettled Kosovo case in the Balkans, west democracies corrected the mistake made at the beginning of the same century. In this direction gave input the Jewish community of USA. “We need to come out in defence of the defenceless victims ... cannot let people like Milosevic to continue killing men, women and children. We had to do this earlier, but not later or now”, said Elie Wiesel, the most prominent Jewish Nobel Prize winner, in a meeting with Holocaust survivors and veterans.This was not the only voice of the Jewish members in defence of Kosovo Albanians. A significant number of elite American-Jewish prominent politicians and diplomats, senior U.S. administration, from public life,...have been cautious in pursuit of developments in Kosovo before the war. Altruism within Jewish elite influenced or advised U.S. policy makers on the necessity of intervention in Kosovo, to prevent scenarios prepared by the Serbian regime to de'albanize Kosovo.They decided and implemented the diplomacy of dynamic actions in stopping the repetition of the similarities of holocaust within the same century. What prompted this perfectly organized community in the U.S., with distinctive culture and other religious affiliations to people of Kosovo to support them during exterminating circumstances? Which were the driving factors on influencing the policy of most powerful state in the world in support of Albanians? This paper aims to illuminate some of the answers on the raised question as well as analyze the activities of most prominent AmericanJewish personalities, some of their philanthropic actions that are associated with emotions, their principles and beliefs to prevent human suffering and exodus of Kosovo Albanians, similar to their holocaust but with different actors.
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Lee, Jae-Bong. "Peace Building on the Korean Peninsula Through South Korean-North Korean-American Summits." Religions of Korea 45 (February 28, 2019): 301–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.37860/krel.2019.02.45.301.

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Huda, Qamar-Ul. "Conflict prevention and peace-building efforts by American Muslim organizations following September 11." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26, no. 2 (August 2006): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602000600937630.

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WESSELING, H. L. "Editorial: the American Century in Europe." European Review 12, no. 2 (May 2004): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000122.

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In 1999, the Whitney Museum of American Art had a very successful exhibition called The American Century. Indeed, there were two exhibitions, The American Century, Part I about the first half of the 20th century and Part II dealing with the following 50 years. The presentation was divided up into decades, each of them having its own motto. The one for the 1950s was: ‘America takes command’. This may sound rather martial but the motto is indeed very appropriate, as one could argue that as from then on American leadership also included cultural leadership.The name of the exhibition, ‘The American Century’, was of course derived from the title of the famous article that Henry Luce, the editor/publisher of journals such as Life and Time, published in Life on 17 February 1941. Luce wanted the Americans to play a major role in the war for freedom and democracy that was in progress at that time and the building of the better world that would have to come after that. In his article Luce insisted that ‘our vision of America as a world power includes a passionate devotion to great American ideals’. The idea of America as a world power and, indeed, as the world power of the future, is, of course, much older than the concept of the 20th century as the American century. Already in 1902, the British liberal journalist and advocate of world peace through arbitration, W.T. Stead published a book with the title The Americanization of the World, or the Trend of the Twentieth Century. According to Stead, the heyday of the British Empire was over and the US was the Empire of the future. The enormous success of America was due to three things: education, production and democracy. Britain's choice was between subjugation or cooperation. Stead even proposed the merger of the two countries. In the following decade, this idea that America was Britain's successor and that the two countries should – and could – form a union because of their intimate familiarity, became popular among British writers.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Peace-building, American"

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Schmidt, Elizabeth. "Acculturation of American Racial Narratives in an Increasingly International Community." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors155716253521604.

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Cormier, Daniel J. "Building a New Global Order: Eisenhower, Suez, and the Pursuit of Peace." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/471900.

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History
Ph.D.
This study illuminates Dwight D. Eisenhower’s efforts during his first term as President to advance new global norms that would make peace a more enduring aspect of international relations. Between 1945 and 1952, Eisenhower was an engaged supporter of America’s efforts to move the world away from the “war-system” that characterized the early twentieth century. The venture included implementing the Bretton Woods economic agreements, creating the United Nations, adopting the UN Human Rights Convention and supporting collective security organizations, such as NATO. Combined, these efforts mitigated the primary causes of war and advanced new standards of global statecraft. They also competed for influence over US foreign policy and for global support. Eisenhower’s election in 1952 represented a mandate to prevent an early failure of the undertaking. Within months of taking office, Ike implemented a comprehensive grand strategy that included the imaginative use of military and economic power, as well as the addition of moral power to guide US foreign policy. By 1956, this grand strategy had advanced America’s leadership in global affairs through the advocacy of new norms of conduct that produced mutually beneficial norms and standards. However, the Suez Crisis threatened to derail the American project. Eisenhower understood the stakes and decided to oppose the British and French efforts to secure the Suez Canal Zone by force. Throughout the crisis, America upheld the new standards of nation-state conduct agreed to in the United Nations Charter. This decision consolidated the position of the free world and served the nation’s enduring interest of advancing a peaceful world order.
Temple University--Theses
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Fargo, Sofia. "An analysis of the United Nations : two peace operations in the Congo." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2006. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001425.

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Culp, Andrew Curtis. "Producing Pacification: The Disciplinary Technologies of Smart Bombs and National Anti-War Organizing." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243983139.

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Armentrout, Jenny A. "Sugar, Salt, and Fat: Michelle Obama's Rhetoric Concerning the Let's Move! Initiative, Binary Opposition, Weight Obsession, and the Obesity Paradox." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1307554274.

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Johnson, Melinda M. "Building Bridges: Church Women United and Social Reform Work Across the Mid-Twentieth Century." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/29.

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Church Women United incorporated in December 1941 as an interdenominational and interracial movement of liberal Protestant women committed to social reform. The one hundred organizers represented ten million Protestant women across the United States. They organized with the express purposes of helping to bring peace on Earth and to develop total equality within all humanity. Church Women United was the bridge between the First and Second Wave of Feminism and the bridge between the Social Gospel and Social Justice Movements. Additionally they connected laterally with numerous social and religious groups across American society. As such, they exemplify the continuity and matrix of reform in American history. Because they worked to promote international peace, develop positive race relations, and advance women’s rights, their campaigns give us a model for how to rectify the social problems of today. These women used communal prayer, politics, education, and hands-on labor to promote their ideas. They originated in collective prayer and continued this tool, but they added letter writing campaigns, public education forums, and lobbying politicians at all levels including the president to advance their goals. They held massive campaigns to collect needed items for war-torn countries and natural disaster areas as well as acting as counselors to the needy. They raised public awareness of issues facing migrant laborers, inner-city residents, Native Americans, Japanese internment detainees, and then worked hard to ameliorate the worst of these problems. They promoted literacy around the world, as well as new agricultural techniques to address human conditions that were known to lead to political and social unrest. This dissertation covers the mid-twentieth century while being predominately focused on the years 1941-1968. This study is built upon multiple archives across the United States and oral histories of movement leaders. It is one of the first interdenominational studies focused on the work of women in social reform work. This dissertation enlarges our knowledge of feminism and social reform work.
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Kellum, Duan Carmichael. "Peacebuilders and the values of culturally diverse students." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2511.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the cultural relevance of the Peacebuilders model. The study shows that programs such as Peacebuilders need to address concepts of culture that will enhance the diversity of program participants. Many schools and school districts are utilizing these programs to head off student violence, resolve student conflicts and premote school wide harmony.
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Shore, Sean Michael. "Building stable peace the development of the North American security community, 1814-1940 /." 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/41599406.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1998.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 210-225).
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Books on the topic "Peace-building, American"

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Cottrell, Vic. Building Russian-American relationships: Stories of peace. Lincoln: V. Cottrell, 1994.

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U.S. peacefare: Organizing American peace-building operations. Santa Barbara, Calif: Praeger Security International, 2010.

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Prybyla, Jan S. The American way of peace: An interpretation. Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 2004.

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Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Presidential Study Group. Building for peace: An American strategy for the Middle East. Washington, D.C. (50 F St., Suite 8800, Washington 20001): Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1988.

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Hamdan, Bassam. The American dream in Lebanon, Iraq, and the Middle East. Bloomington, Ind: AuthorHouse, 2008.

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Murray, Leonie. Clinton, peacekeeping, and humanitarian interventionism: Rise and fall of a policy. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2007.

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Child, Jack. The Central American peace process, 1983-1991: Sheathing swords, building confidence. Boulder: L. Rienner Publishers, 1992.

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Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Presidential Study Group. Building for security and peace in the Middle East: An American agenda. Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1997.

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Workshop on the Use of ICT in Peacebuilding (2007 Irvine, Calif.). Information and communication technology and peacebuilding: Summary of a workshop. Edited by Arenberg Carol Rakita, Pearson Greg, and National Academy of Engineering. Washington, D.C: National Academies Press, 2008.

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New challenges for international peacekeeping operations: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, first session, July 29, 2009. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Peace-building, American"

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Lambert, Laurent A., and Moosa Elayah. "Conclusions." In The Post-American Middle East, 247–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29912-4_10.

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AbstractDuring the two decades of the US War on Terror, the indicators of peace, stability, and security have markedly deteriorated in nearly two-thirds of the countries of the broad Middle East region, wherein American foreign policy has become particularly resented, as expressed in various survey polls. The United States had never fought for so long a war (and legally, the War on Terror is still continuing), and the political structures of the Middle East never had been so fundamentally challenged—and in a few countries, destroyed—since World War I and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire a century ago. The War on Terror, as such or under different names, has been characterized by grand policy claims, the actual destabilization of dozens of countries, the widespread use of torture, the endemic corruption of tribal and government elites, the polarization of inter-state relations across the Middle East, counter-productive policies of drone bombings with frequent collateral civilian victims, and large-scale migrations across and from a region that will need decades to reconstruct itself and heal from the trauma. Building upon the previous nine chapters, this final section presents our conclusions as to why the WoT failed so badly in the region and why the role of the United States has sharply declined in importance there, having identified four main reasons. Finally, we explain that the long-announced regional withdrawal of the United States has disappointed traditional partners. Tellingly, Egypt, Israel, and the Gulf monarchies have decided in 2022 to not abide by the US sanctions against Russia in order not to antagonize an international power that has become particularly influential in Syria, Iran, and the broad region, at a time when Washington seems to be losing always more ground to what it has officially called in its strategic doctrine “near-peer competitors”, i.e., Russia and China.
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Pearce, Jenny. "14. Sustainable peace building in the South: experiences from Latin America." In Development, Women and War, 238–66. Rugby, Warwickshire, United Kingdom: Oxfam Publishing, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3362/9780855987039.014.

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Carter, Candice C. "Teacher Preparation for Peace-Building in United States of America and Northern Ireland." In Addressing Ethnic Conflict through Peace Education, 245–58. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603585_18.

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Herr, Robert, and Judy Zimmerman Herr. "Building Peace in South Africa." In From The Ground Up, 59–76. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195136425.003.0004.

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Abstract It was 1983, the beginning of what would later be known as a decade of decisive and bitter struggle in South Africa. We were visiting a rural African, Presbyterian church. Representing a North American church agency to people in a rural homeland of the then-pariah South Africa was a dicey task. Mennonites in North America were sometimes unsure about our being there. International friends noted the ethical dilemma our presence posed. “We are hurt by the ostracism of the world,” said a South African friend, in contrast, “especially by the churches. We didn’t ask for this oppression; it was thrust upon us. It’s as if we find ourselves on the cross. Please do not say, as did Jesus’ tormentors, ‘save yourself.’ Rather, come and suffer and agonize with us” (Mcoteli, 1983).
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"8. Atoms for Peace: Building American Policy." In Atoms for Peace and War 1953–1961, 209–37. University of California Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520329362-013.

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Esquivia, Ricardo, and Paul Stucky. "Building Peace from Below and Inside." In From The Ground Up, 122–40. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195136425.003.0008.

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Abstract From The Beginning, I have lived and suffered with the conflict in which my country, Colombia, has been immersed, and I have participated in and contributed to the development of the course of action of the Mennonite church in this situation of social upheaval. What follows is a description of the evolution of the active response of the Colombian Mennonite church in the ongoing conflict. To understand the situation, let us go back to 1956 in Cachipay, Cundinamarca, Colombia. For nine years, from 1947, the General Conference Mennonite Church of the United States and the American Leprosy Mission had been operating a boarding grade school as a support to the healthy children of people with leprosy. This was a project of missionaries from the United States who had moved to this community and settled there with their families. People with leprosy had been abandoned by a society and by a state that, at that time, had the belief that this was a contagious disease against which society had to be defended. For this reason, the sick were taken, often by force, to a quarantined community called Agua de Dios (Water of God), located approximately three hours’ drive west of Bogota. The children were separated from their families and placed in a state-operated boarding school called Nazaret under miserable conditions.
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Gustafson, Sandra M. "Arbitration and Alliance." In Peace in the US Republic of Letters, 1840-1900, 99–126. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192884770.003.0005.

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Abstract This chapter discusses the American peace movement’s emphasis on arbitration and international alliance-building after the Civil War and considers its impact on the literary culture of the United States. Opening with a discussion of the Alabama claims case in connection with the peace advocacy of Senator Charles Sumner, the chapter turns to the writings of Henry Adams, including his “secession winter” correspondence, his post-war political writings about civil service reform, and his novel Democracy: An American Novel (1880). The chapter concludes with a discussion of John Hay’s novel The Bread-winners: A Social Study (1883), with its themes of elite leadership and Anglo-American alliances, and his later diplomatic work, closing with a focus on his address to the Thirteenth International Peace Congress of 1904.
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Chagnon, Marie-Eve. "9 “Building for Peace”: American Chemist William Noyes behind Reconciliation Efforts (1919–1924)." In Beyond the Great War, 167–82. University of Toronto Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781487542764-010.

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Gilbert, Marc Jason. "The View from the Hill." In The Vietnam War in the Pacific World, 87–106. University of North Carolina Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469671147.003.0006.

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This chapter examines Hawaiʻi’s engagement with the Vietnam War through the lens of its wartime congressional delegation from 1964–1975. Unlike any other American state or territory, Hawaiʻi’s majority Asian American population had ties with Asian nations struggling against communist aggression. In the effort to assist them, the delegation – all Asian Americans – drew on their experience of combat and/or public service in the cause of self-determination and democracy. They were also guided by their exposure to the Hawaiian values they shared with the majority of their constituents, who endorsed the delegation’s effort to pursue peace through negotiations encouraged by limited military action. When the level of violence employed to achieve the ends of limited war in Indochina went beyond acceptable levels, they chose peace over any other consideration. Though their efforts to secure a negotiated peace “through aloha” failed, their preference for soft power still has resonance in conflict resolution circles; they were the first Hawaiians in Congress to grapple with a rising Hawai‘i sovereignty movement spurred by the impact of war at home, and in this and in other ways, they succeeded in building lasting local and national institutions for the promotion of peace across the Indo-Pacific.
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du Rivage, Justin. "English Blood by English Hands." In Revolution Against Empire. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300214246.003.0008.

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This chapter shows how the ideological conflict over empire and public finance continued throughout the war. The American War of Independence was one of the most controversial wars in Britain's history, provoking demands for domestic reform and even flashes of republicanism. In the colonies, the difficulties of forging a new and effective American state meant that conflict was endemic. For both sides, common cultural ties and lingering affection for the British Empire prompted repeated attempts to negotiate a settlement. Those efforts ultimately failed, however. Most colonists were strongly attached to building a new, republican empire in North America, one made possible by the Articles of Confederation. When the war finally ended, Britain's radical Whig prime minister, William Petty, not only granted the new United States a generous peace but sought to reunite the empire along radical Whig lines.
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Conference papers on the topic "Peace-building, American"

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Saritoprak, Zeki. "GÜLEN AND HIS GLOBAL CONTRIBUTION TO PEACE-BUILDING." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/hsrv7504.

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Fethullah Gülen is one of the most influential scholars and thinkers in the contemporary Islamic world, particularly in Turkey. Although recent studies have put forward Gülen’s ideas on various topics, Gülen’s approach to peace building is one of the less studied. Given the contemporary reality of wars and ethnic/religious strife, this is a neglect that needs to be corrected. Fethullah Gülen stands up for peace and for the prevention of any clash of civilisa- tions, not only through his speeches and writing, but through his actions as well. This paper examines the concept of peace building through Gülen’s writings and activities with refer- ence to the main sources of Islam and Gülen’s commentary on them. In focusing on Gülen’s activities, the paper emphasises certain American institutions, notably the Washington D.C. based Rumi Forum for Interfaith Dialogue (of which Gülen is the honorary president), and its contribution to peace-building through interfaith activities.
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Reports on the topic "Peace-building, American"

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Peña-Niño, Omar Dario, and Erin McFee. Final Report of the First Summit of the Violence, Security and Peace (VSP) Network:(Re)building Trust and Democracy: Violence, Security and Peace in Latin America. Trust After Betrayal, March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59498/52718.

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The report on the 1st conference of the Violence, Security and Peace (VSP) Network, titled "(Re)building Trust and Democracy: Violence, Security and Peace in Latin America" recaps a multisectorial and interdisciplinary gathering that took place on May 18th and 19th, 2023 in Bogotá, Colombia. The summit aimed at examining and identifying potential solutions to the current challenges facing Latin America in terms of violence prevention, security provision, and peacebuilding. It served as a platform where over 120 actors from the private, public, academic, and civil society sectors in the region shared their experiences, collaborated, and devised new strategies for the (re)construction of trust and democracy within their societies as the overarching goal.
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Peña-Niño, Omar Darío, and Erin McFee. Final Report of the First Virtual Workshop of the Violence, Security and Peace (VSP) Network. Trust After Betrayal, February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59498/74658.

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Abstract:
The VSP Network held a virtual conference in June 2022 with the objective of developing a shared understanding of fundamental concepts and the significance of trust in areas impacted by violence and insecurity. The conference brought together experts, practitioners, officials, and people affected by violence from the Americas, Europe, the United Kingdom, and China to promote partnerships for the long-term enhancement of quality of life for individuals residing in such environments. Workshop participants focused on a theoretical and conceptual discussion of the network's themes and explored their relationship with building trust in the context of Latin American societies that have experienced social and armed conflicts in recent decades. The final report served as a contextual basis for the collaborative work at the VSP Network's 2023 summit in Bogotá, Colombia.
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