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1
Morton, Jonathan R. "Religious peacebuilding interventions in Sudan a comparison of intrareligious and interreligious conflict resolution initiatives /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3425.
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Thesis (M.S.)--George Mason University, 2008.Vita: p. 130. Thesis director: Andrea Bartoli. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 17, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-129). Also issued in print.
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Masabala, Josiah. "An investigation into the extent to which the socio-economic dimension is addressed in attempts to manage the North-South Sudanese Conflict : with a particular focus on the comprehensive peace agreement of 2005." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1551.
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The socio-economic dimension of conflicts has enjoyed increasing attention in research dealing with the dynamics of contemporary conflict. The underlying assumption of this study is that the socio-economic dimension of conflict can be hugely informative in terms of providing an understanding as to why peace agreements fail and in that sense can contribute to the resolution of conflicts if taken into account during the formulation of peace agreements. This study explores the way in which conflict theory has dealt with conflict and determines to what degree peace agreements in the Sudan have taken into consideration the socio-economic dimension of the conflict between the North and South Sudan since February 1972 to January 2005. This study proposes a number of recommendations in terms of the peace process in the Sudan with possible wider application to other future peace agreements.
3
Drews, Christian. "Post-Conflict Peace-Building." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48478948.html.
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Kabahesi, Pamela. "An exploration of peace-building challenges faced by acholi women in Gulu, Northern Uganda." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/992.
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An important focus of peacebuilding as a part of post-conflict reconstruction is the provision of basic needs. Peacebuilding is a move from war to a peaceful future. Peacebuilding rests on the premise that provision of people’s needs eliminates unrest and lawlessness that arise due to war. This in turn prevents a relapse into war. Also, communities that experience war lose many years and tend to develop at slower rates than peaceful areas, if at all they do develop. The twenty year old war in Northern Uganda has caused a gap between this area and the rest of the country. Poverty has left many unable to provide basic needs. Peacebuilding efforts have been undertaken by Non Governmental Organizations, Community Based Organizations, Government of Uganda as well as people in the community organizing themselves into groups to enable them reconstruct their lives. Efforts are being made towards reconstruction, resettlement, reconciliation and providing relief in an effort to move from war and destruction. In many societies, women are left out, marginalized and discriminated against as a result of patriarchy. Their roles in peacebuilding are not considered important and they face many challenges in their efforts to rebuild their lives and families. This research focused on the challenges faced by women in Gulu, a district in the Northern region of Uganda in peacebuilding. Through conducting face to face interviews, and consulting documents available to the public, the researcher collected information about the challenges faced by the Acholi women, the women of Gulu district.
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Heleta, Savo. "The Darfur conflict from the perspective of the rebel justice and equality movement." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/970.
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In 2003, a conflict broke out in Darfur, Sudan’s western province, between the mainly “African” rebels and the government forces and their proxy “Arab” militias. It is estimated that about 200,000 people have so far died in the conflict from fighting, disease, and starvation. The UN and aid agencies estimate that over two million Darfurians, out of the population of about six million, are living in refugee camps. Even though the majority of all deaths in Darfur have occurred in 2003 and 2004, the conflict is nowhere near the end. Even after more than five years since the Darfur conflict began, there is hardly any comprehensive information about the rebels’ aims, objectives, and plans for the future. We cannot fully understand the conflict and plan peace negotiations between the warring parties if we do not know enough about the rebels. This study has critically explored the aims and perspectives of the Justice and Equality Movement, currently the most powerful Darfur rebel movement. The author has used the first-hand information gathered through interviews with the representatives of the rebel movement and additional data about the conflict and the rebels collected through an extensive literature analysis to portray the movement and its aims, perspectives, and plans for the future. Using the grounded theory approach as the data analysis tool, the author has presented key findings about the Darfur conflict from the perspective of the Justice and Equality Movement that have emerged from the data collected in this study.
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Powell, J. H. "A Network-based framework for strategic conflict resolution." Thesis, Department of Defence Management and Security Analysis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/3975.
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Strategic conflict in this work refers to the spectrum of co-operative and oppositional
activities in which organisations engage when their interests meet. The origin of the work
is in the management and prediction of corporate strategic conflict, but it will be seen that
there are significant similarities between corporate struggle and that of international relations.
Following a review of the nature of conflict and the characteristics of strategic decision
making, the work examines the effectiveness of three existing general approaches to conflict
modelling and management, namely
informal and qualitative methods;
general systems analysis methods;
and game theoretic approaches.
Desirable criteria for a strategic conflict management framework are derived and a framework
is then proposed which has three components: -
Setting thefuture environment
The future of the organisation is described by a network of states of nature.
Resolving the Conflict
Within each of the states which represent the future, the options for participants are
identified and the possible outcomes and interim states identified. An analysis of the
influence and power of the participants over transitions between states is carried out,
which indicates likely development paths in the conflict, from which conclusions
can be drawn about both the likely outcomes, and about the actions which should be
taken by a company to bring about preferred outcomes.
Closing the Loop
Feedback of information obtained by analysis and by contact with the real world
back into the two structures described above allows examination of the effect of
changing perspectives and the differing beliefs of participants.
The application of the framework is shown through case studies examining thejustifiability
and appropriateness of each of its elements and as a whole. These case studies cover
both small and large companies, a variety of business conflict cases, both live and retrospective
and draw on the recorded material in international relations for examples of non-
. commercial conflict.
Future development paths are identified for the concept
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Mokoena, Benjamin P. O. "Conflict and peace in Burundi : exploring the cause(s) and nature of the conflict and prospects for peace." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2394.
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Thesis (MMil (Security and Africa Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.The purpose of this study is to investigate the cause(s), the nature, and characteristics of the conflict in Burundi, and 10 explore the conditions for sustainable peace and prospects for peace. The study is intended as a descriptive analysis of conflict and peace in a case study of Burundi. Since independence in 1962, intermittent conflict has characterised the state of Burundi. There are various accounts of the conflict, of which a popular, but superficial, relates an 'ethnic' conflict between Hutus and Tutsis. Equally disparate, is the prescription of solutions, the most dominant of which is power sharing based on ethnic quotas. The conflict is played out in the context of a failing state with sharp structural weaknesses. In addition, Burundi is mired in the wider instabilities of the Great Lakes region and the communicable effects thereof. The study breaks away from the tendency to analyse only the current (since 1993) bout of conflict. It is proposed that the various incidences of conflict mark different phases in the life cycle of a single conflict. The study also breaks away from the tendency to view the conflict as only opposing Hutus and Tutsis. These two tendencies in analysis generate serious distortions and omissions and may account for the wrong conclusions regarding the conflict in Burundi. Another contribution of the study resides with the proposal of the necessary and sufficient conditions for peace in Burundi. The contention brought forward by this study is that exclusion would appear to be the strongest theoretical approach to understand and describe the conflict in Burundi. In this regard, one particular contentious issue has remained constant throughout all the incidences of conflict involving different groups. The central issue has been about the political economy of Burundi that has systematically denied social mobility for the 'other'. The Burundian state is a repository of political, economic and social security where the 'other', defined in ethnic, intra-ethnic, clanic, regional, elitist (and historically dynastic) terms, is excluded and subordinated. Exclusion (and the consequent inequalities and injustices) is a source of acute grievance and motivation for collective violence. The resultant conflict has manifested in a struggle for the control of the state. Inter alia, the conflict has been pemicious, genocidal, protracted and intractable. The notion of institutionalised power sharing, based on ethnic quotas, has been put forward by the actors in the peace process as the fundamental principle guiding the search for a solution to the conflict in Burundi. The study concludes that power sharing may be necessary, as a confidence building measure, however, power Sharing in itself is not a sufficient condition for sustainable peace, and may well in fulure prove to be Ihe weakest link in the peace process. Inter alia, the conditions in Burundi are not amenable to institutionalised power sharing as such, e.g. the presence of an overwhelming majority, and deep socio-economic inequality along ethnic lines. Further, the current power sharing structure in Burundi tilts the democratic framework in favour of Tutsi participation and security, awards the Tutsi with a de facto veto power, fixes the ethnic balance of power, and thus perpetuates conflict generating Tutsi domination of the political economy of Burundi. This study proposes the reconstruction of the state (state building) as a necessary precondition for peace. II is concluded that political representation, economic opportunity and social mobility, must transcend social categories in Burundi. The continuing instabilities in the Great Lakes region are also a point of concem. Thus, peace in Burundi is also contingent upon greater efforts to curb the communicable conflicts in this region.
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Njanga, Laura Bryant. "Building the capacity for peace after genocide the reconstruction of formal education in Rwanda /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3414.
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Thesis (M.S.)--George Mason University, 2008.Vita: p. 105. Thesis director: Ho-won Jeong. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 16, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-104). Also issued in print.
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Ragnjiya, Toma Hamidu. "A model for peace building in the ethno-religious conflict in Kaduna, Nigeria." Ashland, OH : Ashland Theological Seminary, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.2986/tren.028-0298.
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Akurut, Catherine. "The challenges facing non-governmental organisations in transforming conflict through capacity-building in Nothern Uganda." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1412.
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Capacity-building is an essential component of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) and peace-building in the aftermath of violent conflict. Civilians, mainly women and children are driven or abducted from their homes during violent conflict and suffer various abuses and atrocities. Many spend the duration of the conflict as refugees in Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps in neighbouring countries. Violent conflict impinges on their psychological well-being and socio-economic development making their re-integration into their former communities extremely complex and challenging. In the case of Northern Uganda, the conflict lasted for over two decades. However, since the ―Cessation of Hostilities Agreement‖ of 2006, the peace-building process has been particularly evident here. Numerous stakeholders have been involved in the capacity-building processes in Northern Uganda, and one such organisation is the Friends of Orphans (FRO) in Pader district, Northern Uganda. The purpose of this research study is to explore the challenges facing the FRO in transforming conflict and building sustainable peace through capacity-building in Pader district. The study explores the programmes the organisation implements and investigates how these programmes are relevant for the transformation of conflict. Apart from reviewing the literature, the researcher conducted semi-structured interviews and used participant observation. The employees of the FRO – all of whom are involved with capacity-building in these communities – participated in these interviews in their capacities as social workers, teachers, administrators and field workers. The beneficiaries of these programmes include former child soldiers, abductees, child mothers, land mine survivors and orphans. Lessons learned by the FRO, as well as the researcher‘s recommendations, are discussed in the study in order to assist the future work of the organisation and other stakeholders who have devoted their efforts to the recovery of areas emerging from conflict.
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Clemens, Julie Lynn. "Making Peace in Peace Studies: A Foucauldian Revisioning of a Contested Field." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1228179006.
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Els, Deon André. "A spiritual intelligence model for operational humanitarian leadership development in conflict-affected areas." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/15534.
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The scale and cadence of crises that demand international humanitarian response are on the rise and pose increasingly hostile and complex challenges to operational humanitarian leaders. The international responses to humanitarian crises since 2011 recognised the need for successful humanitarian leadership development that emphasises the importance of ethical and effective leadership. The under-achievement of operational humanitarian leaders in conflict-affected areas has long been a chief concern amongst humanitarian organisations and leadership scholars. Several approaches to the development of operational humanitarian leaders have been presented as possible solutions such as establishing new financing mechanisms; improving technical abilities, academic knowledge, simulation training, conflict management skills; conflict prevention training; and enhancing the capacity for collaborative networks. Despite various efforts, it is reported that ineffective and incompetent leadership is still a major constraint on the success and effectiveness of operational humanitarian response in conflict-affected areas. This research effort attempted to contribute to improving operational humanitarian leadership by considering a “human or people-centred approach”. The primary objective was to identify the factors that influence the successful development of the spiritual intelligence (SQ) of humanitarian leaders working in conflict-affected areas. The primary objective was, therefore, to improve the abilities and skills of humanitarian leaders by validating and analysing factors that should contribute to the development of spiritually intelligent leaders and, subsequently, improve humanitarian leadership performance. There is growing consensus that values, ethical behaviour, self-awareness, motivation, compassion, humility, empathy, co-ordination and the empowerment of others have a significant impact on the effectiveness of operational humanitarian leadership which emphasises the need for human or people-centred approaches in developing humanitarian leaders. The striking similarities between abilities pertaining to effective, operational, humanitarian leadership and the capabilities of a spiritually intelligent individual suggested an opportunity to investigate the development of a spiritual intelligence model for humanitarian leaders. The frequency, duration and intensity of humanitarian crises between 2004 and 2016 further emphasised the urgent need for operational leaders to develop and apply abilities based on spiritual intelligence in the humanitarian sector. Some scholars argue that the development of spiritually intelligent leaders should play an instrumental role in successfully responding to global crises.
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Kisin, Tatyana Tuba Kelman. "Electoral Rules, Political Parties, and Peace Duration in Post-conflict States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699884/.
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This dissertation examines the following research question: Which types of electoral rules chosen in post-conflict states best promote peace? And are those effects conditional upon other factors? I argue that the effects are conditional upon the types of political parties that exist in the post-conflict environment. Although this explanation is contrary to scholars that speak of political parties as products of the electoral system, political parties often predate the choice of electoral system. Especially in post-conflict states, political parties play an important role in the negotiation process and hence in the design of the electoral rules. I argue that the effects of electoral rules on peace duration are mitigated by the degree to which a party system is broad (nonexclusive) or narrow (exclusive). I develop a theoretical model that led to three hypotheses focusing on the independent role that political parties play in mitigating the effects of electoral rules on peace duration. To test these hypotheses, I use the Cox proportional hazard model on 57 post-conflict states from 1990 to 2009 and had competitive elections. The empirical results show support for the main argument of this study. First, the findings show that electoral rules alone do not increase or decrease the risk of civil war outbreak, yet when interacting with the degree to which political parties are broad or narrow, there is a significant effect on the outbreak of civil war. Second, the results show that post-conflict states with party centered electoral systems (closed list PR system) are less likely to have an outbreak of civil war when more seats in the parliament are controlled by broad-based parties. In addition, I conduct a comparative case study analysis of two post-conflict states, Angola (1975-1992) and Mozambique (1975-1994), using the most similar systems (MSS) research design.
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Stull, Emily A. "Increasing the Players: Expanding the Bilateral Relationship of Conflict Management." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500154/.
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This research seeks to explore the behavior of international and regional organizations within conflict management. Previous research on conflict management primarily examines UN peacekeeping as the primary actor and lumps all non-UN actors into a single category. I disaggregate this category, examining how international and regional organizations interact when deciding to establish a peace mission, coordinate a peace mission with multiple organizations, and finally, how this interaction affects the success of peace missions. I propose a collective action theoretical framework in which organizations would rather another actor undertake the burden and costs of implementing a peace mission. I find the United Nations is motivated to overcome the collective action problem through an increase in the severity of the conflict. Regional organizations are motivated to establish a peace mission as the economic and political salience of the conflict increases, increasing the possibility of the regional organization acquiring club goods for its member states. The presence of a regional hegemon within a regional organization also significantly increases the likelihood of an organization both establishing a peace mission and taking on the primary role when coordinating a joint mission. I argue this is because a regional hegemon allows the organization to more easily overcome the collective action problem between its own member states due to the presence of a privileged actor.
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Kim, Duk H. "Nuturing peace United Nations peacebuilding operations in the aftermath of intrastate conflicts, 1945-2002 /." Diss., St. Louis, Mo. : University of Missouri--St. Louis, 2007. http://etd.umsl.edu/r1981.
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Ette, John Umo. "The Impact of Economic Integration within the European Union as a Factor in Conflict Transformation and Peace-Building." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1893.
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This study examines economic integration within the European Union (EU) as a factor in conflict transformation and peace-building. European responses to causes of frequent conflicts and wars after the end of WWII focused on the search for peace, economic cooperation and prosperity. This thesis will focus on three elements: economic interdependence, the expansion of the free market, and economic integration. In-depth examination of these factors reveals that economic interdependence or the exchange of goods and services across inter-state and international boundaries only, is not sufficient to bring peace among states. Economic inter-dependence may reduce the impact of war, but cannot maintain sustainable peace. Unfair competition fanned by economic nationalism was a strong obstacle to free trade in Europe in the early 19th century. In the 21st century, the expansion of free trade, with increased understanding has enhanced reduction in interstate conflicts. However, free trade, in and of itself does not constitute a strong factor for a sustainable peace. Free trade may encourage democracy, but the expansion of free trade coupled with interdependence, does not bring sustainable peace. The EU has successfully established sustainable peace through economic integration-the creation of the single market that established freedom of movement, people, goods, services; and a single currency that facilitates easy transactions. The single market also abolished tariffs and custom duties. By and large, economic integration within the EU has been successful in creating a sustainable peace because economic interdependence, and the expansion of the free market have been combined with political integration by building democratic institutions at the intergovernmental and transnational levels.
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Sofi, Galawesh. "Post- conflict peace building and natural resources: A comparative study on water management: Euphrates and Tigris River Basin in Northern and Western Iraq." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-231529.
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Iraq has since post conflict of 2003 administrated the Euphrates and Tigris River in accordance to the countries plan management. It is researched in this study how the Iraqi Government and the Kurdistan Regional Government have managed and prioritized its water resource comparing the Euphrates and Tigris River flowing through Western and Northern Iraq. The focus is also on approaches and the alternative consequences derived from different management perspectives. It is concluded in this study that there are different priorities and management approaches in Iraqi Government and Kurdistan Regional Government. Iraqi Government has not managed Euphrates River as needed post conflict of 2003 where the approach is not satisfactory to resolve the problem facing the Euphrates River. It can become an underlying problem to an additional distress among the population which can heighten the risk for disputes and uprising of further conflicts in the region if the problems are not solved in Western Iraq. Tigris River that is also managed by the Iraqi Government has not been the top priority and there are unsolved problems around the river. The distress amongst the population can outburst in a bad manner if problems not solved surrounding the Tigris River. However the tributaries that flow through Kurdistan Regional Government to the Tigris River are of better condition more attention is directed to water management and there are aspirations for meeting the challenges and well as changing management approach. Kurdistan Regional Government has managed to prioritize and manage water from the tributaries better than Iraqi Government.
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Wood, J. C. "Defining the role of the African Union Peace and Architecture (APSA) : a reconceptualisation of the roles of institutions." Thesis, Coventry University, 2012. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/c211face-e5d4-40ae-bb90-d41d0dff935d/1.
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At its core, this research project is a revision of how we conceptualise the role of international organisations. The concept of role is often invoked International Relations when discussing the function of institutions like the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), but its full meaning in this context has never been problematised, leading to varying perceptions of its meaning and a lack of common understanding in the discourse. In the case of the APSA, this lack of common understanding has led to a wide variance in how the role of the APSA is categorised, and a corresponding discrepancy in assessments of the institution’s success and utility, which has had a knock-on effect on policy recommendations, which also differ wildly from author to author. This thesis devises technical definitions for the various ways in which the word role is utilised in International Relations and related fields, and in so doing, aims to standardise our understanding of the role of institutions, using the APSA as a case study. After developing a new technical definition of role based on Role Theory, the thesis develops a research programme which sets out to investigate the true role of the APSA, based on an examination of how the APSA’s role has been shaped by key limiting and enabling factors, and how this role is shaped and influenced, and directed; all the while highlighting how it differs from the organisation’s stated role, and scholarly perceptions of that role.
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Idoko, Victoria. "The Christian-Muslim conflict of Jos, Nigeria: causes and impact on development." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1010745.
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The aim of this study is to examine conflict and how it impinges on development. Conflict is an inevitable element of human existence since creation and has always affected human activities and endeavors in several ways. Understanding the dimensions of human conflict therefore provides blueprints on how to manage and resolve conflicts. This makes this study timely. In this research, some relevant related to conflict management approaches were examined. The research adopted a case study approach using the Jos Plateau conflict in the Plateau State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Data was collected and analyzed using a mixed research methods approach. The findings show several causes of this conflict among which are differences in religious beliefs among the people of the area, socio-economic causes, political tensions and land disputes. The consequences of the conflict identified are: it retards development in the area, creates fear and feelings of insecurity, destruction of property and loss of human lives. This study also examined how the conflict impinges on people-cantered development. In terms of how the conflict can be mitigated, respondents think education, creation of employment opportunities, the administration of justice and the practice of tolerance values is going to promote a spirit of coexistence and eventually result in a more peaceful and stable environment.
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Galloway, Brooke Patricia. "Perceptions of Peacebuilding and Multi-Track Collaboration in Divided Societies for a Sustainable Peace Agreement at the Political Level: A Case Study of Cyprus." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/308.
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It is the purpose of this study to propose that perceptions of peacebuilding activities in all tracks of divided societies (political, civil society leaders, and grassroots), and the perceptions of the collaboration between the tracks are essential processes to a sustainable peace agreement at the political level. This study will examine multi-track peacebuilding and the collaboration (or lack of it) between tracks in Cyprus. Additionally, it will analyze the perceptions of the necessity of collaboration across tracks. The analysis of this study is conducted in two phases: (1) analyzing interviews with Track One diplomats and examining previous and existing peacebuilding processes within Cyprus through observation, interviews, and analysis of existing studies; and (2) through student observations and interviews of the Cypriot populace on the perceptions of the conflict and peacebuilding collaborations among and across tracks. The results of this research indicate that there is a need for stronger connections between the political and societal level peacebuilding strategies in Cyprus for a sustainable peace agreement. Furthermore, the findings of this research suggest that multi-track collaboration should be added to Conflict Transformation Theory.
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Luintel, Gyanu Gautam. "Intrastate Armed Conflict and Peacebuilding in Nepal: An Assessment of the Political and Economic Agency of Women." PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2747.
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The proliferation of intrastate armed conflicts has been one of the significant threats to global peace, security, and governance. Such conflicts may trigger resource exploitation, environmental degradation, human rights violations, human and drug trafficking, and terrorism. Women may suffer disproportionately from armed conflicts due to their unequal social status. While they endure the same effects of the conflict as the rest of the population, they also become targets of gender-based violence. However, women can also be active agents of armed conflict and perpetrate violence. Therefore, political and scientific communities at the national and international levels are now increasingly interested in developing a better understanding of the role of women in, and effect on them from, armed conflict. A better understanding of the roles of women in conflict would help to prevent conflicts and promote peace. Following in-depth interviews with civil society members who witnessed the decade-long armed conflict between Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) and the Government of Nepal (GoN) (1996-2006) and thereafter the peacebuildng process, I assess the political and economic agency of women particularly in terms of their role in, and impact on them from, the armed conflict and peacebuilding processes.
My research revealed that a large number of women, particularly those from rural areas, members of socially oppressed groups, poor and productive age (i.e., 14 - 45 years) - participated in the armed conflict as combatants, political cadres, motivators, and members of the cultural troupe in CPN-M, despite deeply entrenched patriarchal values in Nepali society. The GoN also recruited women in combatant roles who took part in the armed conflict. Women joined the armed conflict voluntarily, involuntarily, or as a survival strategy. Women who did not participate directly in the armed conflict were affected in many different ways. They were required to perform multiple tasks and unconventional roles at both household and community levels, particularly due to the absence or shortage of men in rural areas as they were killed, disappeared, or displaced. At the household level, women performed the role of household head- both politically and economically. However, in most cases the economic agency of women was negatively affected. At the community level, women's role as peacebuilders, members of community based organizations and civil society organizations either increased or decreased depending on the situation. Despite active participation of women in formal and informal peacebuilding processes at different levels, they were excluded from most of the high level formal peace processes. However, they were able to address some of the women's issues (e.g., access to parental property, inclusion in the state governance mechanism) at the constitutional level. The armed conflict changed gender relations to some extent, and some women acquired new status, skills and power by assuming new responsibilities. However, these changes were gained at the cost of grave violations of human rights and gender-based violence committed by the warring sides. Also, the gains made by women were short-lived and their situation often returned to status quo in the post-conflict period.
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Lebowitz, David E. Biswas Bidisha. "Can this wait? Civil conflict negotiation and the content of ethnic identity /." Online version, 2010. http://content.wwu.edu/cdm-theses/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/theses&CISOPTR=328&CISOBOX=1&REC=17.
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Keizer, Kornelis Bote. "Effective engagement : the European Union, liberal theory and the Aceh peace process : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Europen Studies in the University of Canterbury /." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2486.
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Peace has finally come to Aceh. The Indonesian province has suffered for over 30 years through conflict with the Indonesian army. Instrumental in having achieved this peaceful outcome has been the role of the European Union (EU). Its crucial monitoring role and long term commitment had a profound impact on the province, helping to end the hostilities and to rebuild Aceh. The EU-led Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) is the central feature of this thesis.
Like Aceh, Europe has experienced wars. However, since the beginnings of Western
European institution building, peace and cooperation in the region transpired. This phenomenon has spread across the continent. The progressive structure enabled the EU to flourish as a cooperative institution, especially in the aftermath of the Cold War
east-west division. This period also gave the EU an opportunity to expand its peaceful legacy by exporting its values abroad. The development of the EU's external capability to deliver such aspirations is a central part of this thesis.
The thesis seeks to draw a connection with the EU's quest to bring peace to Aceh with international relations (IR) theory. As such, it assesses the EU's motives and interests in the Aceh peace process to discover what they were based on.
After assessing both realist and liberalist IR viewpoints, the thesis’ central findings confirm the liberal motives of the EU. The EU has predominantly acted in the interests of Aceh. It helped bring many liberal based values to the province and
experienced constructive relations with Indonesia and other powers in the region. Whilst realist orientated
EU power motives are outlined, the EU's liberal agenda based on mediation, peace and security, multilateralism, democracy and human rights - as core liberal elements - are more convincing explanations as this thesis argues.
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Wright, Thorin M. "The Blessed and the Damned: Peacemakers, Warlords, and Post Civil War Democracy." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3901/.
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This thesis seeks to explain how democracies emerge out of the ashes of civil wars. This paper envisions transitions to democracy after a civil war largely as a function of the peace process. Democracy is thought of as a medium through which solutions to the problems and issues over which the civil war was fought can be solved without violence. Transitions to democracy are more likely if there is a large bargaining space and the problems of credible commitments to democratization can be solved. Democratization is more likely if four conditions exist in a state after the civil war: a negotiated settlement, credible commitments via international enforcement, demobilization, and a cooperative international environment. The hypotheses derived are tested through an event history analysis for two different standards of democracy. The results suggest that factors indicative of all four theoretical concepts contribute to the likelihood of democratization after a civil war.
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Amponsem-Boateng, Richard. "Prospects of the Economic Community of West African States standby force." Fort Leavenworth, KS : US Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. http://cgsc.cdmhost.com/u?/p4013coll2,705.
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Clerc, Lidwine. "Semer les graines de la paix : les Organisations Internationales et l’éducation à la paix au Kenya." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016GREAH034.
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Cette thèse s'intéresse au programme et aux activités d'éducation à la paix menées par le gouvernement Kenyan analysés grâce à un cas d'étude qualitatif et une ethnographie "multi-site". Les violences postélectorales de 2007-2008 ont été le point de départ de considérable programme et activités œuvrant à la construction de la paix. Notre analyse débute à l'indépendance, en 1963; en effet, ce fut un point charnière de l'histoire nationale car le Kenya a été rendu aux Kenyans mais aussi car la violence structurelle du pays, ses injustices sociales, se renforcèrent dans les mains même des Africains. Nous revoyons l'histoire de la politique étatique pour saisir les notions de groupe ethnique, de communauté ethnique, de politique ethnique en plus des répartitions inégales des terres et des frontières intérieures. En conséquence, les principales causes de conflit ethniques sont revues aussi. En dehors de la violence physique, le Kenya est sérieusement défié au cœur de sa sécurité nationale; par l'urbanisation rapide et la croissance incessante des bidonvilles avec de forts taux de chômage chez les jeunes; et par de nombreux problèmes liés aux 500,000 réfugiés habitant sur son sol. Nous revoyons aussi brièvement comment la corruption est omniprésente et sous-jacente à tous les problèmes mentionnés ci-dessus. Le Kenya a fait la paix avec l'aide d'une médiation internationale et de l'implémentation inhérente des quatre agendas adressant les causes urgentes et celles de long terme du conflit Kenyan. Cette thèse explore pourquoi, et surtout, comment l'éducation à la paix s'est développée au niveau national; et si elle a eu un impact sur la violence structurelle. Notre inspection commence à la naissance du programme d'éducation à la paix au Ministère de l'Education, de la Science et de la Technologie, avec le HCR; et ensuite avec l'UNICEF. Après, la campagne nationale d'éducation à la paix a été construite en vue des élections générales, notablement paisibles, de 2013 et aussi grâce à d’autres activités. Le Kenya devint le leader continental de l'ADEA: ICQN-EP, en apprenant et partageant ses expériences avec d'autre pays africains. Une politique nationale d'éducation à la paix a été promulguée en 2014 avec l'UNICEF et l'UNESCO; l'éducation à la paix appartient désormais au patrimoine national kenyanThis thesis investigates Kenya's governmental journey into peace education through a qualitative case study and multi-sited ethnography. The relentless post-election violence of 2007-2008 signed the beginning of extensive peace building activities. Our analysis starts right at independence, in 1963; a corner stone in the national history since it rendered Kenya to Kenyans but also because the country's structural violence, social injustices, started building up in the hands of Africans. We reviewed the history of national politics to understand notions of ethnic group, ethnic community, ethnic politics in addition to unequal land allocations and internal borders. Accordingly main reasons of ethnic conflicts were assessed as well. Besides behavioural violence, Kenya is greatly challenged in terms of internal security; by rapid urbanization and ever growing slum areas with high rates of unemployed youth and by facing daily tough issues with over 500,000 refugees on its soil. We also reviewed briefly the ubiquitous corruption as an underlying matter of the issues above mentioned. Kenya made peace with an international mediation and the implementation of four agendas attending to proximate and long term issues. This thesis explored why, and most importantly, how peace education rallied round to the national peace building cause; further wondering if peace education had an impact on structural violence. Our review started at the beginning of the peace education programme in the MoEST headquarters with UNHCR and later with UNICEF. Afterwards, a national peace education campaign was built in sight of the notably peaceful 2013-general election, alongside with other activities. Kenya became the continental lead country of the ADEA: ICQN-PE, learning and sharing experiences with fellow African countries. A governmental policy on peace education was launched in 2014 with UNICEF and UNESCO; peace education now belongs to the patrimony of Kenya
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DuPraw, Marcelle Elise. "Illuminating Capacity-Building Strategies for Landscape-Scale Collaborative Forest Management Through Constructivist Grounded Theory." NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/6.
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This dissertation uses the constructivist grounded theory methods of Charmaz (2011) to explore: 1) the unique characteristics of landscape-scale collaboration; 2) implications for collaborative capacity-building strategies; and 3) the relationship between conflict, landscape-scale collaboration, and conflict resolution. The study was conducted through the US Forest Service's Collaborative Forest Landscape Restoration Program (CFLRP). In the 1980s and 1990s, national forest management conflicts brought the forest industry to a standstill, with many jobs lost. In addition, historic fire suppression practices have made our national forests highly vulnerable to catastrophic wildfire. Many have strong opinions about what should be done and how. The proposed substantive theory suggests landscape-scale collaboration can serve as a conflict prevention, problem solving, or conflict resolution venue and offer opportunities for remarkable efficiencies in forest restoration as well as profoundly restorative transformation in ecological, social, economic, personal, and spiritual dimensions. It identifies unique characteristics of collaboration at this scale; suggests that realizing benefits depends on collaborative capacities at the collaborator, constituent organization, collaborative stakeholder group, and sponsoring organization levels, and on mastering nine challenges; and suggests eight implications for collaborative capacity building strategies. The study contributes to forest restoration, reduced loss of life and livelihood, and economic recovery by contributing to CFLRP effectiveness. It contributes to the field of conflict resolution by: illuminating the collaboration / conflict resolution relationship; a particular application of collaboration; related sources of conflict; and conflict resolution strategies. It advances new directions of study for conflict resolution scholars--i.e., how to help agencies and groups strengthen their collaborative capacities.
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Allie, Shouket. "Exploring the concept of conciliation (ṣulḥ) as a method of alternative dispute resolution in Islamic law." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7632.
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Magister Legum - LLMThis research will chart and navigate the early stages in the development, conceptualisation, and formulation of Islāmic law and the concept of ṣulḥ as a mechanism of legal redress in Islāmic law (Sharī’a). The research shows that firstly, the mechanism is deeply rooted and embedded in scriptural (Qur’ānic) and extrascriptural text namely the corpus of Ḥadīth. There is a plethora of instructions to prove that reconciliation is indeed a lofty goal which is rewarded as an act of worship. Like many other aspects of the Sharī’a, ṣulḥ is regulated by provisions of the scripture and extra-scriptural sources considered by Muslims as the (Sharī’a). Secondly ṣulḥ is also the preferred method of alternative dispute resolution because it is fluid, contractual, expeditious and one of the most effective ways of solving different types of disputes, whether commercial or family. It has therefore gained considerable traction in modern western financial industry which I think is largely due to its contractual nature and the absence of the adversarial element. As a mechanism of redress, ṣulḥ is governed by Islāmic law of contract which takes the form of an agreement which can be mutually negotiated between two or more parties. Of late it has also become the mechanism of choice in family and marital disputes.
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Kellum, Duan Carmichael. "Peacebuilders and the values of culturally diverse students." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2511.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the cultural relevance of the Peacebuilders model. The study shows that programs such as Peacebuilders need to address concepts of culture that will enhance the diversity of program participants. Many schools and school districts are utilizing these programs to head off student violence, resolve student conflicts and premote school wide harmony.
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Kundu, Mariam Ayoti. "Traditional approaches to peacemaking and conflict resolution : the case of Wunlit, South Sudan." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/4035.
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This study explores how traditional conflict resolution mechanisms were used to transform the conflict between the Dinka and Nuer communities in Wunlit, south Sudan in 1999. Various people perceived, experienced and played different roles in the process. Through story telling and the sacrifice of a white bull, the two communities entered a covenant which still holds four years later. The merger of previously antagonistic liberation movements with strong Dinka and Nuer constituencies, respectively, two years after Wunlit is seen by some as a dividend of Wunlit. People-centred peacemaking processes can be credited for contributing to enduring peace.Thesis (M.Com.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.
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Ashu, Gladys Manyu, and Gladys Manyi Ashu. "An investigation into the role of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the resolution of the Sudan conflict / Gladys Ashu Manyi." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/11457.
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The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (!GAD) has played a major role in
conflict resolution in the Sudan. The strength of the !GAD Peace Initiative particularly
has been its clarity in identifying the key issues at the core of the conflict in its
Declaration of Principles (DoP). From that time the Sudan People's Liberation
Movement/ Army (SPLM/A) and Government of Sudan (GoS), though later, embarked
on a path to seek a negotiated settlement to the conflict. Another achievement had been
IGAD's ability to help Sudan pool its resources that seemed to provide an answer to the
perennial power constraints that bedevil African mediators. It is without doubt that the
Machakos protocol signed in July 2002 was a breakthrough for the history of IGAD's
conflict resolution in Sudan, because of the acknowledgement, for the first time, of the
right of self-determination for the south, and the guarantee of the right to opt for self-determination through a referendum at the end of a six-year interim period. From this
time IGAD's mediators became more flexible, the Sudan peace process moved speedily
and to the highest level; and between 2002 and 2003, the substantive agreements were
signed, leading to the final agreement in 2005. At the same time, the hard-pressed role of
the United States cannot be undermined for real progress in the IGAD peace process in
Sudan. Furthermore, though IGAD faced a lot of challenges as the parties' willingness to
negotiate correlated with their military successes and failures, the organization
commitment in the peace process assisted in achieving IGAD's stated objective. Its also
worth noting that there was a lack of inclusivity in the IGAD negotiations and the
mediators at times were unable to articulate common visions of their roles and sustain
adequate attention to their intervention; however, despite several competing mediation
attempts such as the "Joint Libya-Egyptian Initiative" (JLEI), IGAD has provided the by
and large undisputed negotiation framework for the Sudan conflict since the mid-nineties.
Crucial and worthy as this achievement is that, the IGAD Initiative will engross a
continuing involvement in Sudan that would not end until the terms of the peace
agreement are fulfilled and the necessary stability is achieved, because only then would
there be confidence that peace would be secure. This objective is not realisable unless
there are significant and continuing democratic reforms; IGAD must understand that this
objective is an integral part of the peace process. Finally, IGAD's continued engagement
with the Joint IGAD Partners and the international community as a whole to provide for
support for peace building and reconstruction in Sudan is imperative. If peace is
consolidated in the South, it will demonstrate the benefits of negotiated solutions to other
parts of Sudan, such as Darfur and the East.M.Soc.Sc. (Peace Studies International Relations) North West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2006
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Shulika, Lukong Stella. "Managing the challenges of conflict transformation and peace-building in South Sudan." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/10008.
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Since its independence on July 9, 2011, the Republic of South Sudan, with the assistance of
various internal and external stakeholders, has been working towards viable and
constructive political and socio-economic change in the new state. These processes of
change are aimed at the effective development of South Sudan as a sovereign, peaceful and
stable nation-state that is capable of serving the short- and long-term needs and
expectations of its citizens and the environment at large. However, the successful
realisation of this transformation is facing serious challenges. These challenges are partly
attributable to the unresolved issues and consequences of South Sudan’s protracted years
of civil war with Sudan, and the difficulties that often confront post-conflict societies,
especially a post-independence state like South Sudan, which came into existence after two
prolonged civil wars. Given the complexity of South Sudan’s post-independence
environment, this study aims to gain a clearer understanding of South Sudan’s complex
transformational and peace-building challenges as an independent state; and to propose
recommendations on how they can be managed. This will be achieved through the use of
historical and qualitative research methods, which locate the study within a framework
that provides the basis for the analyses of the data collected on South Sudan and on the
subjects of conflict transformation and peace-building.
As South Sudan celebrated its one-year anniversary on July 9, 2012, it was recalled that the
country’s official independence was regarded as a historic event for the African continent
at large. While there were high expectations among the South Sudanese population and the
international community that this signalled an end to Africa’s longest conflict, it was soon
clouded by a myriad of political, economic, socio-cultural, peace, security and development
challenges. These include building an entirely new state out of the ruins of war, confronting
the unresolved resource and border demarcation conflicts with Sudan, and tackling South
Sudan’s own internal ethnic confrontations, among many other human resources and
capacity challenges. Given South Sudan’s challenging post-conflict and post-independence
environment, this study contends that contrary to the notion that the resolution and
transformation of the Sudan-South Sudan conflict and the birth of the new Republic of South Sudan ended the conflict between the two entities, the secession did not create a
cohesive and robust new state that is free from serious internal and external challenges.
The Government of South Sudan (GoSS) and external and internal stakeholders, including
the African Union (AU); the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD); the
United Nations (UN); civil society organisations (CSOs) and various individual countries
(among many other initiatives) have been and are actively engaged in joint efforts to
address and manage the challenges that confront South Sudan as an independent state.
However, such endeavours have mainly concentrated on state-building issues, resources
and border demarcation conflicts, and have focused less on the problems of nation-building.
As such, internal complexities such as social and national identity, the
decentralisation of power/broader representation in government and state affairs and
growing ethnic conflicts have continued to receive less attention. Bearing this in mind, this
study argues that unless these internal matters are given serious consideration, sustainable
peace and development in South Sudan will remain elusive. While negotiations to resolve
the cross-border South Sudan-Sudan conflicts continue, a solution that is acceptable to all
parties is only possible if all the conflicting parties are invited to the negotiation table to
engage in peaceful dialogue and find the means to reconcile their differences and build
trustworthy and mutually beneficial relationships. The study also identifies a need for the
promotion and coordination of a constructive relationship between the South Sudanese
state and civil society. It further recognises the importance of building inclusive political
processes to facilitate a state-society cooperative environment, and the development of
state capacity to perform its duties in a manner that satisfies the expectations of the
population that they will enjoy the fruits of their long-drawn out struggle for independence.
In terms of how these processes can be achieved, the study recommends an indigenous
intervention mechanism that encourages the active engagement of the entire post-conflict
society in its own peace-building and development initiatives. This mechanism is
encapsulated in John Paul Lederach’s Pyramid Model of conflict transformation, which
emphasises the importance of coordinating peace-building activities between and among
the various leadership levels – the top, middle and grassroots leaders of the post-conflict society. This model also advocates that the local community be encouraged to develop and
drive its own peace-building and development activities, which is a major step forward in
reconciling differences, building a sense of belonging, trust, mutual respect and ultimately
societal cohesion. These are very important considerations for any society or state with the
long-term goal of sustainable peace and development. The research study thus
recommends this model for managing South Sudan’s challenges. It urges all stakeholders to
promote the involvement of the local community in peace-building and development
activities and to facilitate peaceful dialogue and reconciliation within South Sudan and with
Sudan in order to achieve viable peace and development in the longer term.Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.
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Adams, Nicholas Marc. "Peacebuilding theory in the Pacific context : towards creating a categorical framework for comparative post-conflict analysis : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for degree of Masters of Political Science [i.e. Master of Arts] at the University of Canterbury /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2189.
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Osman, Mahdi Ismail Mahdi. "Natural resources and the rural development challenge in Sudan: the case of the Greater Kordofan states." Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/23788.
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This study is a contribution to the research projects in Africa that are concerned with the analysis of the various conflicts that currently face the continent. Political, ethnic, religious, cultural, and other forms of conflicts have increased in number over the past five decades. The academic community has been making its contribution to the understanding and resolution of the conflicts through its research projects. The contributions of the academic community are widely acknowledged in this regard.
This study is about those conflicts emanating from differences in the cultural interpretations of natural resources between crop farmers and nomadic herdsmen. The example selected belongs to those conflicts, which are entrenched in the cultural practices of rural communities. These conflicts are unique, since most of them predate the political, economic, and ethnic-based conflicts, most of which have emerged since the colonial era. Understanding these types of conflicts thus constitutes an important area of the development process of countries such as the Republic of Sudan, which already has many conflicts to contend with.
The areas elected the North, South and West Kordofan States constitute some of the conflict hotspots of the Republic of Sudan in terms of the cultural-natural resource conflict dynamics. The understanding and resolution of the conflicts between the crop farmers and nomadic herdsmen in the region have the potential to offer enormous benefits to the peace needed for the long-term development of Sudan. The objectives of this study were chosen purposely to contribute to the research projects on the peace-conflict discourse of the Republic of Sudan. They were aimed at finding out how the cultures of the crop farmers and nomadic herdsmen of the Greater Kordofan states explain the conflicts and the efforts of the Sudanese authorities to help address them.
The critical realist research approach has been selected as the framework for the study. This involved a number of steps. First, information on the nature of the current policies and plans of the government of Sudan to address the conflicts has been collected as one basic element of the challenge of development of the Greater Kordofan region. The challenge has been discussed in terms of the gap currently existing between the government’s peace building plan objectives on the one hand and the actual outcomes on the other. Next, information was collected from the relevant stakeholders on the reasons for the persistence of the conflicts between the nomadic herdsmen and the crop farmers despite the efforts on the part of the government at building peace between them. Generating information in this way led to the recommendation that the stakeholders identified in this study hold the key to the success of the attempts at building long-term peace between the crop farmers and the nomadic herdsmen of the Greater Kordofan States. The recommendations of the study are based on the idea that opportunities always exist for the stakeholders to introduce positive change in their society.Environmental Sciences
Ph. D. (Environmental Sciences)
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Omeje, Kenneth C., and N. Minde. "The SPLM government and the challenges of conflict settlement, state-building and peace-building in South Sudan." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/10041.
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YesThis article examines the key features of state failure that have adversely affected the goal of state-building and peace-building in South Sudan. Drawing on interviews with sections of local and international stakeholders in South Sudan, the article analyses the major areas of state reconstruction and peacebuilding that the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM) government has failed to address proactively, areas and issues that seem directly or indirectly linked to the political crisis that started in December 2013 and the relapse into armed conflict. The paper also analyses the recent political developments and ongoing peace process in South Sudan and proffers some complementary policy intervention measures that could be implemented to strengthen the peace process.
This article was made possible through support from the Social Science Research Council’s African Peacebuilding Network (APN) research grant, with funds provided by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.
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Irene, Oseremen. "Building infrastructures for peace : an action research project in Nigeria." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10321/1546.
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Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree Doctor of Philosophy: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2015.Nigeria has witnessed a plethora of conflicts and violence especially since her post independent era. Direct and structural violence as well as cultural violence have largely dotted her history. The various nature of violence that have over the years keeps the country teetering at the verge of precipice include, resource-based conflict in the Niger Delta, indigenes-settlers conflicts, gender-based conflicts, ethno-religious conflicts, electoral cum political conflicts and the recent Boko Haram violent menace that has claimed at least 13,000 lives in Nigeria. There have been attempts by government and civil society organisations to curb violence in the country. However, their limited apparent success and the extent of violence underlines the need for alternative approaches to build peace in Nigeria. Building infrastructures for peace is one such alternative. Using an action research approach, the research focusses on establishing peace clubs in four high schools and implementing a programme for a 12 month period.
D
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Nyar, Annsilla. "Peace building in practice : a study of operational factors using the Oxfam Canada peace building programme as a case study." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/6272.
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The central question of this study addresses the issue of the impact and effect of peace building interventions on the dynamics of peace and conflict. It takes as its context the process of rebuilding and reconciliation in KwaZulu-Natal and uses the Oxfam Canada peace building programme as a specific case study. The study identifies and analyses the peace building impact of the programme with the aim of leading to a common peace building framework for improving the planning, conduct and evaluation of peace building interventions in post conflict situations.Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, 2000.
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Mortlock, Alice. "Assessing the conditions for multilateral interventions or non-interventions : intervention and non-intervention in the Asia Pacific region : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for degree of Masters of Political Science at the University of Canterbury /." 2006. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20070130.121404.
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Shamlall, Avashnee. "Conflict management in a privately owned trucking business." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/10806.
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In its broadest sense, conflict refers to circumstances in which the interests of different parties are not aligned. This can lead to open hostilities between the parties which have potential to negatively affect the organisational environment if let uncontrolled. However, if managed constructively, conflict can offer positive value in ensuring effective performance within the organisation. This study focussed on conflict related issues within a privately owned trucking business based in Durban. Senior management of this company has indicated the ever increasing prevalence and occurrence of conflict related issues within the company which is negatively affecting the business. Therefore, this study was deemed highly appropriate for this specific company. The objectives of the study were to identify the sources of conflict within the company, evaluate the frequency and extent of conflict within the company, and identify conflict inducing work related procedures as well as the contribution of internal communication processes towards conflict within the organisation. The quantitative method as well as qualitative research methodology was used for this study. The research instrument was distributed to all staff members within the company. Information was gathered from the sample (n=78) by means of a questionnaire comprising 3 demographic questions, 22 closed ended likert scale type questions and 2 open ended questions. The simple random sampling technique was employed in this study which was then statistically analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) program. The findings outlined source problem areas of conflict within the company, frequency and extent of conflict within the company and certain pitfalls of existing work related practices and procedures that contribute to conflict within the company. The conclusions and recommendations of this study are bound to positively contribute and add value to the company. Though this study was too small to generalise to the entire trucking industry, pertinent recommendations made will certainly contribute to substantially reduce the occurrence of negative conflict within the organisation.Thesis (MBA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.
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Mugabe, Aggee M. Shyaka. "The Rwandan process of unity and reconciliation : its potential for building sustainable peace." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/4992.
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This study is an evaluation of the Rwandan unity and reconciliation process and was undertaken to assess whether it possesses the potential for building sustainable peace in the country. The study used an analytical method to measure the key activities of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, the national body that oversees the efforts aimed at promoting unity and reconciliation among Rwandans. Before properly analysing the process, the study outlined a number of conditions that are necessary for true reconciliation and sustainable peace to be achieved. The analysis allowed a comparison of these conditions to the context in which the unity and reconciliation process is being conducted in Rwanda. This required the exploration of the entire situation at political, economic and social levels. Particular attention has been paid to the situation after the 1994 genocide to examine developments from then until to the present. It became evident during the study that decisive structural changes have been undertaken to prepare a supportive environment for unity, reconciliation and peace. Appropriate structures' reform occurs in the domains of good governance, economic planning and justice. It also became evident, however, that some important obstacles to unity and peace persist, specifically poverty, reluctance to cooperate with 'Gacaca' traditional courts, corruption and opportunistic political leaders. Appropriate measures have to be taken in addressing these issues for sustainable peace to be a new way of life for all Rwandans. Generally, the study showed that the process of unity and reconciliation in Rwanda has the potential to succeed since high governing leaders are engaged to restore unity and reconciliation in the country. Political will, the study revea led, is an essential ingredient for sustainable peace. The study also listed a number of encouraging results of the process and proposed some measures to strengthen unity, reconciliation and peace.Thesis (M. Com.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.
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Genet, Terry. "Resolution or recess? : an empirical analysis of the causes of recurring civil war : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science in the University of Canterbury /." 2007. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20080107.132242.
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Yobo, Dorcas Adjeley. "The human security paradigm as a challenge for the African Union in promoting peace and security in Africa : a case study of the Sudan/Darfur conflict." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/942.
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Using the Sudan/Darfur Conflict as a case study, this work seeks to address how and why the human security paradigm is a challenge for the African Union in its effort to establish long-term peace and stability in Africa. The purpose of the study is to assess the extent to which the human security model provides a realistic option with regard to the AU’s efforts which are aimed at enhancing peace and security in Africa. The key issues to be appraised include the extent to which AU’s policy framework for intervention in crisis situations emphasizes the need to protect the most vulnerable population groups such as non-combatant women and children, IDPs, and refugees; the parameters of the AU’s intervention framework and how effective the organization has been in addressing human security issues in Darfur; the challenges faced by the regional military forces and key development stakeholders in carrying out initiatives that will alleviate human suffering and simultaneously create conditions conducive to conflict resolution and a long term peace building process in Darfur; and proffering new prospects of action to ensure human security in armed conflicts The emergence of deep ethnic conflicts, the rise of rebel groups, and new and ambitious security initiatives have made regional efforts at establishing peace more daunting than before. The AU has started putting human beings more and more at the centre of its management of peace and security issues, but it remains severely constrained by financial and logistical problems. As a result, its success has been dependent on foreign contributions, something its predecessor (Organization of African Unity) always fought against. This study highlights the fact that AU efforts to ensure peace in Africa continue to be constantly frustrated due to the failure of African leaders to address the root threats to human security. Their failure to do so has in fact worsened the human security situation on the continent. The paper focuses on challenges faced by the AU specifically in the Darfur region, and explores whether the AU can be an actor in the promotion of human security. The main argument here is that the AU’s ownership approach to peace and security in the African continent, which emphasizes that African problems need to be solved by Africans, is fundamentally correct. However, for this to be successful Africans need to stop asking for whatever they think they can get from the international community and focus on what they really need. This does not deny the importance of promoting a strong global political will to assist African peacekeeping efforts, especially in terms of logistics and finances. Rather, the challenge for the AU is to use donor support strategically and to continue to employ a conflict preventive approach, one which places great emphasis on the significance and need for African leaders to start addressing human security issues from their root causes –whether social, economic or political. With the collaborative efforts of nongovernmental organizations, subregional organizations and the civil society, the AU could establish ‘AU alert institutions’ which will aim at ensuring that minority groups have a political voice, thus not only reducing the chances of ethnically based conflicts but also ensuring that sustainable development projects are implemented by tackling the root causes of conflict.Thesis (M. Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2009.
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Wereta, Yoseph Woubalem. "Peace education for managing institutional conflict : a case study of Addis Ababa University." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26745.
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This study focused on investigating the significance of peace education to manage institutional conflict at Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. As conflict is inevitable in all settings, the need for looking at diversified ways of mitigating conflict is paramount and mandatory. Higher education should serve communities and nations in generating solutions on one hand and as well generating educated human power equipped with basic knowledge, skills and required attitude, on the other hand. The situation observed in the study area of AAU and other universities is a concern because the level and magnitude of conflict being experienced in university campuses is increasing. Taking this into consideration, the study employed a qualitative inquiry and collected data from students, academic staff from a variety of departments, the student administration wing student, the Institute of Peace and Security Studies and support staff. The findings of the study tried to identify the nature and cause of conflict. Moreover, it collected data regarding the measures currently taken by the university and as well investigated to what extent peace education can serve as an instrument to manage institutional conflict in AAU. Most of the conflict types were found to be dysfunctional, which involves the affective domain based on the feelings and emotions of the conflicting parties, mainly students to each other. It was injected by ethnic conflict and almost no dialogue is held to resolve the conflicts among them. On the other hand, turbulent situations in the society are enacted at the university, with students entering into conflict demanding their ethnic groups’ democratic and human rights. When conflicts arise, conflict resolving mechanisms are traditional with the university resorting to the use of the external police force with dire consequences such as imprisonment, detainment and even death. The study thus investigated and revealed the potential of peace education as an innovative solution to resolve conflict collaboratively thus satisfying all parties.Educational Management and Leadership
Ph. D. (Education Leadership and Management)
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Varjavandi, Roya. "A participatory action research study of junior youth-led community action in Durban, South Africa." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10321/2609.
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Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Degree of Masters of Management Sciences Specialising in Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017.Informed by Bronfenbrenner’s theory of social ecosystems and embedded in the Freirean pedagogy of participatory and critical praxis, this youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) study aims to highlight the power and potential of young people as peacebuilders. Bringing attention to the powerful capacity young people have in transforming society, the entire process was guided by the following meta-question: “how can YPAR assist young people to become active agents in the construction of peace?” Approximately 20 young people aged between 13 and 17 from a low-income high-density neighbourhood in central Durban became co-researcher volunteers in the program. Their participation in a six phases process involved exploration and identification of the social needs of the community, followed by planning, implementing and evaluating a peacebuilding intervention. The data itself is comprised of the activities that constituted the YPAR program, including drama skits, mapping and photo story posters. The data was collected using research diaries, video and audio recording and photography. Through the involvement of participants in research and action as “peace leaders,” the findings highlight the potential of YPAR in the peacebuilding field.
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Phiriepa, Boitumelo. "The role of democratization in conflict resolution and peace building in Southern Africa : a case study of South Africa / Boitumelo Phiriepa." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/11436.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the study was to investigate the role of democratisation in peace building
and conflict resolution.
The findings of the study have revealed that democratisation plays a pivotal role in conflict resolution and peace building. It provides legitimacy for governments and encourages people's participation in decision-making on issues that affect their lives; democratic processes contribute to the effectiveness of the state policies and developmental strategies.
The study has also showed that democratic institutions and practices foster the governmental accountability and transparency necessary to deter national and transnational crime and corruption and encourage increased responsiveness to popular concerns. In development, they increase the likelihood that the state goals reflect broad societal concerns and that the government is sensitive to the societal environmental costs of its development policies.
By involving people in decision-making, democracy ensures mutual respect and satisfaction between the state and its citizens, and this in turn promotes peace and stability in a country.M.A. (Peace studies and International Studies) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005
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Mkhize, Bongani Innocent. "Improving conflict resolution in cooperatives : a study in the Vumengazi authortity, Umlazi." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10321/2921.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management Science (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017.Conflict amongst cooperative members in Vumengazi, KwaZulu-Natal, is a major cause of concern, growing to an extent that threatens their survival. Lack of management skills tends to create conflict in cooperatives: members vie for a management position in the business, however, they often have no clear commitment or understanding of the duties required in management positions, even enough to handle the day-to-day challenges. Some of the groups formed a cooperative not because they have a joint objective, but because they planned to use the cooperative as a platform to access available resources. In most cases, the groups who formed the basis for this study lacked cohesiveness and this led to internal conflicts and an inability to work together. In most of the cooperatives, there were no professional business plans and they lacked feasibility with identifiable and foreseeable market opportunities. There were no drafted documents constitutions to govern the directors. The researcher undertook this study to investigate the following: • What are the contributing factors to conflict within the cooperatives? • What is the role of the 2005 Co-operatives Act in resolving conflict within the cooperatives? • What are effective ways to resolve conflicts within the cooperatives? A case study design using qualitative methodology was used in this study. In-depth understanding was needed; qualitative methodology was appropriate for a study of this nature. A sample of four co-operatives out of 20 from Wards 84 and 100, eNgonyameni Tribal Area, Vumengazi, was selected to identify the nature, extent, causes and consequences of conflicts, to assess the effectiveness of existing provisions for conflict resolution and the way they are implemented, to plan and implement an intervention strategy aimed at resolving conflicts to provide a foundation to resolve future conflicts. I engaged five people in a participatory action research programme and a focus group to establish the findings. Findings include a low standard of education among members; some members are very old who do not respect the youth. Gossip among the members led to cooperative issues being discussed in the community, thereby exacerbating conflict. Some of the cooperative members have primary education and they are unable to read and write English, however, the Act is written in English. Members of the cooperatives do not deal with conflict nor resolve it; there is no plan in place for such resolution. Members therefore keep grudges and bring them to work and meetings. Mismanagement of funds was found to be problematic. Conflict occurred regularly, partially because of the inability to analyse conflict among members and inability to apply peaceful conflict resolution methods. Recommendations as a result of the study are that peace education, both formal and informal, must be a prerequisite for cooperatives, to help members deal with individual emotions and behaviours and to avoid more aggressive approaches in running a cooperative. Local Economic Development officials and Ward Councillors need to come closer to rural cooperatives because of their stated interest in alleviating poverty in the area through peaceful running of cooperatives. Conflict does not allow cooperatives to flourish.
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Kgosiemang, Seikhuni Stephen. "An investigation into South Africa's foreign policy towards conflict resolutions in the South African Development Community (SADC) region case study : South Africa's intervention in Lesotho / Stephen Seikhuni Kgosiemang." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/11330.
Full textAbstract:
The tragic events within the South African Development Community (SADC) countries
e.g. Civil war and conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), evoked a
rethinking on the pivotal role assigned to the United Nations (UN) and the international
community in African conflict resolution. Subsequently, there emerged clarion calls for
African solutions to African conflict,. with foreign intervention only playing a
complementary role. This unfolding of events put a democratic South Africa in a good
stead to take this initiative in the SADC region.
In this study, the nature of South Africa's involvement in conflict resolution within
SADC region. is outlined. The main objective is to outline reasons which have moulded
South African intervention in Lesotho, and its impacts on her perceptions about prospects
for future African initiatives in the twenty first century. South Africa adopted a
remarkably ambivalent foreign policy towards the region and indeed the rest of the
continent. It is however, in the light of that development that a democratic South Africa
became a dominant member state within SADC to enable her the capabilities of bringing
African solutions (SADC in particular) to African conflicts.
It is on this note that South Africa has intervened successfully towards resolving the
Lesotho conflicts. South African foreign policy objective of enhancing international
peace and security by maintaining efforts towards a lasting resolution of conflicts,
stability and security situation in Lesotho achieved, and the general elections were
ultimately held.
It is however, acknowledged that South African government has made a firm
commitment to developing its role as a voice for the global South. In supporting this
statement, South Africa should seriously develop a reputation, culture and capacity as a
patron of peace promotion which means continuing with investing political will and
resources in mediation and human resources, and also engage in a concerted campaign to improve the peace-keeping ability and security mechanisms of the SADC through a
commitment of technical and human resources.(M.Soc.Sc.) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005
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Kuzhanga, Terry Tafadzwa. "Non-governmental organisations' role in conflict transformation : the case of Zimbabwe since the inception of the Government of National Unity, 2009-2012." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/11412.
Full textAbstract:
Zimbabwe as a country has successively been faced with a number of challenges that others argue to be a result of either poor governance or colonial imbalances. However, despite the contestation with regards to the cause of the crisis situation, several armed struggles continued to wreck the economy. This continuous collapse of the economy resulted in the ruling government slowly becoming unpopular to the people, thus it paved way to the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC); an opposition political party to the dominant Zimbabwe African National Union –Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). The formation of the opposition party then triggered tensions, which later saw the March 2008 elections’ tension calling for a power-sharing agreement. Therefore, it is against this background that the research critically examines the role played by Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in conflict transformation since the formation of the unity government. In addition, the study is also conducted against the background of scholarly interest to understand the relationship between CSOs and the Zimbabwean government, during the period that marked the introduction of the inclusive government 2009-2012. The study will also look at the key competencies of CSOs, which are complimentary to the process of conflict transformation and further outline the need for active participation from CSOs and other stakeholders to the process. In addition, it is worth noting that while CSOs make numerous attempts to vigorously participate in conflict transformation, factors such as restrictive government policies, lack of funding and government interference continually undermines their contribution. Autonomous and sustainable operations of CSOs in such limiting environments is virtually impossible hence, there is need for drastic measures to be employed in order to address this contradiction.Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.
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Binenwa, Jean Bosco Nsengiyumva. "Reintegrating ex-combatants : an action research project in a Rwandan agricultural cooperative." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10321/1541.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Management Sciences: Public Management, specialising in Peacebuilding, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016.Post-conflict countries have a range of needs of interventions in the reconstruction efforts. These efforts require immediate, medium and long term interventions. DDR process require the immediate restoration of security which requires demobilization in the both the regular army and armed groups. Demobilized combatants need to be economically and socially re-integrated in their local communities. Therefore governments through demobilization commissions or programmes ensure that ex-combatant is re-integrated as matter of governments’ responsibility. In the specific case of this research, former members of armed groups from DRC and former RDF soldiers all members of an Agricultural cooperative based in Jabana (Kigali City) have been participants to this research which is by nature an action research project aiming most importantly on participation outputs oriented to learning. Before this project, economic, political, social and psychological dimensions among the ex-combatants were frustrating. However, after this project, the following were discovered: Economically, the approaches that have been used allowed ex-combatants to learn basic and necessary skills of creative entrepreneurship while working in corporate setting. Socially, this research discovered that the nature of research requires working in group settings in addition to personal and collective participation toward the attainment of the project’s objectives. Working in group settings is the social cohesion that originates from sharing common goals, interests, successes and failures if any. In addition, group members became best friends among themselves and relied on each other in time of need. At psychological level, ex-combatants have gained self-confidence, self-trust, and removal of past negative clichés that they used to hold against each other. Finally, in the implementation of this research, aspects of peace-building, together with unity and reconciliation and peace-building in its broad term has been witnessed from its outset to the concluding phase of the research. Recommendations were devised; some are formulated towards ex-combatants at individual level and others for RDRP.
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Munemo, Douglas. "The search for peace, reconciliation and unity in Zimbabwe : from the 1978 internal settlement to the 2008 global political agreement." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20700.
Full textAbstract:
This study is a critical examination of the complex search for peace, reconciliation and unity in Zimbabwe between the years 1978 and 2008, with a view to identify factors that have been blocking sustainable peace, national unity, reconciliation and development. It is a qualitative study which draws data from document analysis and oral interviews. The specific focus of the study is an analysis of the four peace agreements signed in this period namely; the 1978 Internal Settlement, the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, the 1987 Unity Accord and the 2008 Global Political Agreement. Its central thesis is that coloniality in its multifaceted invisible forms is largely responsible for conflicts that have engulfed Zimbabwe and for compromising the chances of success of the four peace agreements. Coloniality has produced a ‘postcolonial’ leadership that has continued to practice politics in a violent, repressive, corrupt and unaccountable manner because of interpellation by the very immanent logic of colonialism that reproduces such inimical practices as racism, tribalism, regionalism and patriarchy. Theoretically, the study deploys de-colonial epistemic perspective in its endeavour to unmask and explain challenges to peace, unity, reconciliation and development in Zimbabwe. Finally, the thesis makes a strong case for pursuit of decoloniality as the panacea to conflicts and as an approach to conflict resolution and peace building that privileges decolonization and deimperialization so that Zimbabwe’s development goals could be achieved.Development Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)