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Gamaghelyan, Philip. "Towards an Inclusive Conception of Best Practices in Peace and Conflict Initiatives: The Case of the South Caucasus." International Negotiation 26, no. 1 (October 12, 2020): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10023.
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Abstract The field of peace and conflict studies has been maturing over the past few decades, not least thanks to the continual epistemological contestation between its philosophy and methodology. As a consequence, the methods of conflict resolution practice have been evolving. Dominated by realist approaches of conflict management during the Cold War, the field in the 1990s relied heavily on neo-liberal theories of economic interdependence, democracy building, and interest-based negotiations that can bring win-win outcomes. By the late 2000s, as the constructivist paradigm and critical theory started gaining ground in academia, the conceptual conversation shifted toward the possibilities of building inclusive societies and achieving structural and cultural peace via conflict transformation, rather than resolution, as the respective methodology.
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Shannon, Megan. "Preventing War and Providing the Peace?" Conflict Management and Peace Science 26, no. 2 (April 2009): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894208101127.
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I explore whether international organizations (IOs) promote peaceful conflict management. Using territorial claims data, I find that organizations with interventionist capabilities encourage disputing members to attempt peaceful conflict resolution. Then, to more fully uncover the causal relationship between IOs and conflict management, I investigate the influence of IOs on bilateral dispute settlement separately from third party settlement.The analyses reveal that institutions do not promote bilateral negotiations between members, indicating that the socialization and trust-building capabilities of IOs are limited. However, institutions foster multilateral talks, demonstrating that IOs broker bargaining with third party diplomatic intervention.
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Taylor, Mark B. "Coordination and International Institutions in Post-Conflict Situations." Leiden Journal of International Law 10, no. 2 (June 1997): 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156597000216.
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In recent years, there has been a continous attempt to describe changes in the possibilities for international action in relation to conflict situations. How does the coordination and management of international involvement in post-conflict situations contribute to a lasting peace? The article examines the principle texts associated with peace implementation in the former Yugoslavia, and extracts from these some of the elements of the coordination of multilateral activities. The article places this analysis in the context of past and current research on the question of the coordination of multilateral institutional activities as a first step in the grounded study of the organization and management of international involvement in securing peace in post-conflict situations.
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Owen, Lloyd. "Observations on the Themes of International Youth Year '85 Part 3." Children Australia 10, no. 4 (1986): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0312897000016660.
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PEACE is both an International and local issue which….…. should also confront basic problems in society like inequality, unemployment, homelessness and racial discrimination .…requires society to be tolerant and flexible so people can be at peace with one another. (IYY 85 Brochure) PEACE .… the Pocket Oxford Dictionary refers to peace as being freedom from or cessation of war; civil order as secured by law; quiet, calm, harmonious relations. To be at peace is to be untroubled. For the present generation of young people issues relating to peace are of critical importance. International brinkmanship and possession of arsenals with unprecedented destructive power underscore age old questions of human relations concerning aggression and the management of competition and conflict. The daily news almost inevitably dreaws attention to conflict between individuals, between large groups of people and between nations. The slogan “Peace in our time” carries a note of urgency yet the daily experience of human conflict both real and simulated on TV screens points to the possibility that potential for conflict is deeply rooted in human nature.
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Shelest, Hanna. "Imposed State-Building." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 3 (November 17, 2018): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04203003.
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For the past two years, there have been constant discussions about the possible ‘Bosnianisation’ of Ukrainian conflict management and peacebuilding, meaning both the Dayton process mechanism’s implementation and the possible ‘federalisation’ of Ukraine due to the Minsk agreements. While the two conflicts have significant differences in terms of roots, reasons and development, attempts at their resolution, as well as possible outcomes of the peace processes, have certain similarities. In this article, based on the constructivist approach and method of induction, the author compares the outcomes of the agreements reached in Dayton in 1995 and in Minsk in 2015 and analyses securitisation of state-building, ‘federalisation’ and identity issues during the peace negotiations, along with a state structure imposed by the external actors. Hereby we argue that the Dayton scenario in terms of the state-building is significantly different from what has happened in Ukraine due to their respective historical and ethnic backgrounds. Moreover, a peace agreement per se is not able to form a federal state if there are not sufficient preconditions for substantial decentralisation of the state.
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Ide, Tobias, and Adrien Detges. "International Water Cooperation and Environmental Peacemaking." Global Environmental Politics 18, no. 4 (November 2018): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00478.
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Proponents of the environmental peacemaking approach argue that environmental cooperation has the potential to improve relations between states. This is because such cooperation facilitates common problem solving, cultivates interdependence, and helps to build trust and understanding. But as of now, very few cross-case studies on environmental peacemaking exist. Furthermore, much of the available literature understands peace in negative terms as the mere absence of acute conflict. This article addresses both shortcomings by studying the impact of international water cooperation on transitions toward more peaceful interstate relations. To do so, we combine information on positive water-related interactions between states with the peace scale, a recent data set measuring the degree of positive and negative peace between states. For the period 1956–2006, we find that a higher number of positive, water-related interactions in the previous ten years makes a shift toward more peaceful interstate relations more likely. This is particularly the case for state pairs that are not in acute conflict with each other.
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Abrahamyan, Mira. "Tony Karbo and Kudrat Virk (eds.): The Palgrave Handbook of Peacebuilding in Africa." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1654.
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This handbook offers a critical assessment of the African agenda for conflict prevention, peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding; the challenges and opportunities facing Africa’s regional organisations in their efforts towards building sustainable peace on the continent; and the role of external actors, including the United Nations, Britain, France, and South Asian troop-contributing countries. In so doing, it revisits the late Ali Mazrui’s concept of Pax Africana, calling on Africans to take responsibility for peace and security on their own continent. The creation of the African Union, in 2002, was an important step towards realising this ambition, and has led to the development of a new continental architecture for more robust conflict management. But, as the volume’s authors show, the quest for Pax Africana faces challenges. Combining thematic analyses and case studies, this book will be of interest to both scholars and policymakers working on peace, security, and governance issues in Africa.
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Haufler, Virginia. "Symposium on Conflict, Management, and Peace: Comments from an International Relations Scholar." Academy of Management Perspectives 29, no. 4 (November 2015): 461–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/amp.2015.0158.
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Craig Nation, R. "Modern Warfare in Former Yugoslavia and Ukraine." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 3 (November 17, 2018): 305–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04203002.
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The wars in former Yugoslavia from 1991–2001, and Ukraine from 2014 to the present, provide revealing examples of the ways in which contemporary armed conflict is evolving. Their origins lay in domestic rather than inter-state disputes, and they emerged as civil wars born of state failure. The belligerent factions were diverse, including established states, new national polities, and radicalized non-state actors. Operationally the wars were liquid conflicts where adversaries, lacking decisive combat power, often shunned conventional military objectives in favor of attacks on populations, terroristic posturing, and symbolic gestures. The conflicts were internationalized, with powerful external actors at odds over responsibility and preferred outcomes. They were European wars, with European and Euro-Atlantic institutions directly engaged in conflict management, peace enforcement, and post-conflict peace building. The conflicts have contributed to the break down of cooperative security in 21st century Europe and the re-opening of an East-West divide running through the heart of the continent. Managing and containing such clashes is and will remain a major strategic challenge.
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Leonardsson, Hanna. "Vertical Relationships and Local Peacebuilding in Lebanon: The Case of Responsive Waste Management." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 15, no. 2 (May 28, 2020): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316620926106.
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There is a growing understanding that vertical relationships matter for peacebuilding efforts that respond to local needs. There is little consensus, however, on how to study verticality in peacebuilding empirically. This article asks how we can understand responsiveness to needs through vertical relationships in post-conflict spaces. To answer this question, the article develops an analytical framework of vertical relationships as a peacebuilding function. Arguing that responsiveness to needs is a critical factor in building a legitimate peace, the article applies this framework to the case of municipal waste management during the waste crisis in Lebanon in 2015. Building on 31 interviews in two Lebanese municipalities, the article illustrates the complexity of vertical relationships in a post-conflict space. It concludes that vertical relationships enable responsiveness to needs by drawing on political belonging, thus promoting a fragile peacebuilding dependent on national political divides.
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Barnhart, Joslyn N., Robert F. Trager, Elizabeth N. Saunders, and Allan Dafoe. "The Suffragist Peace." International Organization 74, no. 4 (2020): 633–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818320000508.
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AbstractPreferences for conflict and cooperation are systematically different for men and women: across a variety of contexts, women generally prefer more peaceful options and are less supportive of making threats and initiating conflict. But how do these preferences affect states’ decisions for war and patterns of conflict at the international level, such as the democratic peace? Women have increasingly participated in political decision making over the last century because of suffragist movements. But although there is a large body of research on the democratic peace, the role of women's suffrage has gone unexplored. Drawing on theory, a meta-analysis of survey experiments in international relations, and analysis of crossnational conflict data, we show how features of women's preferences about the use of force translate into specific patterns of international conflict. When empowered by democratic institutions and suffrage, women's more pacific preferences generate a dyadic democratic peace (i.e., between democracies), as well as a monadic peace. Our analysis supports the view that the enfranchisement of women is essential for the democratic peace.
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Center For PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development. "About GaDS and PJGD." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2908.
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Multi-, inter-, and transdisciplinary journal of Jimma University. Political science, governance, development, leadership, national and international law, globalization, human rights, economics, environmental science, public policy, international relations, international organizations, gender, peace and conflict management, international political economy, multiculturalism, civil society, etc.
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Center For PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development. "About GaDS and PJGD." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i2.3227.
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Multi-, inter-, and transdisciplinary journal of Jimma University. Political science, governance, development, leadership, national and international law, globalization, human rights, economics, environmental science, public policy, international relations, international organizations, gender, peace and conflict management, international political economy, multiculturalism, civil society, etc.
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Millar, Gearoid. "For whom do local peace processes function? Maintaining control through conflict management." Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 3 (October 5, 2016): 293–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716671757.
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Recent peacebuilding literature provides a sustained critique of externally designed conflict management processes and promotes instead local mechanisms. Such mechanisms, it is argued, will provide more ownership and agency to local actors and, thus, a more sustainable peace. But while there are many examples of local conflict management institutions, and many discussions of the hybrid outcomes of interaction between the global and local, the literature rarely explores exactly what transpires on the ground when international actors influence the operation of local peace processes; this article provides exactly this insight. The data presented illustrate how local conflict management institutions in rural Sierra Leone are subtly manipulated by actors – both international and local – to maintain and enhance existing relations of power. The article illustrates, therefore, the problems that arise when local conflict management institutions become interlaced with new forms of power and start themselves to serve as sites of contestation and resistance.
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Hauge, Wenche. "Madagascar between peace and conflict—domestic capabilities for peaceful conflict management." Conflict, Security & Development 11, no. 5 (November 2011): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2011.641768.
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HASENCLEVER, ANDREAS, and BRIGITTE WEIFFEN. "International institutions are the key: a new perspective on the democratic peace." Review of International Studies 32, no. 4 (October 2006): 563–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506007169.
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The international organisation of the democratic peace matters. Interdemocratic institutions are particularly suited to block escalation pathways between states and to prevent conflicts from resulting in war. This article builds on findings from three fields of research: (a) the liberal analysis of the democratic peace; (b) systemic approaches to international institutions, and (c) new quantitative studies of armed conflicts. Three pivotal contributions of international institutions to peaceful conflict management are identified: international institutions can be used to overcome the security dilemma among states and to tame power competitions. They sustain international cooperation and forestall the recourse of governments to unilateral self-help strategies. Finally, international institutions increase the autonomy of issue areas, which decreases the risk of destabilising spillover effects from other issue areas. The article holds that these three functions are extraordinarily well performed by international institutions composed of democracies and illustrates this allegation by presenting three case studies of interdemocratic management of former rivalries. Therefore, the distinctive features of interdemocratic institutions merit more attention as a supplement to the explanation of the democratic peace.
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Bickmore, Kathy, Yomna Awad, and Angelica Radjenovic. "Voices of Canadian and Mexican youth surrounded by violence: Learning experiences for peace-building citizenship." Research in Comparative and International Education 12, no. 1 (March 2017): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745499917699046.
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How do young people living in high-violence contexts express a sense of democratic agency and hope, and/or frustration and hopelessness, for handling various kinds of social and political conflict problems? The management of conflict is a core challenge and purpose of democracy, severely impeded by the isolation and distrust caused by violence. Publicly funded schools can be (but often are not) part of the solution to such challenges (Bickmore, 2014; Davies, 2011). This article is drawn from a larger on-going project probing the (mis)fit between young people’s lived citizenship and conflict experiences, and their school-based opportunities to develop democratic peace-building capacities, in non-affluent local contexts surrounded by violence, in an international comparative perspective. We report on focus group conversations with several small groups of students, ages 10–15, in two Canadian and four Mexican schools in marginalized urban areas. Diverse participating young people tended to have a stronger sense of agency and hope in relation to some kinds of conflicts (such as environmental pollution) compared to others (such as unemployment and insecure work or drug-gang violence). In general, they did not feel that their lived citizenship knowledge was much valued or built upon in school.
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Miller, Leon Monroe. "Negotiating conflict resolution from “the eye of the storm”." International Journal of Conflict Management 28, no. 2 (April 10, 2017): 166–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-09-2015-0059.
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Purpose This paper aims to explain how peace research has influenced a re-conceptualization of the international relations (IR) notion of security and conflict, the nature of the global arena, how to effectively negotiate conflict resolution and strategies for peacebuilding. The paper argues that – although peace research had contributed to reducing the threat of interstate conflict – IR scholars have failed to recognize the need for a more inclusive theoretical strategy for dealing with the new challenge imposed by intrastate conflict. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses Cyprus as a case to compare the conflict management strategies of the liberal peace agenda and the integrative, multi-level, multi-dimensional approach to peacebuilding that is proposed by peace research. The Cyprus case is also used as an example of how the alternative approach to participatory political communication has moved the Cyprus situation off deadlock and in the direction of more promising outcomes. Findings The research reveals that although the liberal peace agenda (i.e. the state-centric and established diplomatic approach to conflict management) is effective in getting the two sides of the conflict to the negotiating table, it is inadequate in addressing the underlying cause of conflict; thus, in many instances, there is a reoccurrence of conflict and violence. Research limitations/implications The paper is limited in its ability to place peace research within the context of theoretical developments in the field of IR (e.g. this is even more-so true in regard to researching international politics). Although peace research has made enormous contributions in reducing the threat of interstate conflict (e.g. it is acknowledged that peace research contributed to ending the Cold War, thus bringing about new perspectives on how the global arena is defined, the nature of conflict and the role of communicative action in global relations), there has not been a corresponding development in the theory and practice of IR. Practical implications The paper explains how recent developments in communication theory and information communication technology have altered the nature of the global arena and the factors impacting global social movements. Thus, the paper indicates factors that are vital to cross-border interactions, cross-border social movements and alternative approaches to interstate social-political activities that deserve further research. Social implications The research analyzes the contribution to participatory political communication in conflict management, reconciliation and peacebuilding processes. The paper also highlights the role of alternative media as a component of the infrastructure for peace (e.g. in the Cyprus context, it provides a forum in which agents from an otherwise divided community can participate in establishing shared values and common objectives). Originality/value Cyprus represents one of the longest running conflicts and, in addition, one of the longest running peacekeeping missions of the UN. This paper explains how unique features of the peace research approach to peacebuilding contributes to producing more positive results in what has heretofore been a deadlock in the divided community of Cyprus. Thus, this paper provides an indication of how the lessons learned by peace researchers in the Cyprus micro context contribute to addressing macro-level IR challenges (e.g. north-south and east-west challenges that occur because of outlooks in the proverbial other).
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Kluczewska, Karolina. "Tajikistan’s Atomised Peace: Approaching Conflict Management from the Ground Up." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 14, no. 4 (July 1, 2020): 551–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2020.1761118.
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KREUDER-SONNEN, CHRISTIAN, and MICHAEL ZÜRN. "After fragmentation: Norm collisions, interface conflicts, and conflict management." Global Constitutionalism 9, no. 2 (July 2020): 241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381719000315.
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AbstractFragmentation, institutional overlaps, and norm collisions are often seen as fundamental problems for the global (legal) order. Supposedly, they incite conflict and disorder. However, some scholars have also emphasised functional and normative advantages of the resulting institutional pluralism. We argue that the consequences of the increasing international institutional density are conditional on whether and how different norms, institutions, and authorities are coordinated. In distinction from the fragmentation framework in international law and the regime complexity framework in international relations, this introduction outlines an interface conflict framework that enables important insights into this question and guides the contributions assembled in this issue. It zooms in on the micro-level of conflict between actors that justify incompatible positional differences with reference to different international norms. In particular, the concept of interface conflicts allows studying the conditions under which overlaps and norm collisions become activated in conflicts as well as the ways in which such conflicts are handled. Foreshadowing the main findings of the contributions to this Special Issue, we hold that interface conflicts are neither inevitable nor unmanageable. Most importantly, it seems that, more often than not, conflicts stimulate cooperative forms of management and contribute to the building of inter-institutional order.
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Buhaug, Halvard. "Climate Change and Conflict: Taking Stock." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 22, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 331–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2016-0034.
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AbstractIs climate change a major security threat? How has research on climate and conflict progressed in recent years? And where should it move forward? This brief essay reflects on some ways in which climatic changes could constitute a threat to peace and stability. Rather than assuming a direct causal link, the essay argues that climate change may exert an indirect and conditional effect on conflict risk, increasing the security gap between affluent societies well able to cope with climate change and societies already suffering from violence and instability, who are unlikely to achieve successful adaptation on their own. For this reason, peace building is quite possibly the most effective climate resilience policy in unstable corners of the world.
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Kaija, Sandra. "The Role of Legal Conflictology in the Training of Lawyers." SOCIETY, INTEGRATION, EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 1 (May 30, 2015): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2013vol1.157.
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Conflicts are everyday occurrences in people’s lives, social groups and international relations. In all historic times, in all cultures, groups and countries, the quest for peace has been ongoing. Costs incurred because of conflicts are very high: human suffering, economic losses and moral degradation. Conflict resolution, transformation, mediation and management describe the scientific and multi-disciplinary approach of legal conflictology. The aim of this article is to popularize and develope in Latvia a new branch of science, education and practice - legal conflictology.
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Ellis, Glynn, Sara McLaughlin Mitchell, and Brandon C. Prins. "How Democracies Keep the Peace: Contextual Factors that Influence Conflict Management Strategies." Foreign Policy Analysis 6, no. 4 (September 22, 2010): 373–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-8594.2010.00118.x.
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Ropers, Norbert. "Insider Mediation as a Tool of Collaborative Security." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714532332.
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The international community has played an increasingly important role in the settlement and prevention of violent political conflicts in the last two decades. One of the key tools in this effort has been the provision of third party support mainly in the form of mediation by outside parties with some kind of impartiality or ‘multi-partiality’ for resolution of international as well as sub-national conflicts. In Asia, a continent with a high level of unresolved, frozen and latent conflicts, and where there is lack of effective regional infrastructures for conflict management and resolution, outside efforts been rather limited. Instead, the discourses on improving security have emphasized especially the contribution of actors inside the respective countries and also the importance of a culturally and politically sensitive ‘Asian approach’ to mediation. This observation is discussed with respect to three examples: ( a) ASEAN’s diplomatic and security culture; ( b) the role of the ‘national facilitators’ in Nepal; and ( c) a group of peace activists who have formed an ‘Insider Peace builders Platform’ to resolve the conflict in the deep south of Thailand. The examples demonstrate that there is a promising development of political and social activists who can play critical roles in the transformation of violent conflicts, but these efforts need to be more systematically broadened and deepened to create an effective infrastructure for peace support in the region.
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Binningsbø, Helga Malmin, and Siri Aas Rustad. "Sharing the Wealth." Conflict Management and Peace Science 29, no. 5 (November 2012): 547–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894212456952.
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This article critically examines the notion that wealth sharing in the aftermath of internal armed conflicts can bring about long-lasting peace. While wealth sharing is increasingly considered a crucial element of peacebuilding, the evidence concerning its success is inconclusive. Previous studies unfortunately suffer from weak theoretical and empirical definitions of wealth sharing and from examining only a subset of postconflict societies. This article improves the research by disaggregating the concept of wealth sharing to concrete policy relevant natural resource management tools and by introducing new and better data on wealth sharing and including more postconflict peace periods than previous studies. This article examines the relationships between armed conflict, wealth sharing and peace by studying two independent but interlinked research questions: In which postconflict societies is wealth sharing most likely to be adopted? And can wealth sharing bring stable peace in postconflict societies? The analyses show that wealth sharing is more likely to be implemented after natural resource conflicts. Nonetheless, the article does not find that wealth sharing is successful in bringing postconflict peace after these conflicts. Reasons for this can be that (1) other factors than wealth sharing explain the outcome better, and (2) the wealth sharing policies are poorly designed and implemented. The article concludes that wealth sharing can only be a suitable path for societies recovering from armed conflict if such policies are carefully designed to fit the specific context and take into account the challenges that will arrive.
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Chaziza, Mordechai. "China's Peace-Maker Role in Afghanistan: Mediation and Conflict Management." Middle East Policy 25, no. 3 (September 2018): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12368.
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Morales-Muñoz, Héctor, Katharina Löhr, Michelle Bonatti, Luca Eufemia, and Stefan Sieber. "Assessing impacts of environmental peacebuilding in Caquetá, Colombia: a multistakeholder perspective." International Affairs 97, no. 1 (January 2021): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa175.
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Abstract A major challenge in the field of environmental peacebuilding is showing the impact of its initiatives. Questions emerge, such as what kind of postwar peacebuilding dimensions are more likely to be affected by natural resource management projects? Although quantitative studies assess the relation between natural resource management programmes and conflict, the question remains: what are the mechanisms involved in implementing projects designed for environmental peacebuilding? To answer these questions, a mixed methods research approach is chosen, combining four qualitative and quantitative methods to triangulate results. First, we identify a set of peacebuilding dimensions and mechanisms based in the literature that facilitate assessing the impact of sustainable land-use systems (SLUS) design in the post-peace agreement region of Caquetá, Colombia. Second, not only do we interview experts and practitioners at global, national (Colombia) and local (Department of Caquetá) levels in the fields of peacebuilding, natural resource management and environmental peacebuilding, we also conduct three workshops and a survey in Caquetá to prioritize dimensions and discover explanatory mechanisms. The case of Caquetá, Colombia, shows that peacebuilding dimensions, such as socio-economic inclusion (e.g. sustainable livelihoods), creation of governance scenarios, and building capacities for dialogue and a peace culture, should be addressed to take account of the impacts of SLUS projects in post-conflict peacebuilding.
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Baranyi, Stephen. "Peace Missions and Subsidiarity in the Americas: Conflict Management in the Western Hemisphere." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 50, no. 2 (June 1995): 343–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209505000206.
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Gartzke, Erik, Quan Li, and Charles Boehmer. "Investing in the Peace: Economic Interdependence and International Conflict." International Organization 55, no. 2 (2001): 391–438. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00208180151140612.
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Research appears to substantiate the liberal conviction that trade fosters global peace. Still, existing understanding of linkages between conflict and international economics is limited in at least two ways. First, cross-border economic relationships are far broader than just trade. Global capital markets dwarf the exchange of goods and services, and states engage in varying degrees of monetary policy coordination. Second, the manner in which economics is said to inhibit conflict behavior is implausible in light of new analytical insights about the causes of war. We discuss, and then demonstrate formally, how interdependence can influence states' recourse to military violence. The risk of disrupting economic linkages—particularly access to capital—may occasionally deter minor contests between interdependent states, but such opportunity costs will typically fail to preclude militarized disputes. Instead, interdependence offers nonmilitarized avenues for communicating resolve through costly signaling. Our quantitative results show that capital interdependence contributes to peace independent of the effects of trade, democracy, interest, and other variables.
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Bretthauer, Judith M. "Conditions for Peace and Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 59, no. 4 (February 6, 2014): 593–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002713516841.
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Latief, Farhana. "Book Review: Debidatta Aurobinda Mahapatra, Conflict Management in Kashmir: State-People Relations and Peace." International Studies 56, no. 4 (September 6, 2019): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881719857885.
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Awodola, Bosede. "Designing Peacebuilding and Conflict Management Training in Nigeria: National Peace Academy Experience." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 14, no. 3 (June 2, 2019): 323–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316619853249.
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Lake, Milli. "Building the Rule of War: Postconflict Institutions and the Micro-Dynamics of Conflict in Eastern DR Congo." International Organization 71, no. 2 (2017): 281–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081831700008x.
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AbstractWhy have peace-building and reconstruction efforts so frequently failed to create durable institutions that can deter or withstand resurgent violence in volatile sites of cyclical conflict? Extant theory predicts that new institutions can help overcome violence and mitigate commitment problems in postconflict contexts by reducing uncertainty in inherently uncertain environments. By contrast, this article argues that postconflict institutions often prove limited in their abilities to contribute to durable peace because they offer wartime elites new venues in which to pursue conflict-era agendas. Through a micro-analysis of efforts to build the rule of law in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, I demonstrate that wartime elites capture and instrumentalize new legal institutions to maximize their intra- and inter-organizational survival; to pursue economic, military, and political agendas behind the scenes; and, in some cases, to prepare for an imminent return to war.
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Casas-Casas, Andrés, Nathalie Mendez, and Juan Federico Pino. "Trust and Prospective Reconciliation: Evidence From a Protracted Armed Conflict." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 15, no. 3 (August 13, 2020): 298–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316620945968.
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Traditional approaches to international aid deal with post-conflict risks focusing on external safeguards for peacebuilding, leaving local social enhancers playing a subsidiary role. Trust has long been highlighted as a key factor that can positively affect sustainable peace efforts by reducing intergroup hostility. Surprisingly, most post-conflict studies deal with trust as a dependent variable. Using a cross-sectional multi-method field study in Colombia, we assess the impact of trust on prospective reconciliation in the midst of an ongoing peace process. We find that trust in ex-combatants and in government increases the likelihood of having positive attitudes towards future reconciliation and willingness to support not only the peace process but reconciliation activities after war. We offer evidence supporting the idea that rather than drawing exclusively on economic and military capabilities, investing in local governance infrastructures that promote prosocial behaviour and positive belief management in the pre-reconciliation face offers a complementary alternative to help societies exit civil wars while tackling barriers to peacebuilding efforts in the initial stages of a post-conflict.
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Hauenstein, Matthew, and Madhav Joshi. "Remaining Seized of the Matter: UN Resolutions and Peace Implementation." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (July 21, 2020): 834–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa050.
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Abstract How can the United Nations support peace implementation efforts following civil conflict? Prior research shows that third parties can use a variety of conflict management approaches to prevent civil war recurrence and that peace agreement implementation improves peace duration and quality. However, little research connects these two aspects of postwar peace. We argue that United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions are an important tool that can be quickly used to support the peace. These resolutions can shame parties who do not comply with the agreement, deploy and coordinate resources needed for implementation, and empower local actors in postwar settings. Using implementation data for thirty-four Comprehensive Peace Agreements (CPAs) since 1989, as well as new data on the targets and language of UNSC resolutions, we show that language in a resolution that names and shames actors, connects stakeholders, or marshals resources is associated with better compliance with a CPA.
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CROCKER, CHESTER A., FEN OSLER HAMPSON, and PAMELA AALL. "Collective conflict management: a new formula for global peace and security cooperation?" International Affairs 87, no. 1 (January 2011): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2011.00959.x.
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Kioko, Eric Mutisya. "Conflict Resolution and Crime Surveillance in Kenya: Local Peace Committees and Nyumba Kumi." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 1 (April 2017): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200101.
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In the wake of widespread interethnic “clashes” and al-Shabaab terrorist attacks in Kenya over the last few years, the state has embarked on the devolution of capacities for ensuring security and peace to the local level. The state gave the rights to handle specific local conflicts and crime prevention to local peace committees in an attempt to standardise an aspect of customary law, and to Nyumba Kumi committees in a strategy of anchoring community policing at the household level. These changes were conditioned and framed by ideas of decentralisation and the delegation of responsibilities from the state to the community level. In this paper, the following questions are raised: Are hybrid governance arrangements effective and appropriate? To what extent do peace committees and Nyumba Kumi provide institutional support for peaceful conflict management and crime prevention in Kenya? What guarantees and what constrains their success? The author draws on ethnographic data from the Maasai–Kikuyu borderlands near Lake Naivasha, a former hotspot of interethnic clashes.
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Martin, Aran. "International mediation in low intensity conflicts." International Journal of Conflict Management 27, no. 4 (October 10, 2016): 505–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-07-2015-0043.
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Purpose Success and failure in mediation are widely understood to determine whether a state will receive positive or negative reputation outcomes from undertaking a mediation role in an international conflict. Research from mediation in domestic settings contradicts this view, finding that peer mediators in school and community settings received positive mediator outcomes from undertaking their role, even when they failed to facilitate an agreement between disputants. This paper aims to test this assumption and argues that mediation success and failure are only weakly correlated with observable reputation outcomes for mediating states and proposes an alternative explanatory framework. Design/methodology/approach The hypothesis was inductively generated through a comparative analysis of single-state mediation attempts selected from the Uppsala Conflict Database Project MILC data set. The cases selected were South Africa’s mediation attempts in Côte d’Ivoire from 2004 to 2005 and Comoros from 2003 to 2004, and Mexico’s mediation attempts in Colombia (National Liberation Army) in 2004 and Guatemala (Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity) between 1994 and 1996. To contextualise the findings and develop the explanatory framework, South African mediation attempts in Burundi and the DRC are discussed in the closing sections of the paper. Findings This paper finds that mediation success and failure are only weakly correlated with mediator outcomes. Mediator outcomes are explained by the activity level of the mediating state in providing mediation services; the positive intention of the mediator to assist in resolving the conflict; the scale of the conflict mediated; the severity of spill over effects from the conflict in question; the regional importance of the conflict; the proximity of the government which a mediating state looks to develop relations with to the conflict; the importance of the mediation attempt within the peace process; the level of contestation of the mediation attempt, meaning the extent to which mediation attempts are themselves sites of regional or global international power politics; and the success or failure of the mediation attempt. Originality/value An explanatory framework for state mediator outcomes in which the outcome of a mediation attempt for the third-party state is not determined solely, or even primarily, by mediation success or failure bridges mediation research applying to international and domestic issue areas and provides additional information for policy makers regarding the costs and benefits of committing their state to processes of mediation in conflicts with low probabilities of resolution. This is particularly important for state policy makers, given that mediation is successful on average in only one out of every three attempts.
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Gowa, Joanne. "Democratic states and international disputes." International Organization 49, no. 3 (1995): 511–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033361.
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A growing literature in international relations concludes that democratic states pursue distinctive foreign policies. Specifically, democracies do not engage each other in war and only rarely engage each other in serious disputes short of war. Scholars have offered three basic explanations to support these findings. Each of the three invokes a different explanatory variable: norms, checks and balances, and trade. None of the three, however, provides a convincing explanation of the peace that is said to prevail between democratic polities: the distinction between norms and interests is unclear; substitutes for checks and balances exists in nondemocracies; and trade can deter conflict only under restrictive conditions.
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Williams, Paul D. "Keeping the Peace in Africa: Why “African” Solutions Are Not Enough." Ethics & International Affairs 22, no. 3 (2008): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2008.00158.x.
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Since the early 1990s, a variety of African and Western governments alike have often suggested that finding “African solutions to African problems” represents the best approach to keeping the peace in Africa. Not only does the empirical evidence from post-Cold War Africa suggest that there are some fundamental problems with this approach, it also rests upon some problematic normative commitments. Specifically in relation to the problem of armed conflict, the “African solutions” logic would have at least three negative consequences: it would undermine the UN; it would provide a convenient excuse for powerful Western states that wished to avoid sending their own soldiers to peace operations in Africa; and it would help African autocrats fend off international, especially Western, criticism of their policies. After providing an overview of the constituent elements of the “African solutions” approach, this article sets out in general terms the central problems with it before turning to a specific illustration of how these problems affected the international responses to the ongoing war in Darfur, Sudan. Instead of searching for “African solutions”, policymakers should focus on developing effective solutions for the complex challenges raised by the issue of armed conflict in Africa. To this end, Western states in general and the P-3 in particular should give greater support to conflict management activities undertaken by the United Nations, develop clearer guidelines for how these should relate to regional initiatives, and facilitate the efforts of civic associations to build the foundations for stable peace in the continent's war zones.
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Coe, Brooke, and Kathryn Nash. "Peace process protagonism: the role of regional organisations in Africa in conflict management." Global Change, Peace & Security 32, no. 2 (May 3, 2020): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2020.1777094.
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Aleksandrova, Nataliya. "Enhancing leadership qualities for conflict management in intercultural business environments (as part of professional and foreign language preparation of future economists of international economic relations)." International Scientific Journal of Universities and Leadership, no. 11 (June 14, 2021): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.31874/2520-6702-2021-11-1-192-200.
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The goal of this writing is to advocate the significance of educating and enhancing leadership qualities and skills for successful conflict management situations. By analyzing the current trends in doing business nationally and globally, understanding approaches to manage conflicts in a cross-cultural business environment we have identified professional requirements for graduates seeking beneficial and successful careers in international business, economic relationships and management. Analyzing relevant articles the author points out that today’s business environment is notably sustainability-driven and aimed at maintaining the conditions that allow it to flourish in cross-cultural teams over time. Thus, organizations’ leaders and managers are and will be aimed at building enduring business institutions. The author underlines the importance of acquiring cultural awareness, basic knowledge of conflict management and cultivating leadership qualities in the process of foreign language preparation at university. The novelty of our research lies in the fact that we have undertaken an attempt to connect the importance of leadership qualities with the relevance of analyzing conflict management in general. We also emphasize that in future the global business will undoubtedly face a talent void, and, consequently, professionals able to think and treat different situations holistically will predominate the labour market. In the article, we also share our own experience of improving our students’ leadership qualities. The conflict management grid is analyzed. Based on the recent publications we suggested some crucial steps to be undertaken to achieve success in conflict management.
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Owsiak, Andrew P., Paul F. Diehl, and Gary Goertz. "Border settlement and the movement toward and from negative peace." Conflict Management and Peace Science 34, no. 2 (July 8, 2016): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216650420.
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How does border settlement—that is, the management of salient territorial conflict—affect the prospects for negative peace? Using recently released data on dyadic interstate relationships during the period 1946–2001, we build on territorial peace research to argue, predict, and find three connections between border settlement and negative peace. More specifically, border settlement: (a) increases the likelihood that a dyad is at negative peace; (b) raises the likelihood that dyads transition from rivalry to negative peace relationships; and (c) consolidates negative peace—by impeding transitions toward rivalry relationships. We confirm each of these findings with a commonly used measure of border settlement, as well as an alternative indicator of unsettled borders: civil wars. These findings cumulatively support our argument, demonstrate the importance of studying relationships outside the rivalry context, and suggest that border settlement plays a critical role in the emergence and consolidation of negative peace.
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Tellez, Juan Fernando. "Worlds Apart: Conflict Exposure and Preferences for Peace." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 4 (May 23, 2018): 1053–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718775825.
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Life on the frontlines of a civil war is markedly different from life in safe(r) areas. How does this drastic difference in lived experience shape civilian attitudes toward war and peace? Contrary to theories that link conflict exposure to intransigence, I argue that under certain conditions, exposure increases support for both peace as an outcome and the granting of concessions to armed actors who render settlement more likely. I use various model specifications and matching methodology on survey data from the Colombian peace process, finding strong evidence that civilians in conflict zones exhibit greater support for the peace process overall and are more willing to grant political concessions to armed groups. Mixed evidence further suggests that exposed civilians are less willing to reintegrate with demobilized fighters. The study has theoretical implications for accounts of conflict exposure and helps explain regional variation in the failed referendum vote in Colombia.
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Webster, Kaitlyn, Chong Chen, and Kyle Beardsley. "Conflict, Peace, and the Evolution of Women's Empowerment." International Organization 73, no. 02 (2019): 255–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000055.
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AbstractHow do periods of conflict and peace shape women's empowerment around the world? While existing studies have demonstrated that gender inequalities contribute to the propensity for armed conflict, we consider how the anticipation and realization of armed conflict shape women's opportunities for influence in society. Some scholars have pointed to the role that militarization and threat play in entrenching male dominance, while others have argued that periods of warfare can upend existing gender hierarchical orders. We posit mechanisms by which the preparation for and experiences during war affect change in women's empowerment. We develop and test observable implications using cross-national data from 1900 to 2015. We find that, at least in the short and medium term, warfare can disrupt social institutions and lead to an increase in women's empowerment via mechanisms related to role shifts across society and political shifts catalyzed by war. Reforming institutions and mainstreaming gender during peace processes stand to have important legacies for gender power relations in postconflict societies, though much more may be needed for more permanent change.
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Rusetsky, Alexander, and Olga Dorokhina. "Abkhazian crisis: from the Concept of Awareness of Common Threats to the Building of an "Abkhazian Security Community"." Grani 23, no. 3 (March 8, 2020): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172032.
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This article is part of a research conducted as part of the Support Program for Doctoral Studies of Shota Rustaveli Georgian National Science Foundation.This article is part of a research conducted as part of the Support Program for Doctoral Studies of Shota Rustaveli Georgian National Science Foundation.Name of the research – "Interdisciplinary analysis of the complex system of the Abkhazian conflict by the method 4D-RAV-17" (grant number – PHDF‐18‐1147). The method is a combination of well-known and innovative approaches and techniques. This article is part of the abovementioned research. The complex system of the Abkhazian conflict in this article received a conditional definition – the Abkhazian crisis. The political component of the complex system is accordingly called the Abkhazian political crisis and is the main object of research in the framework of the article.The article is aimed at solving a specific scientific and applied task – at determining a scientifically based method for the positive transformation of the Abkhazian political crisis and the transition to a new level of political order – to the Abkhazian security community.The article considers the possibility of carrying out work on the development and implementation of a new, alternative to the existing, peacemaking process, which can be based on the policy of the transition of the Abkhazian political crisis to a new political order.Consecutive transition tools are the following:• building a model of the structure of the Abkhazian political crisis;• The concept of awareness of common threats;• The concept of the Abkhazian security community.The work can be attributed to the following studies: Abkhazian Studies; Conflicts and Peace Studies, Crisis Studies, Security Studies, Political Studies and International Studies.The practical significance of the work and novelty. As a result of a reflective analysis of the past and existing political and scientific discourse, the absence of holistic research and the dominance of reductionism in the perception and description of the Abkhazian crisis and individual conflicts – its components - were first shown. In scientific works, a mostly complex and multi-component conflict is taken down to a hybrid and scientifically unreasonable formulation – "Georgian-Abkhazian" conflict. This wording also dominates in political discourse and even in international documents.As a result of a thoroughful analysis and synthesis of the information received, for the first time a brief and conditional definition was given to the complex system of the Abkhazian conflict – "Abkhazian crisis".As a result of this research, for the first time, at a scientific level, security threats are considered as a resource for peacemaking and the Concept of awareness of common threats is formulated.Also, for the first time (in the case of the Abkhazian crisis), the well-known Theory of the Security Community for International Relations of Karl Deutsch was proposed. It was adapted to the specifics of this conflict, not only related to the dimension of international relations. The political component of the crisis was classified in the research and a model of the Abkhazian political crisis was proposed, which includes both the domestic and international components of the crisis. The presented definition – "mixed conflict" theoretically resolved the conflict between supporters to define this conflict as "internal, local" and those who consider it "international". This is a useful solution for other political conflicts of the post-Soviet Union space, in particular, for the "Donbas crisis".From a theoretical and practical points of view, attention was drawn to the fact that Security Studies are considered a subsystem of studies in the field of International Studies, which does not allow the effective use of existing scientific achievements in these fields for mixed conflicts.The article proposes specific innovative ideas for implementing these approaches and techniques. This article proposes solutions to the problems of increasing the effectiveness of the peacemaking process. The task itself has an innovative character, since basically researches conducted earlier in this area (around the Abkhazian conflict) is more focused on the Conflicts Studies, rather than Peace Studies. In particular, this concerns the lack of research aimed at studying the effectiveness of peacemaking processes.As a result of formalization of the results obtained, the article presents new political concepts – neologisms, which until now have not been used (or not sufficiently used) in relation to this issue. Among them the following may be outlined: "Abkhazian crisis"; "Mixed conflict", "secessionists of Abkhazia"; "unionists of Abkhazia"; "irredentists of Abkhazia"; "Internationalization of the peacemaking process"; "legitimacy of peacemaking formats"; "democratization of the negotiation process"; "Abkhazian Security Community".As a result of the conducted work, an algorithm of stage-by-stage actions is presented, which can lead to a way out of the crisis and a transition to a new level of management culture and political order. It also provides specific practical recommendations that can be used by the participants in the process.Research on improvement of this model is ongoing, the following articles are being prepared, and negotiations are conducted on implementation with representatives of the participating parties at the expert and political levels.This research may be useful for those interested in the Abkhazian issue, as well as for adapting and using the approaches and techniques described in this article to improve the quality of peacemaking processes to resolve other conflicts and crises.
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Daniels, Lesley-Ann. "How and When Amnesty during Conflict Affects Conflict Termination." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 9 (March 25, 2020): 1612–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002720909884.
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In the difficult process of ending civil wars, granting amnesty during conflict is seen as a useful option, with an underpinning assumption that trading justice for peace is effective. However, is the case? This article tries to bring some clarity to when and how amnesty given during conflict has an impact. Amnesty should have different effects on diverse conflict endings: negotiated settlement, rebel victory, government victory, or conflict reduction. The article also disaggregates amnesties to test direct impacts as an incentive or through reducing the commitment problem, and indirect effects that give military advantage to the government. Using a cross-national data set of amnesties in dyadic conflicts from 1975 to 2011, the research finds that amnesty’s strongest effect is, surprisingly, not as an incentive but rather to reduce commitment problems. It can lead to negotiated settlements but also to government military advantage. The results have implications for negotiations and conflict resolution.
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Smidt, Hannah M. "United Nations Peacekeeping Locally: Enabling Conflict Resolution, Reducing Communal Violence." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 2-3 (July 17, 2019): 344–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719859631.
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United Nations peacekeeping operations (UN PKOs) increasingly engage with local communities to support peace processes in war-torn countries. Yet, while existing research tends to focus on the coercive and state-building functions of UN PKOs, their concrete local activities with community leaders and populations remain, empirically and theoretically, understudied. Thus, this study investigates how peacekeepers’ community-based intergroup dialogue activities influence communal violence. It argues that facilitating dialogue between different communal identity-based groups locally can revive intergroup coordination and diminish negative biases against other groups, thereby reducing the risk of communal conflict escalation. This argument is tested using a novel data set of intergroup dialogue activities organized by the UN PKO in Côte d’Ivoire across 107 departments from October 2011 to May 2016. Bivariate probit and matching address the nonrandom assignment of these interventions. The analyses provide robust evidence that the UN PKO mitigated communal violence by organizing intergroup dialogues.
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Hopmann, P. Terrence. "Conclusion: Homage to I. William Zartman." International Negotiation 16, no. 1 (2011): 191–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180611x553926.
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AbstractThis special issue of International Negotiation includes a range of studies and essays on the analysis of negotiation of contemporary conflicts that reflects the influence of I. William Zartman and his leadership of the Conflict Management Program at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. He introduced some of the most significant and enduring concepts that have guided theory building and empirical analysis of negotiations for at least the past four decades. In this issue, eight of his colleagues and former students have contributed their research ‐ applying many of Zartman’s concepts and frameworks.
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Bogner, Artur, and Dieter Neubert. "Negotiated Peace, Denied Justice? The Case of West Nile (Northern Uganda)." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 3 (December 2013): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800303.
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“Reconciliation” and “justice” are key concepts used by practitioners as well as authors of conflict-management and peacebuilding textbooks. While it is often recognized that there may be contradictions between the implementation of justice and truth-telling, on the one hand, and an end to organized violence, on the other, the ideal of a seamless fusion of these diverse goals is widely upheld by, among other things, reference to the rather utopianconcept of “positive peace” (Galtung). One difficulty arises from the fact that discourses usually focus on (post-)conflict settings that resemble a victory of one conflict party, whereas peace settlements are often negotiated in a context more similar to a military or political stalemate – a more ambiguous and complicated scenario. This essay discusses these problems against the background of an empirical case study of the peace accord between the government and the rebels in the West Nile region in north-western Uganda.