To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Peace-building Conflict management International relations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Peace-building Conflict management International relations'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 23 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Peace-building Conflict management International relations.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Stull, Emily A. "Increasing the Players: Expanding the Bilateral Relationship of Conflict Management." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500154/.
Full textAbstract:
This research seeks to explore the behavior of international and regional organizations within conflict management. Previous research on conflict management primarily examines UN peacekeeping as the primary actor and lumps all non-UN actors into a single category. I disaggregate this category, examining how international and regional organizations interact when deciding to establish a peace mission, coordinate a peace mission with multiple organizations, and finally, how this interaction affects the success of peace missions. I propose a collective action theoretical framework in which organizations would rather another actor undertake the burden and costs of implementing a peace mission. I find the United Nations is motivated to overcome the collective action problem through an increase in the severity of the conflict. Regional organizations are motivated to establish a peace mission as the economic and political salience of the conflict increases, increasing the possibility of the regional organization acquiring club goods for its member states. The presence of a regional hegemon within a regional organization also significantly increases the likelihood of an organization both establishing a peace mission and taking on the primary role when coordinating a joint mission. I argue this is because a regional hegemon allows the organization to more easily overcome the collective action problem between its own member states due to the presence of a privileged actor.
2
Ette, John Umo. "The Impact of Economic Integration within the European Union as a Factor in Conflict Transformation and Peace-Building." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1893.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines economic integration within the European Union (EU) as a factor in conflict transformation and peace-building. European responses to causes of frequent conflicts and wars after the end of WWII focused on the search for peace, economic cooperation and prosperity. This thesis will focus on three elements: economic interdependence, the expansion of the free market, and economic integration. In-depth examination of these factors reveals that economic interdependence or the exchange of goods and services across inter-state and international boundaries only, is not sufficient to bring peace among states. Economic inter-dependence may reduce the impact of war, but cannot maintain sustainable peace. Unfair competition fanned by economic nationalism was a strong obstacle to free trade in Europe in the early 19th century. In the 21st century, the expansion of free trade, with increased understanding has enhanced reduction in interstate conflicts. However, free trade, in and of itself does not constitute a strong factor for a sustainable peace. Free trade may encourage democracy, but the expansion of free trade coupled with interdependence, does not bring sustainable peace. The EU has successfully established sustainable peace through economic integration-the creation of the single market that established freedom of movement, people, goods, services; and a single currency that facilitates easy transactions. The single market also abolished tariffs and custom duties. By and large, economic integration within the EU has been successful in creating a sustainable peace because economic interdependence, and the expansion of the free market have been combined with political integration by building democratic institutions at the intergovernmental and transnational levels.
3
Kiel, Christina. "Private Diplomats, Mediation Professionals, and Peace Activists: Can Non-governmental Actors Bring Peace to Civil Wars?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1956.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates how actors without the means of state power can affect the behavior of warring parties in order to end civil conflicts. Drawing on the intervention and mediation literature, I propose a theoretical framework that presents causal mechanisms for various forms of non-state conflict management to contribute to conflict resolution. The research distinguishes between direct mediation, capacity-building, and problem-solving approaches, and analyzes the approaches’ potential contributions to shorter wars and more sustainable peace.
On the one hand, non-state actors can be substitutes for governmental or inter-governmental mediators. They derive legitimacy from long-standing relations with the conflict parties, and their claims to neutrality are more believable than those of powerful states with strong national interests. Further, a confidential and deliberate process can lead to more stable agreements. On the other hand, NGOs and others can prepare or enhance ongoing high-level negotiations by giving parties the tools they need to engage with each other constructively, and by improving attitudes and changing perceptions.
The data collected for this dissertation allows me to test hypotheses for the sample of African internal conflicts (1990-2010) with econometric means. Results confirm that non-state conflict management is a significant precursor to high-level mediation. I find further that conflict dyads that experience non-state conflict management in one year are significantly more likely to end in the following year. Unofficial diplomacy is significantly related to lower conflict severity, as well as to a more stable post-conflict peace.
The findings challenge the common assumption that governments are the only actors in international relations that matter. In fact, non-state actors make important contributions to conflict resolution, and conflict parties as well as governmental mediators should consider cooperating with them in their search for peace.
4
Ryan, Sharon Ryan. "Functional and Dysfunctional Themes in Successful Peace Agreements Arising From Intractable Conflicts." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/3541.
Full textAbstract:
An important challenge facing humanity today is to determine how to resolve intractable conflicts. Intractable conflicts are intensely violent conflicts that are difficult to resolve and last at least one generation. The purpose of this study was to explore the themes leaders used in resolving intractable conflicts by writing peace agreements, which achieved at least a ninety percent implementation rating by the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame. The research questions focused on the distribution of societal themes defined by Bar-Tal as present within societies experiencing an intractable conflict. This study used a multicase study approach and a directed content analysis of the narratives, chosen because the study began with an existing concept as a guide for determining initial codes. A categorization matrix was developed based on the existing concept and expanded to include one new category not initially included. The texts were coded by hand and the data were interpreted to reveal the findings, which show that the distribution of themes within narratives of the peace accords contained themes supported by Bar-Tal's research as being functional in transitioning a society out of conflict and absent themes found as being dysfunctional in helping societies make this transition. Second, interpretation of the findings confirmed that knowledge found in transformational leadership literature extends knowledge of narratives of peace accords. A new model of peacemaking emerged from these findings entitled the peace accords transformational leadership model. If leaders understood how to craft narratives of peace, then positive social change would result from a quicker end to violent conflicts and lasting peace for the societies suffering within them.
5
Talpahewa, Chanaka Harsha. "Peace process in Sri Lanka and implications of the Norwegian involvement (2002-2008)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608245.
Full text
6
Keizer, Kornelis Bote. "Effective engagement : the European Union, liberal theory and the Aceh peace process : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Europen Studies in the University of Canterbury /." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2486.
Full textAbstract:
Peace has finally come to Aceh. The Indonesian province has suffered for over 30 years through conflict with the Indonesian army. Instrumental in having achieved this peaceful outcome has been the role of the European Union (EU). Its crucial monitoring role and long term commitment had a profound impact on the province, helping to end the hostilities and to rebuild Aceh. The EU-led Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) is the central feature of this thesis.
Like Aceh, Europe has experienced wars. However, since the beginnings of Western
European institution building, peace and cooperation in the region transpired. This phenomenon has spread across the continent. The progressive structure enabled the EU to flourish as a cooperative institution, especially in the aftermath of the Cold War
east-west division. This period also gave the EU an opportunity to expand its peaceful legacy by exporting its values abroad. The development of the EU's external capability to deliver such aspirations is a central part of this thesis.
The thesis seeks to draw a connection with the EU's quest to bring peace to Aceh with international relations (IR) theory. As such, it assesses the EU's motives and interests in the Aceh peace process to discover what they were based on.
After assessing both realist and liberalist IR viewpoints, the thesis’ central findings confirm the liberal motives of the EU. The EU has predominantly acted in the interests of Aceh. It helped bring many liberal based values to the province and
experienced constructive relations with Indonesia and other powers in the region. Whilst realist orientated
EU power motives are outlined, the EU's liberal agenda based on mediation, peace and security, multilateralism, democracy and human rights - as core liberal elements - are more convincing explanations as this thesis argues.
7
Bare, Fiona. "Competition, Compromises, and Complicity: An Analysis of the Humanitarian Aid Sector." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1617.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes humanitarian assistance to complex humanitarian emergencies to understand why suboptimal outcomes result even when humanitarians have ethical principles and good intentions. It focuses on the International Committee of the Red Cross, the United Nations, and Médecins Sans Frontières to understand their core principles before looking at how these principles operationalize during emergencies. Challenges arise due to complex relationships with donors, local actors, and recipients, along with issues of marketization and competition. This paper’s case studies of the post-genocide Rwandan refugee crisis and post-9/11 Afghanistan explore how humanitarian principles clash with such dilemmas. In the end, humanitarian organizations are often unable to adhere to principles in the midst of crises and make compromises of competition and complicity that lead to suboptimal outcomes for the people they are trying to help. Looking to modern emergencies in Syria, Yemen, and South Sudan, it is critical to understand these dynamics and seek to improve institutions of humanitarian aid to make assistance actually beneficial for those in need.
8
Olin, Mary N. "Through the Eyes of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots: The Perception of Cyprus." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/871.
Full textAbstract:
It is important to consider the effects of past conflicts on the current perceptions of the people of Cyprus and of the future generations. This thesis contends that the ongoing division of Cyprus along with the many unresolved issues regarding past conflicts have had a profound effect on how the people of Cyprus perceive new information in regard to their future. The inquiry will explore the historical background of Cyprus and the affects of nationalism. The need for enemies, large group identity, divided societies and the need for dialogue will also be examined in relation to perception and new information. In light of the interviews and the lived experiences in Cyprus questions arise in regard to how the Cypriots will move forward to a solution that is agreeable to both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. With each person's perception being influenced by the past conflicts, pain and suffering how will they move forward? How has protracted conflict and nationalism influenced the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot perceptions to new information including a possible solution in Cyprus?
9
Carson, Austin Matthews. "Secrecy, Acknowledgement, and War Escalation: A Study in Covert Competition." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373974847.
Full text
10
Weissmann, Mikael. "Understanding the East Asian Peace : Informal and formal conflict prevention and peacebuilding in the Taiwan Strait, the Korean Peninsula, and the South China Sea 1990-2008." Doctoral thesis, University of Gothenburg, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5166.
Full textAbstract:
The overall purpose of this dissertation is to provide an empirical study of the post-Cold War EastAsian security setting, with the aim of understanding why there is an East Asian peace. The EastAsian peace exists in a region with a history of militarised conflicts, home to many of the world'slongest ongoing militarised problems and a number of unresolved critical flashpoints. Thus, thepost-Cold War East Asian inter-state peace is a paradox. Despite being a region predicted to be ripefor conflict, there have not only been less wars than expected, but the region also shows severalsigns of a development towards a more durable peace. The dominant research paradigm –neorealism – has painted a gloomy picture of post-Cold War East Asia, with perpetual conflictsdominating the predictions. Other mainstream international relations theories, too, fail to accountfully for the relative peace. One of the greatest problems for mainstream theories, is accounting forpeace given East Asia's lack of security organisations or other formalised conflict managementmechanisms. Given this paradox/problem, this dissertation sets out to ask "Why is there a relativepeace in the East Asian security setting despite an absence of security organisations or otherformalised mechanisms to prevent existing conflicts from escalating into violence?" In order to answer this question, the case of East Asian peace is approached by comparingthree embedded case studies within the region: the Taiwan issue, the South China Sea, and theKorean nuclear conflict. It explores the full range of informal and formal processes plus the ConflictPrevention and Peacebuilding Mechanisms (CPPBMs) that have been important for the creation ofa continuing relative peace in East Asia between 1990 and 2008. The study furthermore focuses onChina's role in the three cases, on an empirical basis consisting of interviews conducted with keypersons during more than 1.5 years fieldwork in China. The three cases show that informal processes exist, and that they have furthermore beenimportant for peace, both by preventing conflicts from escalating into war, and by buildingconditions for a stable longer-term peace. Their impact on the persistence of peace has been tracedto a range of different CPPBMs. Returning to the level of the East Asian case, a common feature ofmany of the identified processes is that they can be understood as aspects or manifestations of theEast Asian regionalisation process. Specifically, elite interactions (personal networks, track twodiplomacy), back-channel negotiations, economic interdependence and integration, and functionalcooperation have together with (China's acceptance of) multilateralism and institutionalisation (ofpeaceful relations) been of high importance for the relative peace. Whereas formalised conflictmanagement mechanisms and the U.S. presence have also contributed to peace, this dissertationshows their contribution to be much more limited.
11
Phayal, Anup. "MASS FEARS, STRONG LEADERS AND THE RISK OF RENEWED CONFLICT: THREE ESSAYS ON POST-CONFLICT ELECTIONS." UKnowledge, 2016. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/19.
Full textAbstract:
Countries emerging out of armed conflicts face immense challenges in their efforts to build electoral democracies. Contrary to our intuition that elections can transform violent competition to peaceful political contests, past research suggests that holding post-conflict elections only increases the chance of renewed violence. Why are elections unable to build sustainable democracies as expected? In this dissertation, I examine the question by focusing on two levels of analysis. First, I study the effects of violence on political behavior of mass publics at the individual level using the World Values survey Dataset. I argue that citizens are more inclined to support undemocratic leaders, when they are faced with threats from armed violence. Empirically, I find that presence of pre-election violence in post-conflict elections leads voters to prefer parties that are stronger in terms of their violence-wielding capacities over more moderate and peaceful parties. Second, I investigate how such an outcome might influence the risk of renewed conflicts in a country emerging out of armed conflict. The hypothesized mechanism can only be described as tragic. At individual level, fearful voters support violent parties mainly to maintain the status quo, fearing that parties with a violent reputation are likely to renew conflict if they lose the election. Tragically, however, placing undemocratic and violent parties in power only increases the likelihood of renewed conflicts. I test this expectation using an event history model to analyze all post-conflict countries from 1950 to 2010 and find that the presence of pre-election violence in a country increases its risk of renewed armed conflicts. The study has important implication for policymakers and election monitoring bodies. Rather than the current practice of observing only a single event Election Day, this study emphasizes the importance of creating a secure environment during the pre-election phase, about six months prior to the first election, in order to achieve a sustainable peace in post-conflict countries.
12
Landau, Dana M. "International normative commitments to multi-ethnicity : the case of Kosovo, 1999-2012." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:724f8052-96ff-49b3-bd9b-c5fcf967a094.
Full textAbstract:
Following the war in Kosovo in 1999, the international community embarked on the most extensive international peace- and state-building project to date. From the early UN administration of Kosovo until the end of 'supervised independence' in 2012, various international organisations played a critical role in shaping the post-war polity. Throughout this engagement, the international community was driven by normative commitments to multi-ethnicity. However, while international organisations were committed to making Kosovo 'multi-ethnic', lack of clarity prevailed about what this goal entailed, or why it was so important. The thesis seeks to answer two inter-related questions: what was meant by multi-ethnicity on the part of its proponents, and what explains the prominence of commitments to this idea. Taking the form of three sections, the thesis examines these commitments' origins, manifestations, and explanations. International normative commitments to multi-ethnicity are found to originate in a shifting conception of the relationship between ethnic diversity and legitimate statehood during the twentieth century. Their manifestations in Kosovo are studied in three policy domains: the return of displaced persons, decentralisation of government to the local level, and minority rights. The thesis finds that international efforts in the pursuit of multi-ethnicity in Kosovo exhibited conflicting notions of multi-ethnicity, which shifted from integrationist ambitions to notions that reconciled the reality of segregation between ethnic groups on the ground through a 'politics of recognition'. The goal of multi-ethnicity remained, but was transformed. Explanations for the commitments to multi-ethnicity are found in both normative and consequentialist considerations, by uncovering unspoken underlying assumptions, and in the identity and self-image concerns of international actors. These findings indicate the power of the normative environment in shaping the actions of international organisations and provide insights into the thus far under-theorised normative dimension of the international state-building project in Kosovo.
13
Viktorova, Milne Jevgenia. "Returning culture to peacebuilding : contesting the liberal peace in Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/938.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the advantages and limitations of applying culture to the analysis of violent conflict and peacebuilding, with a particular focus on liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. While fully aware of the critique of the concept of culture in terms of its uses for the production of difference and ‘otherness,’ it also seeks to respond to the critique of liberal peacebuilding on the account of its low sensitivity towards local culture, which allegedly undermines the peace effort. After a careful examination of the terms of discussion about culture enabled by theoretical approaches to conflict in Chapter 2, the thesis presents a theoretical framework for the analysis of cultural aspects of conflict and peace based on the processes and effects of meaning-generation (Chapter 3), developing the conceptual apparatus and vocabulary for the subsequent empirical study. Instead of bracketing out the recursive nature of cultural theorising, the developed approach embraces the recursive dynamics which arise as a result of cultural ‘embeddedness’ of the analyst and the processes which s/he seeks to elucidate, mirroring similar dynamics in the cultural production of meaning and knowledge. The framework of ‘embedded cultural enquiry’ is then used to analyse the practices of liberal peacebuilding as a particular culture, which shapes the interaction of the liberal peace with its ‘subjects’ and critics as well as framing its reception of the cultural problematic generally (Chapter 4). The application of the analytical framework to the case study investigates the interaction between the liberal peace and ‘local culture,’ offering an alternative reading of the conflict and peace process in Sierra Leone (Chapter 5). The study concludes that a greater attention to cultural meaning-making offers a largely untapped potential for peacebuilding, although any decisions with regard to its deployment will inevitably be made from within an inherently biased cultural perspective.
14
Lebowitz, David E. Biswas Bidisha. "Can this wait? Civil conflict negotiation and the content of ethnic identity /." Online version, 2010. http://content.wwu.edu/cdm-theses/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/theses&CISOPTR=328&CISOBOX=1&REC=17.
Full text
15
Rabie, Osama Bassam J. "Developing a Cyberterrorism Policy: Incorporating Individual Values." VCU Scholars Compass, 2018. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5549.
Full textAbstract:
Preventing cyberterrorism is becoming a necessity for individuals, organizations, and governments. However, current policies focus on technical and managerial aspects without asking for experts and non-experts values and preferences for preventing cyberterrorism. This study employs value focused thinking and public value forum to bare strategic measures and alternatives for complex policy decisions for preventing cyberterrorism. The strategic measures and alternatives are per socio-technical process.
16
Dwyer, Stefanie. "Window for Peace: Determinants of Third-Party Guarantees in Intrastate Conflict Resolution." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D83B6BQ7.
Full textAbstract:
The literature on civil war termination has argued that comprehensive peace agreements and third-party guarantees that provide verification, support, or enforcement of agreement implementation contribute to the successful settlement of civil wars. Yet, there is to date no systematic study of the complex process by which guarantees are first given and then fulfilled while accounting for the strategic context within which this process occurs. This dissertation explores how potential guarantors’ perceptions of their own and of the conflict parties’ interests and means influence whether and what type of guarantee they give.
I show that a guarantor’s interests and capacity as well as its expectations of the conflict parties’ commitment problems and preferences affect its decision to give a specific type of guarantee in support of intrastate conflict resolution. In particular, a potential guarantor’s material and structural capacity determines the type of guarantee they are likely to give. In addition, a potential guarantor’s perception that the conflict parties prefer a negotiated settlement over continued fighting increases its expectations of a successful guarantee and thus makes a guarantee more likely.
I test the theoretical hypotheses using statistical analysis, case study research, and in-depth interviews. The dissertation contributes to a better understanding of when and what types of third-party guarantees are given with the aim of supporting the successful implementation of peace agreements to end civil conflict. My findings provide a foundation for subsequent research on the effects of third-party guarantees on the peace process.
17
Ngoai, Madila Asiel. "Criminal jurisdiction of the visiting SADC Armed Forces over their members during peace time : a case study of the Republic of South Africa and the Republic of Botswana." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/19203.
Full textAbstract:
Text in EnglishThe study aims to investigate criminal jurisdiction of the visiting SADC armed forces during peace time focusing only on the Republic of Botswana and the Republic of South Africa. Since the adoption of the Declaration and Treaty of SADC, the armed forces of both Botswana and South Africa at times find themselves on each other’s territory. Once in each other’s territory the question of criminal jurisdiction becomes imperative. The two countries seem not to agree on the content of status of force agreements while cooperating in terms of the SADC Treaty. The contentious point is that the death sentence is still a competent sentence for certain offences under certain circumstances in terms of Botswana laws, whereas in South Africa the death sentence was declared unconstitutional. In the absence of any agreement, South African armed forces may face a death sentence while in Botswana and Botswana authorities might not be able to carry out a death sentence over their members for offences committed while in South Africa. In trying to answer the question of criminal jurisdiction while on each other’s territory during peace time, a study of the evolution of jurisdiction is undertaken. The laws of both countries are considered, especially the application and protection afforded by their respective constitutions. The approach followed by the UN in sending a peace-keeping force to conflict areas is analysed. A micro-comparison of agreements concluded by selected countries, more especially the NATO agreement, is undertaken. Treaties as a source of international law are analysed to show that rights can be extended and be limited by agreement. The study concludes by recommending that concurrent criminal jurisdiction with certain qualification seems to be the accepted norm and compromise amongst the international community, and that the two countries may consider this approach as the basis for such agreement.
Public, Constitutional, & International Law
LL.M
18
Mortlock, Alice. "Assessing the conditions for multilateral interventions or non-interventions : intervention and non-intervention in the Asia Pacific region : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for degree of Masters of Political Science at the University of Canterbury /." 2006. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20070130.121404.
Full text
19
Mbuya, Nkulu Joelle. "How can Just War Theory help us assess a notion of legitimacy applied to the actions of non-state actors in conflict situations?" Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/18319.
Full textAbstract:
Department of International Relations
School of Social SciencesThe formulation of International Law has been greatly driven by Western principles. These principles have been applied to the world at large as a result of the continuing hegemony of the global north. Consequently, what is deemed to be just and unjust, legitimate and illegitimate in international relations is dictated by these set standards that have been reified throughout history. Sovereign states, as realist theorist tend to emphasize, are at the core of international relations. One of the basic premises of Realism is that the absence of central authority in the international system is bound to lead to conflict. Various international relations theorists have contributed to this literature in their attempts to unpack causes, solutions and justifications for war. The United Nations Charter provides perhaps the most concrete guidelines and codifications of proper state conduct in the pursuit of peace and order and the resolution of conflicts. However, with the progression of history, the nature of conflict in international relations has experienced various changes. One of these changes worth analysing is the shift away from states as single most important actors in a conflict-prone international context. As a matter of fact, the recent history of international relations has been marked by the rise of non-state actors. This research paper seeks to investigate this shift by revisiting Just War Theory against non-state actors in conflict in Africa using the cases of the Mai Mai Bakata Katanga in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Pirates in Somlia’s Gulf of Aden.
20
Dutton, Laura A. "Evaluating the criteria for successful elections in post-conflict countries : a case study including Iraq, Sierra Leone, and Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5281.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Previous research on post-conflict elections has found several criteria important in determining if an area is ready to hold elections and whether or not it is likely to succeed. Although rarely ranked in any determination of importance, several concepts are present in most post-conflict election research. Additionally, there is not an agreed set of standard criteria upon which success can be assumed. When researching the post-conflict election literature two questions arise: (1) is there a set of criteria established to determine if an area is ready to conduct post-conflict elections, and (2) do all criteria need to be present in order to ensure successful post-conflict elections? Most research agrees on common criteria but highlights or researches one dominant criterion, to which is then often attributed to the success of an election. This is found in Krishna Kumar’s focus on international assistance (Kumar, 1998), Staffan Lindberg’s attribution of success to repetition of the election process (Lindberg, 2006), Paul Collier’s focus on per capita income (Collier, 2009), and Marie-Soleil Frere’s research on post-conflict elections and the media (Frere, 2011). When reviewing multiple research sources, it is likely several factors at various times and in various elections will be credited with being the single source criterion for success. This kind of past research is well supported and conclusively argued, but still fails to provide a scope of understanding outside of a single event. In other words, it is case specific and not comparatively applicable across cases. Although this thesis does not intend to “McDonaldize” (Ritzer, 2009) the process of democratization, it does propose to define a common set of criteria necessary, even if in varying degrees, to conduct successful elections in post-conflict environments.
21
Bellotti, Jeremy Aaron. "Peace and Sport: Challenging Limitations across the Sport for Development and Peace Sector." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3009.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)This paper examines an international SDP NGO in relation to the most challenging limitations facing the current Sport for Development and Peace sector. Employing an existing academic framework of the contemporary SDP sector, this case study explores under what conditions an SDP organization might begin to emancipate themselves from such limitations.
22
Tive, Charles. "Economic community of West African states (ECOWAS) : combining sub-regional economic integration with conflict resolution." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13389.
Full textAbstract:
The study utilizes regional integration theories like neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism and new regionalism to analyse the formation, structure and transformation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It examines the role of ECOWAS as a sub-regional economic body and its transformation to a political and security body dealing with sub-regional conflict resolution. Though neo-functionalism is generally analysed in reference to European regional integration, the study attempts to draw some lessons from this theory. Also, new regionalism theory is utilized to examine the transformation of ECOWAS from a mere economic body to a security and political entity.
Regionalism in West Africa was initially geared towards mere economic cooperation; however, the emergence of ECOWAS on the scene and its subsequent transformation witnessed several changes towards the path of security cooperation. Despite its involvement with the gigantic political and security related activities, a general evaluation of economic integration in West Africa depicts a low level of progress. The poor state of sub-regional economic integration shows that ECOWAS did not complete its regional economic integration agenda before diverting to other sectors of integration.
ECOWAS peacekeeping operations have been the dominant topic in sub-regional conflict resolution in West Africa. However, other forms of conflict resolution, including mediation, negotiation, conciliation and arbitration have been severally utilized. Also, in some of the cases, peacekeeping operations have been deployed only after other peaceful efforts have failed. ECOWAS peacekeeping operations are divergent operations with different forms and mandates. Therefore, they are better analysed under the framework of peacekeeping, peace-enforcement and peace-making theories.
ECOWAS peacekeeping operations have been a subject of debate by proponents of the principle of non-interference and those of the responsibility to protect. The expediency of military intervention for humanitarian reasons as well as the prevention of genocide, war crimes and catastrophic loss of lives has questioned the principle of non-interference and validated the principle of responsibility to protect.Political Sciences
D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)
23
Hubert, Nicolas. "Prédation économique et poursuite des dynamiques micro-conflictuelles au Nord et au Sud Kivu : individus, groupes criminels et entreprises multinationales. L’ouverture du secteur extractif congolais au marché international, un facteur d’échec au processus de paix ?" Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10427.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude analyse l’impact du processus libéral de paix en République Démocratique du Congo sur la poursuite des violences dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu. Elle soutient que les dynamiques conflictuelles dans ces deux régions sont entretenues par l’établissement d’un programme de partage de pouvoir (power sharing), inclusif, jumelé à l’application des réformes économiques libérales. En se concentrant sur la réforme du secteur de sécurité et l’harmonisation de la politique nationale (en vue des élections post-conflictuelles de 2006), le processus de paix néglige les enjeux politiques et socio-économiques locaux. Le désengagement de l’État et la libéralisation du secteur minier accentuent le taux de corruption du gouvernement de transition et renforcent l’exploitation illégale des ressources par les groupes armés. Cette recherche soutient que l’implantation massive d’entreprises minières multinationales dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu aggrave la déformation des tissus socio-économiques locaux, accentue la dépendance des populations aux réseaux de gouvernance informelle et renforce les divers groupes armés présents sur le terrain. Par conséquent, les réformes structurelles menées dans le cadre du processus libéral de paix font perdurer les violences et occasionnent de nouvelles dynamiques conflictuelles localisées autour du contrôle des ressources locales, qu’elles soient d’ordre économique ou politique.This study analyzes the impact of the liberal peace process on the continuation of violence in the provinces of North and South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The study finds that conflict dynamics in the two regions are maintained by the establishment of an inclusive power sharing program that is paired with the application of liberal economic reforms. By focusing on reforms in the security sector and on the harmonization of national politics (with the post-conflict elections of 2006 in view), the peace process neglects local political and socio-economic issues. The disengagement of the state and the liberalization of the mining sector increase the corruption levels of the transition government and reinforce the illegal exploitation of resources by armed groups. This research supports that the massive establishment of multinational mining companies in the provinces of North and South Kivu contributes to the deformation of the local socio-economic fabric, increasing the dependence of local populations to informal governance networks and strengthening the diverse armed groups present in the region. Thus, the structural reforms carried within the framework of the liberal peace process perpetuate violence and cause new conflict dynamics centered around the control of local resources, whether economic or political.