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1
Apuuli, Kasaija Phillip. "The African Union and Peacekeeping in Africa: Challenges and Opportunities." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 667–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-667-677.
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Africa continues to suffer from outbreaks of conflict, with evidence pointing to an increasing number of violent armed incidents. The establishment of the African Union (AU) heralded (or so it was hoped) a new era in how African conflicts are managed and resolved. Since 2003, the AU has mandated a number of peace support operations including the African Union Mission in Burundi (AMIB), the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS), and the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), as a means to manage conflicts on the continent. In more recent times, the organization has also authorized three operations dealing with non-state armed groups namely the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), Boko Haram and the Sahel Region Jihadists. Whilst some of these peace support missions recorded successes in meeting their mandates, generally all of them faced or are facing a number of challenges including funding, and logistical inadequacies among others. At the same time, the AU’s engagement in peacekeeping in Africa has occasioned opportunities for the organization including: increasing its capacity building in the area of conflict prevention, management and resolution; adoption of initiatives like “Silencing the Guns” aimed at lessening the outbreak of conflicts; and establishing its own funding mechanisms on how to support its mandated and authorized peace support missions among others.
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Smith, Stephen W. "Sudan: In a Procrustean Bed with Crisis." International Negotiation 16, no. 1 (2011): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180611x553917.
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AbstractCivil war in Sudan ‐ first between the North and the South, then in Darfur ‐ extends over half a century, interrupted only by a spell of uneasy peace between 1972 and 1983. Over time, a number of analytical templates have been propounded to account for the quasi-permanent crisis. The causes for conflict in Sudan have thus been pegged to the legacy of colonialism, ethno-religious divide, Islamist terrorism, a resource war, state failure, regional conflict concatenation, genocide, and a “turbulent state paradigm” (Alex de Waal). This article takes stock of the various frameworks offered for explanation both in academic writing and the broader media discourse on Sudan. The critical assessment provides for a rehearsal of available scholarship and leads to three interlocking conclusions: (1) the translation of local/national conflict into relevant international language is a form of reciprocal resource mobilization; (2) conflict analysis, and with all the more reason conflict management, are always part of the unfolding crisis they strive to come to terms with; and (3) conflict analysis ought to be predicated on an “uncertainty principle” akin to the one postulated by Werner Heisenberg for quantum physics, because the momentum of a conflict and its analytical fixation inexorably escape each other.
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Williams, Paul D. "Keeping the Peace in Africa: Why “African” Solutions Are Not Enough." Ethics & International Affairs 22, no. 3 (2008): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2008.00158.x.
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Since the early 1990s, a variety of African and Western governments alike have often suggested that finding “African solutions to African problems” represents the best approach to keeping the peace in Africa. Not only does the empirical evidence from post-Cold War Africa suggest that there are some fundamental problems with this approach, it also rests upon some problematic normative commitments. Specifically in relation to the problem of armed conflict, the “African solutions” logic would have at least three negative consequences: it would undermine the UN; it would provide a convenient excuse for powerful Western states that wished to avoid sending their own soldiers to peace operations in Africa; and it would help African autocrats fend off international, especially Western, criticism of their policies. After providing an overview of the constituent elements of the “African solutions” approach, this article sets out in general terms the central problems with it before turning to a specific illustration of how these problems affected the international responses to the ongoing war in Darfur, Sudan. Instead of searching for “African solutions”, policymakers should focus on developing effective solutions for the complex challenges raised by the issue of armed conflict in Africa. To this end, Western states in general and the P-3 in particular should give greater support to conflict management activities undertaken by the United Nations, develop clearer guidelines for how these should relate to regional initiatives, and facilitate the efforts of civic associations to build the foundations for stable peace in the continent's war zones.
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Sassi, Maria. "Coping Strategies of Food Insecure Households in Conflict Areas: The Case of South Sudan." Sustainability 13, no. 15 (August 2, 2021): 8615. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13158615.
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The surge in acute food insecurity due to conflict calls for sound evidence-based policymaking. Unfortunately, the knowledge on behaviours of households when they face a food shortage in these situations is under-reported in the literature. Our paper contributes to the covering of this gap by presenting the food consumption and livelihood-based coping mechanisms used by households in Western Bahr el Ghazal in South Sudan, distinguishing between rural areas and the Wau Protection of Civilian camp. We used a descriptive research design and unique primary data collected by the submission of a survey to a sample of 838 households from July–August 2020. In the alarming hunger situation in the investigated areas, households deeply use coping mechanisms independently of their food security status. The majority of them are at the breakdown of their coping ability. The behaviours used by households indicate a wider social catastrophe that the long-term consequences of these mechanisms can further accentuate. Food assistance resulted in a relatively better situation in the Wau Protection of Civilian camp. The paper confirms the centrality of a humanitarian-development-peace approach to food security in the investigated area, where the support of livelihood strategies and opportunities for households and the promotion of sound institutions have paramount roles.
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Putra, Bama Andika. "Hindrances to Third-Party Interventions in Conflict Resolution: United Nations and Patterns of Constraints in Resolving the Lord’s Resistance Army Conflict Between 2008-2012." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 3 (May 10, 2021): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0079.
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Since 1987, the Lord’s Resistance Army has continued systematic human rights violations in the Central African region. Cases of kidnapping, village raids, mass rapes, and murders, have become defining factors to the urgency of resolving the crisis. In an attempt to respond to the conflict, the United Nations Security Council has initiated a number of political and military-based resolutions to control the conflict since 2008, which includes extending UN peacekeeping mandates in Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, and South Sudan, as well as coordinate efforts with relevant African Union bodies. However, its success is far-reached, urging the need to contextualize the forms of hindrances that the UN faced in responding to the crisis. Employing Rourke and Bouyer’s (1996) concept of collective security and measures of response success, with a research limitation set to 2008-2012, a qualitative research utilizing secondary data is implemented, concluding the following hindrances that can be categorized into the following; (1) Implementation of the additional mandate of the UN Peace Forces, (2) Application of the AU Regional Task Force, and (3) Implementation of the Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Resettlement, and Reintegration program.
Received: 16 December 2020 / Accepted: 11 March 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021
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Mengisti, Michael, Tekleab Gala, and Girma Birru. "Environmentally Conscious Least Cost Multi-Criteria Decision Making for Modeling Railway Network for Eritrea." International Journal of Sustainable Development and Planning 16, no. 3 (June 22, 2021): 427–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18280/ijsdp.160303.
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A proper development of railway transportation is critical for sustainable socio-economic and environmental benefits. Nonetheless, in Eritrea, a country that once had a vibrant railway system, it is currently nonfunctional. There are also ambitious sectoral investments in neighboring Ethiopia and Sudan, pressing Eritrea to revitalize its decimated railway transportation system. Therefore, this study used population settlement pattern, environmental and physical criteria as inputs to a least-cost multi-criteria decision-making for modeling the railway network for Eritrea. Accordingly, seven railway routes, covering a total of 1, 610 km distance, were modeled. Four are running in the north-to-south directions, while three are running in the east-to-west directions. This railway network will give services to 5 out of 6 Eritrean’s administrative regions, where 93% of the estimated 5.8 million people reside. Additionally, it will service the 21 urban centers, where an estimated population of 1,658,749 live; approximately 70% of Eritrea’s urban population. Besides, it shall boost regional integration, peace, and development thereof, in an otherwise conflict-ravaged geographical region.
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Lefler, Ashley. "Building Peace in South Sudan." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 6 (October 1, 2015): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v6i0.4416.
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The outbreak of violence in South Sudan in December 2013 has enlarged ethnic divides and reversed the development advances the young nation has struggled to achieve since independence; while the continued deadlock in the IGAD-led negotiation process provides little hope of a negotiated peace settlement. A peacebuilding strategy that takes into account the context-specific circumstances of this intra-state conflict enhances the opportunity for peace and development in South Sudan, and provides the international community an opportunity to contribute to peace in a meaningful way. Limited capacity, deep and persistent ethnic divisions, corruption and a long memory of brutality within the civilian population complicate prospects for peace in the country. An examination of recent peacebuilding efforts in South Sudan reveals a fragmented and provisional approach. Using the framework of Ali and Matthews, this paper outlines a peacebuilding strategy for South Sudan that addresses root causes, consequences and legacies of the conflict, while taking into consideration the unique country specific circumstances. Recognizing the need to move from negative to positive peace, this paper prioritizes security and political arrangements as essential prerequisites for success in economic development and justice and reconciliation. The role of the international community, regional/sub-regional organizations and global civil society.
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Ndelu, T. "Conflict management and peace building through community development." Community Development Journal 33, no. 2 (April 1, 1998): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/33.2.109.
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Hilhorst, Dorothea, and Mathijs van Leeuwen. "Grounding local peace organisations: a case study of southern Sudan." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 4 (October 24, 2005): 537–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001217.
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Since the early 1990s, building peace during and after conflict has been moving away from the conference tables of diplomats to informal settings created by local NGOs. The vast majority, if not all, of the peacebuilding policy and literature argues for strengthening local organisations as vehicles for peace. This paper starts from the observation that there is a dire lack of organisational perspective to the processes set into motion. Current local peacebuilding policy, we argue, is based on analyses that are far removed from the everyday practices of the actors engaged in peacebuilding. The paper offers instead a qualitative approach that gives central attention to the dynamics of peace organisations and the way conflict is experienced in the everyday life of local people. It analyses the case of one local women's peace organisation: the ‘Sudanese Women's Voice for Peace’. Peacebuilding is done by people, and the dynamics of their organisation are crucial for its success. The paper argues that a process approach to peace organisations will enhance agencies' efforts for local peacebuilding. Such an approach focuses on the question how actors in and around organisations give meaning to an organisation. The paper outlines this approach, presents five central properties of local peace organisations, and discusses what lessons can be learnt from this perspective for the practice of peacebuilding.
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Augustinus, Clarissa, and Ombretta Tempra. "Fit-for-Purpose Land Administration in Violent Conflict Settings." Land 10, no. 2 (February 1, 2021): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10020139.
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According to the United Nations (UN) Refugee Agency, there were 79.5 million forcibly displaced people worldwide by the end of 2019. Evictions from homes and land are often linked to protracted violent conflict. Land administration (LA) can be a small part of UN peace-building programs addressing these conflicts. Through the lens of the UN and seven country cases, the problem being addressed is: what are the key features of fit-for-purpose land administration (FFP LA) in violent conflict contexts? FFP LA involves the same LA elements found in conventional LA and FFP LA, and LA in post conflict contexts, as it supports peace building and conflict resolution. However, in the contexts being examined, FFP LA also has novel features as well, such as extra-legal transitional justice mechanisms to protect people and their land rights and to address historical injustices and the politics of exclusion that are the root causes of conflict. In addition, there are land governance and power relations’ implications, as FFP LA is part of larger UN peace-building programs. This impacts the FFP LA design. The cases discussed are from Darfur/Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Honduras, Iraq, Jubaland/Somalia, Peru and South Sudan.
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Wale, S. M. "The Philippine experience in conflict management and peace building." Community Development Journal 33, no. 2 (April 1, 1998): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/33.2.170.
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Badiey, Naseem. "THE STRATEGIC INSTRUMENTALIZATION OF LAND TENURE IN ‘STATE-BUILDING’: THE CASE OF JUBA, SOUTH SUDAN." Africa 83, no. 1 (January 22, 2013): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201200071x.
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ABSTRACTDebates over land tenure have been instrumental to state-building in South Sudan since the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Focusing on the local dynamics of post-conflict reconstruction in the town of Juba, this article argues that amidst the political and institutional change inaugurated by the transition from war to peace, debates over land provided a basis for the negotiation of the South Sudanese state. Actors at a variety of levels employed competing interpretations of rights to land as state-building strategies – as tools towards promoting particular visions of the state and of citizenship.
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al Sajib, S. M. Sadat, and Muhammad Kazim Nur Sohad. "Contested Peace: The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord." Social Change 48, no. 2 (June 2018): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085718768912.
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Located in the south-east corner of Bangladesh, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) have a history of a vicious conflict between its Bengali settlers and the Paharis, specifically the indigenous community, the Pahari-adivasis. The region’s already volatile background further escalated thanks to the nation-building approach that was being followed by the state after Bangladesh became independent in 1971. This inclination triggered an insurgency movement whose leaders demanded regional autonomy and a recognition of their identity so that people could lead a life of dignity. To quell the movement, the state resorted to military force. Later to introduce peace, the CHT Peace Accord was signed in 1997. However, though it did succeed in bringing about an element of stability, the accord failed in its larger objective as it excluded the engagement of the larger mass of Pahari people. Just over twenty years after the accord was signed, we examine, through a research study, why it neither lead to sustainable peace nor was it successful in its goal of conflict management.
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Shannon, Megan. "Preventing War and Providing the Peace?" Conflict Management and Peace Science 26, no. 2 (April 2009): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894208101127.
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I explore whether international organizations (IOs) promote peaceful conflict management. Using territorial claims data, I find that organizations with interventionist capabilities encourage disputing members to attempt peaceful conflict resolution. Then, to more fully uncover the causal relationship between IOs and conflict management, I investigate the influence of IOs on bilateral dispute settlement separately from third party settlement.The analyses reveal that institutions do not promote bilateral negotiations between members, indicating that the socialization and trust-building capabilities of IOs are limited. However, institutions foster multilateral talks, demonstrating that IOs broker bargaining with third party diplomatic intervention.
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Mrsevic, Zorica, and Svetlana Jankovic. "Implementation of principle of local ownership: From victimization to empowerment of women." Temida 20, no. 1 (2017): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1701023m.
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The paper presents the existence of a conflict between local ownership and the introduction of gender equality in situations of post-conflict peace-building under the control of international actors, mostly UN peacekeeping forces. The authors present the essential meanings of the term ?local ownership? and understanding of its importance for the success of peacekeeping missions and reforms of the security sector in post-conflict societies in achieveing lasting peace. Local civil or military leaders can actually consider that gender equality is not needed in their culture, and that the participation of women in the security sector is not socio-culturally acceptable. That is why various international actors may be reluctant to advocate for gender equality, considering it as an imposition of foreign cultural values that could potentially destabilize the security sector reform process. The paper presents examples of Sahel region, South Sudan, South Africa, East Timor and Sri Lanka, ilustrating that women and men have different experiences of conflict, and that women in conflict and post-conflict situations are especially vulnerable to sexual and other forms of gender-based violence. Therefore, women?s active participation in peace-building and ending violence and conflicts is essential for peace, security and general cessation of further victimization of women. Supporting the existing power relations characterized by structural gender inequality and violence diminish the value of security sector reform. Moreover, the process of peace-building is destabilized by maintaining permanent sources of victimization of women, discrimination and easy outbreak of armed conflict. This might result in the poorly reformed security sector, which only fits the needs of male local dominant groups and protects their interests, leaving majority of women still in a situation of high risk from various forms of victimization.
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Rozpedowski, Joanna K. "Just Peace at War’s End." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 26 (March 31, 2015): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.26.6.
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The contemporary period is characterized by intense scholarly, legal and socio-political debates about the conceptual framework, which ought to guide state responses to unmitigated violence resulting from protracted armed conflicts across the globe. The prevalence of military interventionist discourse in the media and governmental organizations necessitates further reflection on the international community’s legal obligations not only with respect to putting an end to violence, but holding aggressors of armed perpetrations individually accountable for political unrest, economic destabilization and loss of life as well as responsible for the reestablishment of social and political order on the ground, which are to ensure human security in the process of post-conflict nation-building. The analysis of two recent conflicts in Kosovo and Iraq will provide a critical foundation for the examination of international bodies’ and state actors’, such as the United Nations (in the case of Kosovo) and of the United States (in the case of Iraq), implementation of legal mechanisms by which the jus post bellum principles can be made useful for, both, (i) the purposes of providing justifications for war and (ii) post-conflict restoration of order. In addition, relevant connections will be examined between the principles guiding humanitarian interventions and just war narratives, which make military intermediations publically palpable. The study and conclusions drawn may prove especially pertinent to a continuing diplomatic stalemate with regard to armed conflicts in Syria and Ukraine, renewed tensions in South Sudan, the Central African Republic and various micro-insurgencies in Somalia, Libya or Mali.
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Sharma, Rajendra. "Contract for Peace: Peace Agreements and its Security Implication." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 3, no. 1 (February 3, 2020): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v3i1.27527.
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Negotiated settlements have been increasingly accepted as the preferred way of ending civil wars. Studies show that only 50 percent of negotiated settlements last beyond five years, while in others, negotiated settlements have been shown to keep the peace for only three and half years. Contrary to this, the peace agreements/understandings were universally considered as the pivotal blue print for conflict transformation and peace buildings. In our case, the management of arms and armies, reintegration of few former rebels in the national army, promulgation of the constitution from the constituent assembly etc. are the crucial tasks of the peace process. In this context, this paper highlights the major peace agreements (2005-2010) reached between the then Communist Party of Nepal (CPN)-Maoist and the seven parliamentary party alliance’s government and simultaneously tries to analyze these agreements’ influence on security. The 12-point understanding of 2005 concluded in New Delhi is the guiding framework of the Nepalese peace process and has its geostrategic implication as well. Likewise, the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) of 2006 is a milestone in bringing about an end to the decade of old civil war and beginning an inclusive, secular, peaceful and democratic nation-building process. Despite everything, delaying the transitional justice process and staling the social reconciliation can be the potential reason for a reprisal of conflict
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Poroma, Celestine Lekia, Dorka Godbless Deedam, and Victor Owonaro Jerry-Abredi. "The Imperative of Restructuring and Conflict Management in Nigeria." Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 17, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/9102/71(0240).
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The study examines the Nigerian State and the imperative of restructuring as conflict management strategy towards peace-building. The study adopts an expository and descriptive analytical framework. It traces the persistent conflicts and agitations to the dysfunctional structure of the Federal system and argues that historically, Nigeria is fraught with conflicts, some of them life threatening, others minor and pedestrian. It maintains that the imperative of restructuring is a sine-quo-non to sustainable conflict management and peace-building that will develop constructive relationships across ethnic and national boundaries to resolve injustice and transform structural conditions that generates deadly conflict. It revealed that the challenge facing the Nigerian nation is how to make conflicts constructive rather than destructive, marginal rather than fundamental, peripheral rather than pivotal. The study suggests that the Nigerian State needs attitudinal restructuring and systemic framework that will guarantee economic and political freedom of the minorities and the marginalized within the sovereign State and built a pluralist democratic State where the rights of all citizens are respected. It also seek to blend power with principle and reconcile authority with freedom, and put a robust peace infrastructure in place to play a preventive and mitigating role.
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Orhero, Abraham Ejogba. "CONFLICTS AND CRISES IN NIGERIA: MANAGEMENT AND RESOLUTION FOR PEACE BUILDING." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 361–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3127.
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Conflicts and crises do not imply peace rather they are anti-peace. They stand for or symbolize problems in human society. Historically, Nigeria profiles the highest statistics of violent conflicts in Africa. These conflicts range from land disputes, resource control, and ethnic cleavages to wars of liberation. Unfortunately, the dilemma confronting Nigeria today is not really the occurrence of conflicts and crises in the real sense, but how to resolve them in such a manner as to prevent the past ones from reoccurring and contain the present ones from escalating or degenerating into full-scale war. Therefore, it is against this backdrop that this paper examines the nitty-gritty of conflicts and crises, their antecedents, and their management and resolution in Nigeria. The paper also presents methods for better management and resolution of conflicts and crises in Nigeria. Finally, the paper concludes that the traditional conflict resolution techniques such as mediation, reconciliation, adjudication, and negotiation as well as cross-examination which were employed by Africans in the past, offer great prospects for peaceful co-existence and harmonious relationships in post-conflict periods than the modern method of litigation settlements in law courts. Thus, the paper recommends among others that the Nigeria government, especially the National Assembly should make and implement policies aimed at addressing the root and trigger causes of conflicts and crises in the country.
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N., Iruloh Betty Ruth, and Uche Chineze M. "Role of Professional Women in Conflict Resolution and Peace Building in Niger Delta Region of Nigeria." International Journal of Social Science Studies 5, no. 4 (March 27, 2017): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v5i4.2306.
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Oil and gas activities in Southern part of Nigeria have exposed the region to environmental degradation and social vices. This problem has caused conflicts among stakeholders (government, community, companies, institutions, individuals), which has led to community clashes. These conflicts have resulted to the loss of lives and properties. They are also responsible for youth restiveness, low level of women empowerment and lack of peaceful coexistence in the region. This makes the promotion of understanding and dialogue to be a prime issue in the management of conflict, community peace and security. Professional women belong to professional bodies that spread into all works of life; academia, government, industry, legal institution, health sector, financial institutions, NGOs, security sector. This paper discussed issues on causes of conflict in Niger Delta, what roles should professional women play in attaining peace, global examples of professional women in conflict resolution, role of professional women in Niger Delta, way in which women engage in conflict resolution and challenges women face in conflict resolution and peace building. The paper concluded that time has come for everybody to be aware of gender equality and involvement in conflict resolution and peace building. Professional women need to intensify effort in achieving this.
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Ebuara, Victor Obule, and Uduak Imo Ekpoh. "Peace Management and Enhanced Academic Performance of Tertiary Institutions in South-South Nigeria." Higher Education Studies 1, no. 2 (January 3, 2016): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/hes.v1n2p121.
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This study was embarked upon with a view to examining the need for peace in the management of tertiaryinstitutions towards enhancing academic performance in south-south Nigeria. Three hypotheses and one researchquestion guided the study. One thousand, two hundred and nineteen (1219) academic and non-academic staff wereselected for the study. A 31 item researcher developed questionnaire was used to collect data from the sampled staffin their respective institutions. Population t-test and mean scores were used to analyze data collected. Findings showthat peace was advocated but there were serious inadequacies in the implementation and enforcement process ofpeace. Proposed peace was scarcely enforced to the detriment of academic performance. The manner and approachto existing peace management does not actually address the issue of peace building. Based on the findings,recommendations were made which included among others, that conflict resolution and peace education coursesshould be introduced in the school curriculum.
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Handelman, Sapir. "The calculus of peace and conflict: a contractualist perspective." International Journal of Conflict Management 32, no. 4 (July 9, 2021): 673–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-11-2020-0191.
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Purpose Intractable conflict is a long-time violent and self-perpetuating crisis. The peacemaking revolution has the potential to stop the destructive dynamic of the conflict. The purpose of this paper is to present a contractualist model of a peacemaking revolution and its theoretical foundations. It analyzes the revolutionary peacemaking process in Northern Ireland during the 1990s in light of the contractualist model. Design/methodology/approach The paper presents a contractualist model to describe the interplay between leaders (policymakers) and people (public opinion) and its impact on the strategy to cope with situations of intractable conflict. The paper includes theoretical background and a case study analysis. Findings The peacemaking revolution is a process of dynamic equilibrium between peacemaking policy and public expectations for change. It progresses from one point of equilibrium to the next. Originality/value The paper intends to add a fresh perspective to the study of the peacemaking revolution, in general, and the interplay between peacemaking policy and public support in particular. It points out that a consensus-building process, which combines political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy, has the potential to create the conditions for a peacemaking revolution. Political-elite diplomacy offers diplomatic channels for leaders to begin a peace process, support it and conclude agreements. Public diplomacy offers instruments to involve the people in the peacemaking efforts, prepare them for a change and motivate the leaderships to conclude agreements.
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Huda, Muhammad Misbahul. "Actualization of Religious Figures in Building a Culture of Peace in Plajan Pakis Aji Jepara." Al-Mada: Jurnal Agama, Sosial, dan Budaya 4, no. 2 (July 27, 2021): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31538/almada.v4i2.1215.
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The lack of understanding of the culture of peace and the inadequate actualization of religious leaders (Islam, Christianity, and Hinduism) in Plajan Village, has resulted in the stagnation of a culture of peace that has been formed for a long time. Therefore, it is necessary to optimally actualize religious figures (Islam, Christianity, and Hinduism) in Plajan Village. This is because religious leaders are the key agents in fostering religious communities and as projections of the examples of religious adherents. To be stronger, it can also be added with innovation in the realm of peace management. Peace management is the answer to various challenges of division, conflict, and so on. Because peace management emphasizes intensive dialogue or interaction between religious leaders and religious communities. This research methodology uses qualitative research with a case study approach. Data collection techniques through observation and documentation methods. While the data analysis technique uses the Miles Huberman model, which consists of three stages, namely data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions.
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Shelest, Hanna. "Imposed State-Building." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 3 (November 17, 2018): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04203003.
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For the past two years, there have been constant discussions about the possible ‘Bosnianisation’ of Ukrainian conflict management and peacebuilding, meaning both the Dayton process mechanism’s implementation and the possible ‘federalisation’ of Ukraine due to the Minsk agreements. While the two conflicts have significant differences in terms of roots, reasons and development, attempts at their resolution, as well as possible outcomes of the peace processes, have certain similarities. In this article, based on the constructivist approach and method of induction, the author compares the outcomes of the agreements reached in Dayton in 1995 and in Minsk in 2015 and analyses securitisation of state-building, ‘federalisation’ and identity issues during the peace negotiations, along with a state structure imposed by the external actors. Hereby we argue that the Dayton scenario in terms of the state-building is significantly different from what has happened in Ukraine due to their respective historical and ethnic backgrounds. Moreover, a peace agreement per se is not able to form a federal state if there are not sufficient preconditions for substantial decentralisation of the state.
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Clarke, Felicity, Aled Jones, and Lee Smith. "Building Peace through Sports Projects: A Scoping Review." Sustainability 13, no. 4 (February 17, 2021): 2129. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13042129.
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The term peacebuilding has gained traction in academic works since introduction in the 1960s. In recent decades, sport for development and peace (SDP) has also captured the interest of the academic community, with a growing field of work. This scoping review identifies and considers the academic literature on SDP projects deployed as peacebuilding tools in post-conflict communities, to gain a greater understanding of those projects and draw inferences from them collectively. Using strict inclusion criteria, results of database searches were narrowed down to 30 publications, which the review explored through comparing the publications and their findings, to reveal the range of disciplines this research is emerging from, the countries projects are operating in, the demographics targeted, and other key data. The resulting conclusion is that there is scope for more targeted studies to clarify specific demographics to include, whether there is an ideal age to engage with youth, or an optimal timeframe for involvement. Many of the publications reference the importance of being part of broader initiatives, but the best context in which to utilise sport, and how much of an impact is being made on the wider communities, is yet to be determined.
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Reuter, Christian, Jürgen Altmann, Malte Göttsche, and Mirko Himmel. "Natural Science and Technical Peace Research: Definition, History, and Current Work." Sicherheit & Frieden 38, no. 1 (2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2020-1-1.
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Scientific discoveries and technological innovations have always exerted a great influence on peace and security. New civil and military technologies are revolutionizing warfare. Particularly striking areas are cyber warfare and the rapid development of uninhabited weapon systems. Issues of nuclear disarmament, missile defence or space armament as well as chemical and biological weapons remain urgent. The conference SCIENCE · PEACE · SECURITY ’19 aimed for an accurate understanding and fruitful discussions of today’s and tomorrow’s peace and security challenges. This includes natural science/technical as well as interdisciplinary contributions, focusing on problems of international security and peace-building as well as contributions dedicated to transparency, trust-building, arms control, disarmament, and conflict management. This special issue presents selected contributions based on discussions at the conference.
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Gamaghelyan, Philip. "Towards an Inclusive Conception of Best Practices in Peace and Conflict Initiatives: The Case of the South Caucasus." International Negotiation 26, no. 1 (October 12, 2020): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10023.
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Abstract The field of peace and conflict studies has been maturing over the past few decades, not least thanks to the continual epistemological contestation between its philosophy and methodology. As a consequence, the methods of conflict resolution practice have been evolving. Dominated by realist approaches of conflict management during the Cold War, the field in the 1990s relied heavily on neo-liberal theories of economic interdependence, democracy building, and interest-based negotiations that can bring win-win outcomes. By the late 2000s, as the constructivist paradigm and critical theory started gaining ground in academia, the conceptual conversation shifted toward the possibilities of building inclusive societies and achieving structural and cultural peace via conflict transformation, rather than resolution, as the respective methodology.
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Jaireth, Hanna. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Human-Wildlife Conflict and Peace-Building Strategies." Journal of International Wildlife Law & Policy 11, no. 2-3 (December 19, 2008): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13880290802470125.
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Buhaug, Halvard. "Climate Change and Conflict: Taking Stock." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 22, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 331–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2016-0034.
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AbstractIs climate change a major security threat? How has research on climate and conflict progressed in recent years? And where should it move forward? This brief essay reflects on some ways in which climatic changes could constitute a threat to peace and stability. Rather than assuming a direct causal link, the essay argues that climate change may exert an indirect and conditional effect on conflict risk, increasing the security gap between affluent societies well able to cope with climate change and societies already suffering from violence and instability, who are unlikely to achieve successful adaptation on their own. For this reason, peace building is quite possibly the most effective climate resilience policy in unstable corners of the world.
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Dresse, Anaïs, Itay Fischhendler, Jonas Østergaard Nielsen, and Dimitrios Zikos. "Environmental peacebuilding: Towards a theoretical framework." Cooperation and Conflict 54, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836718808331.
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Environmental peacebuilding represents a paradigm shift from a nexus of environmental scarcity to one of environmental peace. It rests on the assumption that the biophysical environment’s inherent characteristics can act as incentives for cooperation and peace, rather than violence and competition. Based on this, environmental peacebuilding presents cooperation as a win-win solution and escape from the zero-sum logic of conflict. However, there is a lack of coherent environmental peacebuilding framework and evidence corroborating the existence of this environment-peace nexus. Building on a multidisciplinary literature review, this article examines the evolution of environmental peacebuilding into an emerging framework. It unpacks the concept and explains its main building blocks (conditions, mechanisms and outcomes) to develop our understanding of when, how and why environmental cooperation can serve as a peacebuilding tool. It assembles these building blocks into three generic trajectories (technical, restorative and sustainable environmental peacebuilding), each characterised according to their own causality, drivers and prerequisites, and illustrated with concrete examples. Finally, this article draws attention to the remaining theoretical gaps in the environmental peacebuilding literature, and lays the foundations for an environmental peacebuilding research agenda that clarifies if and how environmental cooperation can spill over across borders, sectors and scales towards sustainable peace.
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Cortés-Sánchez, Julián David. "INSTITUTIONAL STRENGTH, PEACEBUILDING, AND PRODUCTIVE ENTREPRENEURSHIP - EXPLORATORY ANALYSIS IN COLOMBIA." Business: Theory and Practice 19 (June 4, 2018): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/btp.2018.10.
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After more than half a century of armed conflict, Colombia is moving towards a post-conflict period. National and regional strategies aimed to strengthen institutional capacities, promote productive entrepreneurship and reduce organized violence and crime, are crucial lines of action for the alleviation of current (and future) grievances among ex-combatants, and Colombian society in general. This study presents an exploratory analysis on institutional strength, peacebuilding, and productive entrepreneurship in Colombia. Three composite indices based upon international assessments or seminal studies were developed, namely: Institutional Strength Index; Building Peace Index (based on the Negative Peace Index and Positive Peace Index); and Productive Entrepreneurship Index. The results showed a significant correlation between Institutional Strength Index and Productive Entrepreneurship Index. Population is the variable with the most significant correlation with productive entrepreneurship, employment, GDP, industrial sophistication, innovation, crime and certain types of violence (sexual and domestic).
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Zulhilmi and Ady Muzwardi. "ACEH CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY THE GOVERNMENT OF INDONESIA." JIP (Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan) : Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik Daerah 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 158–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24905/jip.1.1.2016.158-167.
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Aceh peace is a new dynamic on the resolution of conflicts in the region. Eight years have passed and the agreement was signed by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government, while the MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) agreed in 2005. The signing of the MoU symbolically ends Aceh conflict which is prolonged for three decades. Moreover the notable occurance that leads to the weakening of GAM strength is that by December 26, 2004 earthquake and tsunami has devastated the communities in terms of infrastructure and superstructure. While spirit to rebuild Aceh after the disaster emerged, amount of aid coming in the country from as well as foreign institutions such as NGO. The government of Indonesia took this chance to develop Aceh once again and approach GAM to release the tense, to take the path of peace. The government efforts succeed by personalized approach to one of the central figures of GAM. The conflict in Aceh reflects that lobbying skill from the government of Indonesia against GAM is quite excellent. To notice the reconstruction of Aceh peace agreement before, the Cessation of Hostility Agreement (COHA) initiated by the Henry Dunant Center (HDC) stalled. The struggle embodied in the MoU agreement which is initiated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) actually formed by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. While it is done further implementation is left to the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) led by Pieter Feith. In this mission AMM successfully carry out their duties in accordance with the agreement so that it runs alltogether. AMM ended its duties on December 15, 2006 and successfully reconcile the peace process (AMM: 2006). Furthermore, Indonesian Government gives freedom of democracy actively for Aceh and GAM combatants. Troop’s withdrawal process also the destruction of non-organic military and police weapons of the GAM runs smoothly. Then the GAM combatants reintegrate into society, this task successfully executed by AMM. Furthermore, the Government implements the sustainability of the peace process systematically. Implementation of this peace process is necessary because people of Aceh are already saturated with conflict that endured so long. The people hope this peace could maintain significant and permanent. Fortunately all parties are able to hold theirselves up to prevent new conflicts. Above all, Aceh peace is also a very elegant example as a process of consensus building and conflict resolution models. Aceh peace could become a reference for other regions and countries in the world which is also facing separatist conflict issue. Moreover, Aceh peace could also sinergically perform post-tsunami reconstruction of the area. The Government creates the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency (BRR) to reconstruct the area after the tsunami disaster. This peace model could also reintegrate and reconcile thw ex-combatant to back mingling with the public. Democratic process in Aceh is also running well, starting with local elections on December 11, 2006. Currently Aceh is very pleasant city for living and we expect peace in Aceh could maintain eternally.
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Muzwardi, Ady, and Z. Zulhilmi. "Aceh Conflict Resolution By The Government Of Indonesia." Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan : Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik Daerah 1, no. 1 (June 10, 2016): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.24905/jip.v1i1.439.
Full textAbstract:
Aceh peace is a new dynamic on the resolution of conflicts in the region. Eight years have passed and the agreement was signed by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government, while the MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) agreed in 2005. The signing of the MoU symbolically ends Aceh conflict which is prolonged for three decades. Moreover the notable occurance that leads to the weakening of GAM strength is that by December 26, 2004 earthquake and tsunami has devastated the communities in terms of infrastructure and superstructure. While spirit to rebuild Aceh after the disaster emerged, amount of aid coming in the country from as well as foreign institutions such as NGO. The government of Indonesia took this chance to develop Aceh once again and approach GAM to release the tense, to take the path of peace. The government efforts succeed by personalized approach to one of the central figures of GAM.The conflict in Aceh reflects that lobbying skill from the government of Indonesia against GAM is quite excellent. To notice the reconstruction of Aceh peace agreement before, the Cessation of Hostility Agreement (COHA) initiated by the Henry Dunant Center (HDC) stalled. The struggle embodied in the MoU agreement which is initiated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) actually formed by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. While it is done further implementation is left to the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) led by Pieter Feith. In this mission AMM successfully carry out their duties in accordance with the agreement so that it runs alltogether. AMM ended its duties on December 15, 2006 and successfully reconcile the peace process (AMM: 2006). Furthermore, Indonesian Government gives freedom of democracy actively for Aceh and GAM combatants.Troop’s withdrawal process also the destruction of non-organic military and police weapons of the GAM runs smoothly. Then the GAM combatants reintegrate into society, this task successfully executed by AMM. Furthermore, the Government implements the sustainability of the peace process systematically. Implementation of this peace process is necessary because people of Aceh are already saturated with conflict that endured so long. The people hope this peace could maintain significant and permanent. Fortunately all parties are able to hold theirselves up to prevent new conflicts. Above all, Aceh peace is also a very elegant example as a process of consensus building and conflict resolution models. Aceh peace could become a reference for other regions and countries in the world which is also facing separatist conflict issue.Moreover, Aceh peace could also sinergically perform post-tsunami reconstruction of the area. The Government creates the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency (BRR) to reconstruct the area after the tsunami disaster. This peace model could also reintegrate and reconcile thw ex-combatant to back mingling with the public. Democratic process in Aceh is also running well, starting with local elections on December 11, 2006. Currently Aceh is very pleasant city for living and we expect peace in Aceh could maintain eternally.
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Kim, Dong Jin. "Beyond identity lines: women building peace in Northern Ireland and the Korean peninsula." Asia Europe Journal 18, no. 4 (June 17, 2019): 463–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-019-00551-5.
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Abstract This article explores the challenges and contributions of women in building and sustaining peace in protracted conflicts by conducting a comparative case study on Northern Ireland and Korea. Similarities in the histories of the conflicts and the concurrences in the peace processes have been attracting policy makers and researchers to share lessons between the Northern Ireland and Korean peace processes. However, the peacebuilding role of women and their transversal perspective have not yet received significant attention compared to the high-level agreements, signed predominantly by male politicians. This article identifies the similarities in the peacebuilding activities of women in Northern Ireland and Korea, in terms of their recognition of the interconnection between identity politics and patriarchy, building relationships across the divide through transversal dialogue, and initiating nonviolent peace movements against the militarism of their societies. The comparative case study also shows dissimilarities between the two cases, with regard to the freedom of women to move beyond boundaries, and being part of the official peace process. This article concludes the role of women in both contexts is a key element in sustainable peacebuilding; however, it appears that women’s peacebuilding would not be able to reach its full potential to break down violent structures in conflict-affected societies, as long as their transversal perspective remains at the level of social movement, not part of peacebuilding at all levels of societies, including high-level negotiations.
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de Armiño, Karlos Pérez. "Local and regional experiences of conflict management and peace building in Africa. Innovations and challenges." ERIS – European Review of International Studies 3, no. 2 (December 12, 2016): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v3i2.08.
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Brosché, Johan, and Kristine Höglund. "Crisis of governance in South Sudan: electoral politics and violence in the world's newest nation." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000828.
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AbstractSince mid-December 2013, thousands of people have been killed in armed conflict in South Sudan. The fighting is entrenched in a power struggle between the main political contenders ahead of elections which were scheduled for 2015. This article examines the violence in South Sudan since the North–South war ended with a focus on the consequences of the introduction of electoral politics. Our research contributes to the literature on state-building and peace-building in war-torn societies, by exploring how the extreme levels of violence are linked to three groups of factors. First, the stakes involved in being part of the government are extremely high, since it is the only way to secure political and economic influence. Second, the actors involved in political life are dominated by individuals who held positions within the rebel groups, which increases the risk of political differences turning violent. Third, the institutions important for a legitimate electoral process, and which work to prevent violence, are weak or non-existent.
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Rumahuru, Yance Zadrak, and Agustinus C. W. Gaspersz. "Community Based Diversity Management: Analysis of Community Activities Building Post-Conflict Social Harmony in Tual, Maluku Province, Indonesia." Jurnal Humaniora 33, no. 1 (February 27, 2021): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.56933.
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Ethnic and religious diversity have often been used as a source of conflict between different groups of people. However, pluralistic societies’ local wisdom offers a potential tool for long-term building of peace. This study investigated the practice of diversity management by post-conflict communities in Tual, Maluku Province, Indonesia, along with the factors that support community-based diversity management and forms of activities that contribute to the creation of social harmony in the city. Research was conducted in 2017 through a field study, using qualitative methods to observe the ways in which community groups in the region developed post-conflict social harmony, with data constantly updated to determine the dynamics of diversity management in the community. Two important findings were made. First, shared cultural and historical factors, availability of public spaces for encounters, and traumatic transformation influence and support diversity management and contribute to the creation of social harmony in Tual. And second, several communities were built by community initiatives as the foundation of managing diversity.Community daily activities proved to be effective in ensuring long-term peace building. Based on the reality of social lives in Tual, this study confirmed that a cultural approach is still relevant in efforts to end communal conflict and build social harmony, and synergy between stakeholders is needed to strengthen the social and cultural capital owned by community groups in conflict areas.
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Murphy, Joanne, Sara McDowell, Maire Braniff, and David Denyer. "Managing contested spaces: Public managers, obscured mechanisms and the legacy of the past in Northern Ireland." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 36, no. 3 (June 15, 2017): 443–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654417714800.
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Societies emerging from ethno-political and inter-communal conflict face a range of complex problems that stem directly from the recent lived experience of bloodshed and injury, militarisation, securitisation and segregation. As institutional agents in such an environment, public managers perform the dual role of both interpreting public policy and implementing it within a politically contested space and place. In this article, we address how managers cope with the outworking of ethno-nationalist conflict and peace building within government processes and policy implementation and contend this is a subject of emerging concern within the wider public administration, urban studies and conflict literature. Using data from a witness seminar initiative on the Northern Ireland conflict transformation experience, we explain how public sector managers make sense of their role in post-agreement public management and highlight the importance of three identified mechanisms; ‘bricolage’, ‘diffusion’ and ‘translation’ in the management of public sector organisations and urban spaces in a context of entrenched conflict and an uncertain path to peace.
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Abrahamyan, Mira. "Tony Karbo and Kudrat Virk (eds.): The Palgrave Handbook of Peacebuilding in Africa." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1654.
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This handbook offers a critical assessment of the African agenda for conflict prevention, peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding; the challenges and opportunities facing Africa’s regional organisations in their efforts towards building sustainable peace on the continent; and the role of external actors, including the United Nations, Britain, France, and South Asian troop-contributing countries. In so doing, it revisits the late Ali Mazrui’s concept of Pax Africana, calling on Africans to take responsibility for peace and security on their own continent. The creation of the African Union, in 2002, was an important step towards realising this ambition, and has led to the development of a new continental architecture for more robust conflict management. But, as the volume’s authors show, the quest for Pax Africana faces challenges. Combining thematic analyses and case studies, this book will be of interest to both scholars and policymakers working on peace, security, and governance issues in Africa.
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Omilusi, Mike, and Lucy Iyabo Jegede. "A theoretical exploration of non-State actors and gendered dimensions of conflict prevention/sustainable peacebuilding in West Africa." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 7, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 228–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2018.v7n2.03.p228.
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In countries rebuilding from war and violence, women are becoming important voices for peace, rights and inclusion. They are increasingly mobilizing across communities and using their social roles and networks to prevent violence and promote peace. Women individually and collectively contribute to peacebuilding in many ways. Yet, their contributions are often overlooked because they take unconventional forms, occur outside formal peace processes, or are considered extensions of women’s existing gender roles. Even when women do not reach formal positions of power, they have been at the forefront of impactful movements related to global peace and nonviolence. Thus, building inclusive, sustainable, peace in societies affected by violent conflicts requires analysing and addressing gendered power dynamics, as well as gender roles and expectations. This study, therefore, examines the role of non-state actors in conflict prevention, management, and peacebuilding in the West African Sub-region, and seeks to evaluate the relationship among civil society groups, regional and sub-regional organizations from a gender perspective. It specifically investigates the role of women in conflict transformation and peacebuilding and concludes that women must be allowed and encouraged to bring their unique insights and gifts to the process because women and men have different experiences of violence and peace.
Recebido em: abril/2018
Aprovado em: julho/2018
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Lake, Milli. "Building the Rule of War: Postconflict Institutions and the Micro-Dynamics of Conflict in Eastern DR Congo." International Organization 71, no. 2 (2017): 281–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081831700008x.
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AbstractWhy have peace-building and reconstruction efforts so frequently failed to create durable institutions that can deter or withstand resurgent violence in volatile sites of cyclical conflict? Extant theory predicts that new institutions can help overcome violence and mitigate commitment problems in postconflict contexts by reducing uncertainty in inherently uncertain environments. By contrast, this article argues that postconflict institutions often prove limited in their abilities to contribute to durable peace because they offer wartime elites new venues in which to pursue conflict-era agendas. Through a micro-analysis of efforts to build the rule of law in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, I demonstrate that wartime elites capture and instrumentalize new legal institutions to maximize their intra- and inter-organizational survival; to pursue economic, military, and political agendas behind the scenes; and, in some cases, to prepare for an imminent return to war.
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Hessbruegge, Jan Arno. "Customary Law and Authority in a State under Construction: The Case of South Sudan." African Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 3 (2012): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342014.
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Abstract Customary law in South Sudan is a powerful symbol of emancipation from two centuries of external domination, and paradoxically, also the product of such external domination. Most citizens of the world’s newest state rely more on customary laws and local authorities to regulate their conflicts than on other civilian state institutions and statutory law. At the current juncture, influential decision-makers in and outside the government are pushing to develop Sudan’s customary laws into a Common Law for South Sudan. However, the legacy of the armed conflict, including patterns of militarization, and the ongoing modernization of society, pose challenges for customary systems. Furthermore, customary systems exhibit certain human rights deficits and, therefore, need to be made compatible with the constitutional framework of South Sudan. The recognition of customary authority and law as an essential part of the governance structure, coupled with targeted engagement and reform, are indispensable elements of state and peace building in South Sudan. The government and its external partners must walk a tightrope to integrate the local capacity offered by the customary system into their wider efforts without inadvertently stifling its potential to reform from within or undermining democratically elected institutions.
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Arjon, Sugit. "Conflict Management in Indonesia: Policy Perspective and Analysis." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v8i1.88.
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This article focuses to analyze the roots of violence and this article examines at case studies from Indonesia. This article also aims at answering the effectiveness of policy in the conflict management by analysing the critical factors that involved in violent conflicts and briefly seek alternative solution to prevent it to happen in the future. This article aims to answer two central questions, firstly, how effective the Indonesian government policy on security and conflict. Secondly, what are the roles of NGOs to support the effectiveness of the policy on security and conflict. To prevent the future conflicts, there are three effective strategies that can be implemented and it need the collaboration between the policymakers and society. First, to design an effective early warning mechanism which able to inform a potential friction that can escalate to bigger conflict. Second, an effective policy to prevent conflict, to manage conflict, and peace building mechanisms in post-conflict. Third, urge the participation of non-state actors in conflict management. The Indonesian government and house of representatives have passed the bill on social conflict management written as Law No. 7/2012 or known as UU PKS. However, UU PKS arguably leaves plenty of loopholes. Moreover, the activities of NGOs on the conflict management can be divided into two main categories: public engagement and advocacy. Public engagement activities focus on services to the public while on the advocacy focuses to maintain communication and put pressure to the government. In public engagement activities, the NGOs offer the service to provide psychological and legal assistance, consulting the victims rights, consulting, legal advice, psychosocial support to the victims. Moreover, in the advocacy approach, the NGOs maintain the discussion and lobby to the government to ensure the peace and justice in law enforcement.
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Abubaker, Habiba. "Empirical Research on Constitutional Drafting Processes Following War or Internal Disturbances in Iraq, Tunisia, Kosovo and Sudan." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 23, no. 1 (December 3, 2020): 314–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413_023001011.
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Constitutional drafting is a complex procedure. Every year, nonetheless, the world witnesses the birth of several constitutions. The drafting of constitutions, however, differs greatly from one to the other; this depends mainly on the state of affairs in each State and the causes behind the need for a new constitution. In post-conflict States, the success of the constitutional drafting process depends on various factors including, inter alia, the inclusiveness of the process; transparency; equal representation in the bodies involved in the drafting; public participation; as well as the role the international community plays. All of these factors have great implications on the success, or failure, of not only the constitutional drafting process, but also on the whole peace-building process in post-conflict societies. In other words, a successful constitutional drafting process must be nationally-led and owned while targeting the root causes of the conflict. While it may be aided by international components, the process must reflect the geo-ideological differences within a State, whether cultural, tribal, ethnic or religious. This article gives an empirical account of the constitutional drafting processes adopted as a consequence of internal conflict in Iraq, Tunisia, Kosovo, and Sudan. The paper discusses the general drafting process; the bodies involved; procedural shortcomings; and any international influence.
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Bickmore, Kathy, Yomna Awad, and Angelica Radjenovic. "Voices of Canadian and Mexican youth surrounded by violence: Learning experiences for peace-building citizenship." Research in Comparative and International Education 12, no. 1 (March 2017): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745499917699046.
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How do young people living in high-violence contexts express a sense of democratic agency and hope, and/or frustration and hopelessness, for handling various kinds of social and political conflict problems? The management of conflict is a core challenge and purpose of democracy, severely impeded by the isolation and distrust caused by violence. Publicly funded schools can be (but often are not) part of the solution to such challenges (Bickmore, 2014; Davies, 2011). This article is drawn from a larger on-going project probing the (mis)fit between young people’s lived citizenship and conflict experiences, and their school-based opportunities to develop democratic peace-building capacities, in non-affluent local contexts surrounded by violence, in an international comparative perspective. We report on focus group conversations with several small groups of students, ages 10–15, in two Canadian and four Mexican schools in marginalized urban areas. Diverse participating young people tended to have a stronger sense of agency and hope in relation to some kinds of conflicts (such as environmental pollution) compared to others (such as unemployment and insecure work or drug-gang violence). In general, they did not feel that their lived citizenship knowledge was much valued or built upon in school.
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David Oladimeji, Alao,. "Interrogating Concession, Trust and Forgiveness in Saare/Tsaragi, Peace Building, Nigeria: Implication for Conflict Management in Africa." IOSR Journal of Economics and Finance 5, no. 5 (2014): 08–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/5933-0550815.
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Ogakason, Rasheed Oshoke. "Women as agents of conflict resolution in Femi Osofisan’s Moroutodun." EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts 7, no. 1-2 (April 15, 2020): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejotmas.v7i1-2.21.
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Over the years, there have been incidents of class struggle and secessionist agitations especially in developing nations such as Nigeria. This has drawn the attention of the government, security agencies and the ruling class who deem it a threat to the peace and unity of the nation. Many of such agitations are tackled using different strategies to manage the situations especially when it results to crisis and clash of interests leading to destruction of lives and properties. Nigeria, has recorded several incidents of agitations mostly from minority and separatist groups who see themselves as the oppressed and marginalized in the aspects of leadership, governance, power and unequal distribution of the nation’s abundant wealth and resources. The literary world has contributed severally through the works of contemporary African playwrights such as Ngugi wa Thiongo, J.P Clark and Femi Osofisan, who have successfully woven their themes on issues such as conflict, emancipation, oppression and social struggle. This paper is premised on the theory of conflict resolution techniques and dispute management systems and textual analysis as its method. The paper examines the portrayal of women as agents of conflict resolution in Femi Osofisan’s Moroutodun. It further draws the attention to the integral role of women in bringing about peace, positive change and development in the society. The paper concludes that womenshould be given a chance as men to contribute to peace-building and conflict resolution in the society.
Keywords: Women, Agents of conflict resolution, Moroutodun, Femi Osofisan, Nigeria
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Leonardsson, Hanna. "Vertical Relationships and Local Peacebuilding in Lebanon: The Case of Responsive Waste Management." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 15, no. 2 (May 28, 2020): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316620926106.
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There is a growing understanding that vertical relationships matter for peacebuilding efforts that respond to local needs. There is little consensus, however, on how to study verticality in peacebuilding empirically. This article asks how we can understand responsiveness to needs through vertical relationships in post-conflict spaces. To answer this question, the article develops an analytical framework of vertical relationships as a peacebuilding function. Arguing that responsiveness to needs is a critical factor in building a legitimate peace, the article applies this framework to the case of municipal waste management during the waste crisis in Lebanon in 2015. Building on 31 interviews in two Lebanese municipalities, the article illustrates the complexity of vertical relationships in a post-conflict space. It concludes that vertical relationships enable responsiveness to needs by drawing on political belonging, thus promoting a fragile peacebuilding dependent on national political divides.
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Ukka, Ibrahim T. I., and Bienmali Kombate. "A RESEARCH ON THE ROLE PLAYED BY LOCAL AND INTERNATIONAL MEDIA INTO CONFLICT MANAGEMENT." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (June 21, 2020): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i2.12.
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While several scholar had drew their study focusing on the role of media into conflict management, Hume et al. (2014) few have pay to attention to the types, levels, and phases of the conflict, Hyland and Makowsky (2006). Looking to fulfill the research gap, this study was aimed to investigate the effect of media into conflict management focusing on the level of media. Israel and Palestine conflict was used as a case study and to frame the analysis, the research data were collected through a series of questionnaires. As concluded by Kim, Amouzegar, and Ao 2016), local media are a potential tool deescalating in global conflict, our finding show that local media are source of peace building and conflict deescalating however international media interfere into conflict management according to his national interest and as an instrument of influencing foreign policy to the parties involve. We finally concluded that the current and future relationship and level of tension between Israel and Palestine can be predicted by Al jazera.
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Wanyoike, Zachous Mboche, Kennedy Onkware, and Pontian Godfrey Okoth. "The Effectiveness of Traditional Somali Justice-Based Conflict Management Mechanisms Influencing Peace-Building Strategies in Garissa County, Kenya." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 5, no. 9 (September 30, 2018): 4992–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v5i9.07.
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The Somali community that inhabits northern Kenya have over the years solved their conflicts through alternative dispute resolution mechanisms that have been key in helping members of these community live together in harmony . However, modernity has made it difficult for the continual use of this method despite its traditional effectiveness. This study there aimed at shading light on the effective ness of TSJBCM in a world where the formal modes of dispute resolution such as courts have taken over. The study was conducted in Dujis constituency in Garissa county where the respondents were mainly ethnic Somalis. The results of the study indicated that TSJBCM had proved effective especially in cases where the formal modes of conflict resolution had failed.