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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Peace process; Political discourse

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Academic literature on the topic 'Peace process; Political discourse'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Peace process; Political discourse"

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Courtheyn, Christopher. "Peace geographies." Progress in Human Geography 42, no. 5 (2017): 741–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132517727605.

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The emerging peace geographies subfield has made significant contributions to peace research by showing how peace is a contested spatial process and political discourse. This article integrates peace geographies with the until now ignored trans-rational ‘many peaces’ framework’s exploration of an even wider range of peace imaginaries. Yet some forms exacerbate rather than provide alternatives to intersectional violences pervasive in today’s world. I argue for a normative framework to evaluate the ‘plurality of the peaces’ illuminated by these subfields, proposing ‘radical trans-relational peace’ – ecological dignity and solidarity through trans-community networks – as a geographically and politically situated conception to analyze the ‘many peaces’.

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Ríos Sierra, J., and H. Cairo. "Los discursos sobre la participación política en el proceso de paz en Colombia." Araucaria, no. 39 (2018): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2018.i39.16.

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McAuley, James White. "(Re) Constructing Ulster Loyalism? Political Responses to the ‘Peace Process’." Irish Journal of Sociology 6, no. 1 (1996): 127–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160359600600107.

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This paper attempts to analyse and understand loyalist reactions to the ‘peace process’ in Northern Ireland since the summer of 1994. It highlights the strategically insecure position of the Unionist community and the variety of attempts which have been produced from within this community to respond to a changing political context - albeit on the basis of a political philosophy not free from internal contradictions. These attempts are based on re-statements of Unionist fundamentals; while there are indications of new forms of self-questioning within the Unionist community, particularly in its working class, these are vulnerable to etoliation by the dominant Unionist discourse.

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Satidporn, Wichuda, and Stithorn Thananithichot. "Reconciliation as a political discourse in Thailand’s current conflicts." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 2 (2019): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18054.tha.

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Abstract Why do Thai governments fail in maintaining peace through conducting a reconciliation process? This article answers this question through an assessment of how the term reconciliation has been defined and used by the Thai governments and political leaders during the past decades. This article finds that the political conflicts in Thailand have never been solved because several times, reconciliation in the Thai language is a term that has been dynamically interpreted and applied by leaders of the conflicting groups as a means to defeat the people of the opposing groups rather that a means of resolving problems and reconciling society.

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Mullin, Corinna. "Islamist Challenges to the ‘Liberal Peace’ Discourse: The Case of Hamas and the Israel—Palestine ‘Peace Process’." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 39, no. 2 (2010): 525–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829810384007.

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Jamal, Amal. "The Palestinians in the Israeli Peace Discourse: A Conditional Partnership." Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 1 (2000): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676480.

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The literature of conflict transformation, especially concerning national conflicts in a colonial context, emphasizes as a precondition for reconciliation "recognition of equal worth," which in turn requires self-transformation, separation, and taking responsibility for past injustices. This article examines the writings and speeches of Israeli leaders during the Oslo process through this lens. Focusing on the peace leaders' discourse also sheds light on the hesitations that characterize the peace process in Israel and demonstrates how a change in the traditional narrative would threaten Israeli society's self-perception.

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Gavriely-Nuri, Dalia. "If both opponents “extend hands in peace” — Why don’t they meet?" Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 3 (2010): 449–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.3.06gav.

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This article offers a preliminary and partial mapping of some cultural misconceptions inherent in the Israeli peace discourse. It focuses on one of the central mythic metaphors belonging to this discourse: “We extend our hand in peace.” First articulated in “The Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel” (1948). After more than six decades of endless repetition in speeches made by Israeli political leaders, the metaphor has become a fertile arena for learning about Israel’s cultural codes and cultural heritage relating to peace: While expressing the sincere will to make peace, use of the metaphor simultaneously demonstrates moral superiority, feelings of deprivation, latent threat, and recognition of its efficiency for creating a positive image abroad. A discursive analysis of the metaphor reveals four barriers to the effective continuation of a peace process: Images of the Arab opponent, Israel’s self-image, relationships between opponents in addition to the opponents’ readiness to achieve peace.

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Gahramanova, Aytan. "Paradigms of Political Mythologies and Perspectives of Reconciliation in the Case of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict." International Negotiation 15, no. 1 (2010): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180610x488218.

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AbstractIt is widely held that reconciliation follows conflict resolution. However, in the case of “frozen” conflicts, where the negotiation process is protracted and reconciliation is postponed for years, negative transformations take root. In this respect, attention to the past cannot be overestimated. How the past is framed in the domestic public sphere is an indicator of potential positive or negative transformation. By analyzing the frames of political mythology, the elements of ethnic identity and the historicisms based on divergent narratives of the political discourse in rivaling Armenia and Azerbaijan, this article argues that discourse transformation is vital to a successful reconciliation process where the role of mid-level leaders is crucial. While political mythology forces events by creating a context for negative transformation of the conflict, peacebuilding can support a protracted pre-settlement phase (’no peace, no war’) and can also facilitate the conflict settlement process through positive transformation. In order to cope with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, at least in its relational aspect, the whole discourse infrastructure must be transformed. For this to happen, peacebuilding must be linked to reconciliation goals.

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Braverman, Mark. "Zionism and Post-Holocaust Christian Theology: A Jewish Perspective." Holy Land Studies 8, no. 1 (2009): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947509000390.

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Analysis of the Israel–Palestine conflict tends to focus on politics and history. But other forces are at work, related to beliefs and feelings deeply embedded in Judeo-Christian tradition. The revisionist Christian theology that emerged following the Nazi Holocaust attempted to correct the legacy of Christian anti-Semitism. In the process it has fostered an unquestioning support of the State of Israel that undermines efforts to achieve peace in the region. The conflict in Christian thought between a commitment to universal justice and the granting to Jews a superior right to historic Palestine permeates the current discourse and is evidenced in the work of even the most politically progressive thinkers. The article reviews the work of four contemporary Christian theologians and discusses the implications of this issue for interfaith dialogue, the political process, and the achievement of peace in the Holy Land.

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Yahya, Abdul Aleem. "The Construction of Ideology in Political Discourse: A Deictic Analysis." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 9, no. 2 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.9n.2p.1.

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This research is conducted on political discourse of a high profile Pakistani politician and a former famous cricketer Imran Khan in the context of Pakistani politics. It aims to understand the ideological process and project of creating a New Pakistan (Naya Pakistan), and that how this project influences the way Imran Khan shapes the political reality during his speeches. The analysis reveals that Imran Khan indexes more often his personal identity as a strong leader of the Tahreek-e-Insaaf party rather than the common or national identity. The results assert this point because the transformation of the country may seem to be only possible under his identity as a leader of Tahreek-e-Insaaf. From the spatial deixes analysis, it manifests that Imran Khan wants to reach to the ideological space or destination of New Pakistan where everyone will have equal rights. This projection of New Pakistan is presented like a utopian world where all things would be right and there would be justice, cooperation and peace. The deixes such as ‘here’, ‘now’ and ‘today’ represent Old Pakistan (Purana Pakistan) which is its present state. But the future along the temporal axes is full of hope that reflects the vision of the founding father of Pakistan ‘Quaid-e-Azam’ in the form of New Pakistan. A comparative study of various other politicians may bring forth further elicitation of political discourse in Pakistani context in future.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Peace process; Political discourse"

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Hickey, Julie Read. "The special relationships : Ireland, the United States and Great Britain and the political legacy of Irish neutrality, 1939-1996." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266713.

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Heathershaw, John David. "Peace as complex legitimacy : politics, space and discourse in Tajkistan's peacebuilding process, 2000-2005." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2929/.

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This dissertation explores the process of building peace in terms of the making of complex legitimacy in post-Soviet, post-conflict Tajikistan. Since 2000, Tajikistan's citizens have seen major political violence end, order across the country return and the peace agreement between the parties of the 1990s civil war hold. Superficially, Tajikistan appears to be a case of successful international interventions based on neoliberal internationalist assumptions. Yet, puzzlingly, the inter-Tajik peace is interpreted in a variety of often contradictory ways and correlates with authoritarian government and the tenure of a new oligarchy. On closer inspection it is evident that neoliberal international interventions in Tajikistan have largely failed to achieve the aims of peacebuilding. However, I argue they have served to facilitate an increasingly authoritarian peace and have indirectly fostered popular accommodation and avoidance strategies, as well as localised resistance. Moreover, this peace is founded upon complex relations of legitimacy. It is the product of discourse (the formation of community through communication), politics (the acquisition of power and authority in that community), and space (the differentiation of that community from other communities). I study the political relations between three discourse/spaces ('selves') of Tajikistan from 2000 to 2005: those of subordinates, elites, and the international community. In addition to the discourse and spaces of neoliberal international peacebuilding, are those of popular tinji (Tajik: 'peacefulness'/ 'wellness') and elite mirostroitelstvo (Russian: 'peacebuilding'). In studying the relationships between subordinate, elite and international actors I show how they both accommodate one another via discursive re-interpretation, and avoid each other by retreating into their own 'hidden' spaces and transcripts. These intrinsically political practices have specific material impacts on people's lives. Moreover, I show how they have constituted new forms of authority, livelihoods and sovereignty. In each of these cases, subordinates resign themselves to power and 'peacefulness' and get on with their lives. These practices constitute peace as complex legitimacy.

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Deewanee, Azad A. M. "The Discursive Construction of Terrorism: The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and other Kurdish political movements in Turkish official discourse, and the approach of the Turkish authorities regarding the Kurdish question." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17226.

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This research critically challenges the conventional understanding of terrorism, which is influenced by the views of states that label certain non-state actors as terrorists and their action as terrorism. The research demonstrates that there is a need to critically study the characteristics of every armed conflict constructed as terrorism. This is the case of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict, which is constructed in the Turkish official discourse as a phenomenon of terrorism perpetrated by the PKK. In addition, the Turkish narrative of terrorism is not limited to the PKK, but it transcends to the Syrian Kurdish PYD and YPG, and other Kurdish movements and individuals. The findings of this research reveal that the Turkish official narrative of terrorism functions to achieve two main goals. The first goal is to delegitimize the PKK and the other Kurdish movements. The second goal is to legitimize the repressive policies of the Turkish authorities regarding these movements in particular and the Kurds in general. This is interconnected with the denial of the existence of the Kurdish question and framing it in the context of the narrative of terrorism. The research also reveals that the language and policy of peace and war could change according to the interests of states’ elites. This is the case of the approach of the Turkish authorities regarding the Kurdish question, which changed under the influence of the elections and voting agendas of Erdogan and AKP. The research found that during the peace process and before the June 2015 elections, the approach of Turkish authorities was pro-peace negotiations and non-military action. However, as the AKP was not able to secure the majority that it sought in the June elections, the AKP authorities abandoned the peace process and adopted a military campaign and repressive policies. The latter matched the appeal of the AKP leadership to the votes of nationalist Turks in the November 2015 elections and the April 2017 referendum.<br>The full text was made available after embargo; 28th August 2020

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Spencer, Graham. "Disturbing the peace? : politics, television news and the Northern Ireland peace process." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298106.

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Kanemoto, Emi. "Rhetorical Complexity of Advocating Intercultural Peace: Post-World War II Peace Discourse." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1573829203404354.

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Amdahl, Lars Kjeang. "Beyond secession : a critical analysis of the comprehensive peace agreement and the peace process in Sudan." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80398.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>Bibliography<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of Africa’s longest civil wars ended for the second time in 2005, when the leaders of the government of Sudan and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. This action initiated an interim period which culminated with a referendum for the people of Southern Sudan, to decide if they wanted unity or to secede from the north. Through using theories of power sharing and secession this thesis argues that the Sudanese conflict is not resolved after the referendum in South Sudan. The focus of this thesis is to illustrate how the first peace agreement in 1972 failed to deal with root causes and to implement structures that would be acceptable for that part of the population which did not identify with the central elite. Lessons from this process are integral to understand why the secession does not provide the autonomy and prospects of peace that the South and the negotiators intended. This study will provide a thorough assessment of the process from the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972 to the making of- and contents of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. Although there are many positive aspects to the recent agreement, this study will reveal how the North will keep asserting its dominance through controlling the oil sector and using the unresolved border areas for political gain. In addition, the new structure has changed power structures in both areas, which has left many opposing groups in Sudan in a worse situation than before; thus, the further marginalized people in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile are the real losers in the post-CPA era. As often portrayed, the peace in South Sudan does not only depend on development, but on external influence from the region and especially their relationship with the regime in Khartoum, despite the construction of an autonomous state.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van Afrika se langs durende burgeroorloë het vir die tweede keer geëindig in 2005, toe die regering van Soedan en die Soedanese Burgelikke Vryheidsbeweging en Weermag die Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) onderteken het. Hierdie ooreenkoms was die begin van 'n interim-tydperk wat uitgeloop het op ‘n referendum vir die bevolking van Suid-Soedan, waarin hulle moes besluit of hulle wou afstig van die noorde. Deur gebruik te maak van teorieë op magsdeling en afstigtinglig hierdie tesis die mening dat die Soedanese konflik nie opgelos is na die referendum in Suid-Soedan nie. Die fokus van hierdie tesis was op die illustrering van hoe die eerste vredesooreenkoms van 1972 gevaal het om die sleutel oorsake van die konflik te ondersoek en om strukture in plek te stel vir die gedeeltes van die bevolking wat nie met die sentrale elite geïdentifisee rhet nie. Die lesse van hierdie proses is integraal in die verstaan van hoekom outonomie en vooruitsigte van vrede nie in die Suide kan voortsprui tuit die afstigting van Suid-Sudan soos wat die bedoeling van die onderhandelaars was nie. Hierdie studie sal ‘n deeglikke assesering doen van die proses tussen die Addis Ababa Ooreenkoms van 1972 tot en met die sluit van die Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, asook op die inhoud van hierdie ooreenkoms. Alhoewel die nuwe ooreenkoms baie positiewe aspekte bevat, sal die studie toon hoe die Noorde steeds sy dominansie sal kan handhaaf, vir politieke wins, deur beheer uitteoefen oor die olie sektor en deur onopgeloste grens geskille. Daar benewens het die nuwe struktuur veranderde mag strukture in beide gebiede te weeg gebring wat nou gelei het tot ‘n soms slegter situasie vir oposisie groepe binne Sudan; dus is die verder gemarginaliseerde Darfur streek, die Nuba gebergtes en die Blou Nyl die waare verloorders van die na-CPA era. Soos dikwels uitgebeeld word, sal die vrede in Suid-Soedan nie net afhang van ontwikkeling nie, maar ook van eksterne invloede vanuit die streek en veral van hul verhouding met die Khartoemregime, ten spyte van die konstruksie van 'n outonomestaat.

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Ebata, Joanne Michi. "The transition from war to peace : politics, political space and the peace process industry in Mozambique, 1992-1995." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/427/.

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The 'peace process' is a common expression in international politics. It describes and explains events in seemingly disparate locations as Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and Southern Africa, which share only the common occurrence of violent conflict. One outstanding feature of these peace processes is the active participation of international actors or external 'third parties'. Whether they are states, international organisations or nongovernmental organisations, these external actors comprise an industry focussed on the peace process. However, in providing assistance to countries making the transition from war to peace, as an industry these external third parties often reconfigure the political space of host societies in a manner which frustrates the intended goal of attaining peace. The following analysis focuses on the process of implementing a comprehensive peace settlement to show how the peace process industry operates, using the case of Mozambique. The Mozambican peace process was selected because it is generally presented as a success which justifies similar activities in future cases. Therefore it is crucial to examine whether the intervention was a success, what kind of success and a success for whom. As Mozambique was inundated with international actors engaged in all kinds of activities, supported by substantial funding, it serves as a useful example from which to study the peace process industry at work. Mozambique is also one of the poorest countries in the world and is thus representative of larger processes in the developing world and its relationship with donors and the United Nations. This thesis draws out a number of themes on the aggregate impact of external third parties on the political space of Mozambique and uses this as a basis for reaching conclusions applicable to other cases. It seeks to contribute to debates in international relations on how questions regarding the role of international actors in peace processes and the assistance they provide should be answered.

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Van, Niekerk Jaco Philip. "The failure of the Middle East peace process and structures for conflict." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53118.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the role of political elites in addressing the problem of why a durable peace has eluded Israeli Palestine. A theoretical background study was made on the articulation of identity within a civilization. This established identity formation as a political process. To see how the manipulation of the structure within which identity formation processes take place, six critical indicators were identified. These are: Manufacturing conditions of underdevelopment; Un-integrated social and political systems, and distributive injustice; Fostering cleavages, stereotypical images and political symbolism; Placing issues under the 'sign of security'; The production of insecurity through the manipulation of identity formation processes; and Monopolising the conflict resolution process. Political elite creation and perpetuation of structures for conflict shows an inherent inability to bring about a lasting peace in a protracted social conflict for conflict has become the source, rather than the outcome of policy formation. As a result this thesis calls for a more inclusive approach to conflict resolution, one that goes beyond the processes of arbitration, mediation, negotiation and facilitation, to include conciliation at grass roots level between civilizations, sincerely exploring the underlying emotional legacies of fear, hatred, sorrow and mistrust.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op die rol gespeel deur politieke elites in die voortslepende vraagstuk rondom vrede in Israel/Palestina. 'n Teoretiese agtergrondstudie is onderneem om die uitdrukking van 'n samelewing oftewel volksidentiteit te ondersoek. Die studie het laat blyk dat identiteitsformulering 'n politieke proses is. Om waar te neem hoe die manipulasie van die struktuur waarbinne identiteitsformulering plaasvind, is ses kritiese indikators geïdentifiseer, te wete: die skepping van toestande vir onderontwikkeling; ongeïntegreerde sosiale en politieke sisteme en ongelyke verdeling van welvaart; doelbewuste voortsetting van etniese verskille, stereotipering en politieke simbolisme; plasing van kwessies onder die vaandel van "sekuriteit"; die produksie van "onsekerheid" deur die manipulasie van identiteitsformulering prosesse; en die manipulasie van konflik resolusie prosedures. Skepping en doelbewuste voortsetting van strukture vir konflik deur politieke elites dui op 'n onvermoë om langdurige vrede in 'n 'uitgerekte sosiale konflik' te bewerkstellig. Konflik het die oorsprong, eerder as die uitkoms van beleid geword. As gevolg van hierdie feite doen die tesis 'n beroep dat konflik resolusie as dissipline 'n meer inklusiewe benadering volg. Die resolusie prosesse van mediasie, arbitrasie, fasilitering en onderhandeling is opsigself nie genoeg nie en behoort vergesel te word deur die proses van konsiliasie op grondvlak tussen samelewings. Hierdie proses moet deel vorm van 'n opregtheid om mense se vrese, haat, seer en wantroue met ootmoed aan te hoor.

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Lindqvist, Käll Märta-Stina. "Ideational Viability of Peace : A case study of ideas related to peace and their consequences for the Cyprus peace process." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184926.

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The Republic of Cyprus is often thought of as a tourist destination and hot spot for sun thirsty expats. Hidden from plain sight amongst holiday homes and blue waters, it may thus seem counterintuitive that Cyprus is home to a toxic ethno-nationalist political conflict that has mandated one of the longest running United Nations peace interventions to date. Still, life in Cyprus does not resemble a conflict zone. This beckon the conceptual debate of peace as more than the absence of war and raises questions of how peace is perceived by involved actors and subsequently, how it is influenced by subjective ideas. With negotiations stuck in a cycle of stalling and reassuming, the peace process is often described as the Cypriot deadlock. The cause of the deadlock is debated without consensus, but frequently boils down to disagreements over policies and issues of intercommunal mistrust. Looking to nuance these notions, this thesis aims to explain the deadlock ideationally by analysing ideas of peace as expressed by political elites and assess how they influence the peace process. The research presents a typological method for mapping ideational biases corresponding to meta-ideas of International relations theory. The central argument of this thesis is that the Cypriot peace process is deadlocked due to divergent ideational biases of political elites, rendering the rationales and strategies (the ideational underpinnings) behind the peace process ideationally unviable. This desktop study of Cyprus is based of primary data from the official websites of the Republic of Cyprus, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, and the United Nations, published between January of 2019 and April of 2021.

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Whall, Helena J. "The peace process in Sri Lanka : the failure of the People's Alliance government - Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) peace negotiations, 1994-1995." Thesis, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364569.

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Books on the topic "Peace process; Political discourse"

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University of Colombo. Centre for the Study of Human Rights., ed. War vs. peace discourse: The press and the peace process in Sri Lanka. Center for the Study of Human Rights, Faculty of Law, University of Colombo, 2008.

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Plays in a peace process. Guildhall Press, 2008.

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Discourses of war and peace. Oxford University Press, 2013.

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Jennifer, Klot, Bunting Ikaweba, and All-Party Burundi Women's Peace Conference (2000 : Arusha, Tanzania), eds. Engendering peace: Reflections on the Burundi peace process. UNIFEM, 2001.

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Gormley-Heenan, Cathy. Political Leadership and the Northern Ireland Peace Process. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596085.

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Kally, Elisha. Water and peace: Water resources and the Arab-Israeli peace process. Praeger, 1993.

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Israeli peace discourse: A cultural approach to CDA. John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2015.

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Roger, Southall, Nelson Mandela Foundation, and Human Sciences Research Council. Democracy and Governance Research Programme., eds. An African peace process: Mandela, South Africa, and Burundi. HSRC Press, 2005.

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Meanings of war & peace. Texas A&M University Press, 2001.

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Wolfsfeld, Gadi. Constructing news about peace: The role of the Israeli media in the Oslo peace process. Tel Aviv University, Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Peace process; Political discourse"

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Radil, Steven M., and Jin-Soo Lee. "Peace For Prosperity? The Geopolitics of the Korean Peace Process." In Political Landscapes of Donald Trump. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429242670-18.

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Cable, James. "Violent Peace: a Continuing Process." In The Political Influence of Naval Force in History. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333995037_13.

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Thomson, Jennifer. "Creating the Devolved Institution: The Peace Process." In Abortion Law and Political Institutions. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96169-9_5.

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Gormley-Heenan, Cathy. "Conceptualizing Political Leadership in Peace Processes." In Political Leadership and the Northern Ireland Peace Process. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596085_2.

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Gormley-Heenan, Cathy. "The Effect of Political Leaders on Other Political Leaders." In Political Leadership and the Northern Ireland Peace Process. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596085_6.

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Mees, Ludger. "The Basque Peace Process, Nationalism and Political Violence." In The Management of Peace Processes. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333993668_5.

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Dixon, Paul. "Defending the Political Morality of the Peace Process." In Performing the Northern Ireland Peace Process. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91343-8_7.

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Irwin, Colin. "Political Negotiations and Public Opinion Polls." In The People’s Peace Process in Northern Ireland. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403914323_2.

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Gormley-Heenan, Cathy. "The Role of Political Leadership." In Political Leadership and the Northern Ireland Peace Process. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596085_4.

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Gormley-Heenan, Cathy. "The Capacity of Political Leadership." In Political Leadership and the Northern Ireland Peace Process. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596085_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Peace process; Political discourse"

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Fakhri, Afriandha, and Badrus Sholeh. "Indonesia - GAM Peace Process Reflection on Turkey - PKK conflict." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.7.

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Abdullah, Kanaan, and Aryan Shareef. "Political Change in Perspective of New Marxism." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp1-12.

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Political Change in Perspective of New Marxism this paper search the concept of political change in perspective of the new Marxist. The paper approved that new Marxist reject the violence as way to change in political life. The new Marxism support the reform and peace methods in change process, and they are rejected the perspective of Marxist parties that adopted revolution as the only methods of change.

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Karaağaçlı, Abbas. "Interaction of Political Stability and Economic Development in Central Asian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00467.

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Central Asian Countries decolonized by break up of USSR, struggle with the important and unsolvable problems during the process of transition from an implicit and statist economic system to the capitalist system. Although 20 years have passed, the liberal countries adopted the free market economy, face the big handicaps in the transition process of their economic system to the modern capitalist system. I have been in these territories in the transition process from socialist system to the capitalist system. So I am sure that the field of tourism, trade, industry, agriculture and service has the important role in the development planning of the countries. In this study I will try to emphasize the significance and necessity of political stability and social peace and comfort to the development of tourism and trade. My former studies focused on some countries of the Central Asian Countries, had got great attention in the international congresses. Now I will try to review the importance of tourism and trade in the development of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, and necessity of political stability and the advantages and disadvantages of these countries in this way. Naturally underground and over ground treasures, geopolitical, geostrategic, geo-economic positions, political systems, social structures of this region and regional balances affect directly or deviously the political stability of above countries. In this study I will try to offer suggestions in view of the fact that these interactions.

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Andaç, Faruk. "Entrepreneurship within the Concept of a Social State." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00386.

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Even if the social state concept is considered as a barrier to entrepreneurship, it is in fact a form of state government that encourages entrepreneurship. Social State, first of all, is a form of state that provides social welfare of society, social justice and social peace in the society. Entrepreneurship is generally introduced as a process including more risk-taking, innovation that is open to modernism, activities such as opportunity assessment. In fact, entrepreneurship comprises all of the activities including business continuity, sustainability, development and expansion. Accordingly, entrepreneurship is not only to establish a business, but also to develop and change it. Thus, entrepreneurship requires stability, continuity and practice. Entrepreneurs may unavoidably face some political, economic, social, military, financial obstacles that can not be anticipated. In such cases, entrepreneurs must be able to overcome the obstacles at the least possible costs. An entrepreneur is able to sustain his activities in a confident and stable manner in the spirit of the social state.

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Büyükakıncı, Erhan. "Economic Regionalisation in the Russian Foreign Policy: Is it Possible to talk about the Eurasianist Model of Integration?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00680.

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In this paper, we try how the idea of economic regionalism has developed within the framework of the interests of the Russian foreign policy, which adopted a Eurasianist rhetoric for nearly fifteen years. As the trends of globalisation spread over the world after the end of the Cold War period, the regional integration movements also gained speed with different forms and contents. Meanwhile the countries in the post-Soviet geography adopted different political approaches towards regionalisation and globalisation by taking into consideration their own capabilities and interests. At its own side, Russia was in search of integration within the world economy by trying to implement its own regionalist policies both at the level of the CIS area and with the neighbouring countries like China and the EU. The Eurasianist discourse has no doubt such impact on Russian leadership’s choices of partners and orientations for economic regionalisation. At this point, we want to discuss if it is possible to talk about some “Eurasianist model of regional integration” as a new idea which can combine, at one side, the institutional integration process within the CIS area and, at the other, the strong regional cooperation with the Asian economic partners like China. This model can be also Russia’s answer to embrace both globalism and regionalism by preserving its own hegemonic expectations after the Soviet legacy.

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Geambazu, Serin. ""Yeni Instanbul": the expansion of a global city." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/mwhr1573.

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The spread of neo-liberal political and economic ideology and the proliferation of global capital have created new opportunities and challenges for cities everywhere (Sassen 2012). Within the urban planning discourse, it is generally assumed that globalization leads to the same type of transformations and urban development trends everywhere in the world. However, it cannot create a certain prototype for spatial development or a new spatial order for cities. Rather, it gives a variety of spatial patterns, also called "global urban forms". Recently, these forms have identified themselves spatially within a series of "mega-projects", their intensity being felt in today's global cities, North-American and West-European, but with a domino effect, especially in the cities situated at the periphery of these capitalist economies. Total global megaproject spending is assessed at USD 6-9 trillion annually, or 8 percent of total global GDP, which denotes the biggest investment boom in human history. Never has systematic and valid knowledge about mega projects therefore been more important to inform policy, practice, and public debate in this highly costly area of business and government. It is argued that the conventional way of managing mega projects has reached a "tension point," where tradition is challenged and reform is emerging (Flyvbjerg, 2011). These kind of projects often take place within fragmented and entrepreneurial forms of governance (Harvey 1989; Healey 1997; Gordon 1997a, 1997b; Feldman 1999; Feinstein 2001; Granath 2005; Butler 2007) represented by public-private partnerships, in a societal environment of increased capital mobility and inter-urban competition (Malone 1996). Hence, it is argued, that mega projects have been examples of new governance styles and policy targets, but also object of intensive local planning debates and conflicts based on different actors (authorities, planners, residents, environmental groups, developers, etc.) holding an equal number of views (Hoyle, 2002) which are often difficult to reconcile. Strongly linked to the 2023 Vision of Turkey, the 3rd airport, Istanbul Airport is one of the mega projects that will bring Turkey among top 10 economically powerful countries. Istanbul Airport distinguishes itself from a myriad of other build-operate-transfer projects by its governance dynamics and planning process. The study employs discourse analysis through which extracts lesson from the decision-making process that will inform planners in Istanbul and beyond.

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Ferlicca, Francesca. "Participation in the decision making-making cities proces of regularization policies in Buenos Aires. The case of Villa 20 in Buenos Aires autonomous city." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/kphy9788.

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In Latin American cities informal settlements and insecure land tenure are the result of an exclusionary planning and urban management system which fails to provide legal and secure housing for lower-income groups. Against this backdrop, the State implemented land-title and urban regulatory policies, in order to improve the housing conditions of these neighbourhoods and integrate their residents into the legal regime. This paper proposes to address the conflicts implied in the processes of urbanization and regularization of the villas of the city of Buenos Aires during the first government of Rodríguez Larreta (2015-2019). In the official political discourse, the urbanization of informal settlements is considered one of the main axes of local management. Within this framework, institutional changes are being carried out, such as the creation of the Ministry of Social and Urban Integration. This report proposes to address the participation implied in the process of urbanization and regularization of Villa 20 in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires. This process have raised many challenges in the interaction between government decision-making and the needs of inhabitants of informal settlement. These challenges are linked to a) the democratic participation of the inhabitants in the decision-making process at all stages, b) land management policies and domain regularization; c) the modalities and logic of relocation of inhabitants; d) the provision and access to infrastructure services and public spaces; e) the treatment of tenants and other more vulnerable groups. Based on the analysis of the case study, we propose to account for the limits and scope of the implemented urbanization policy as well as for the opportunities to expand the horizon of tools and intervention modalities promote the right to the city and reduce territorial inequalities

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Reports on the topic "Peace process; Political discourse"

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Melnyk, Olesia. MEDIA DISCOURSE AROUND THE FIGURE OF ORIANA FALLACHI AND HER JOURNALISM DURING 2017–2020. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11114.

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The article analyzes the media discourse around the figure of Oriana Fallachi and her journalistic work during 2017-2020. The actual media image of the figure of Fallachi is highlighted, examples of positive and negative statements are given. It is substantiated why her journalism should be researched in various ways, taking into account other aspects of her work that are not related to Islamophobia. The subject of the study is critical texts in modern foreign media dedicated to the author’s work. The objective of the study is to outline the media discourse around the figure of Oriana Fallaci and her journalism during 2017-2020. The methodology. The following methods have been used in the process of scientific research: historical, comparative, systems analysis, content synthesis, and others. The main results. In total, we have analyzed eight materials in foreign publications, published over the past 3 years, as well as the two most famous biographies of Oriana Fallaci. Some of the most recent reviewed texts have been published in the last few months, reflecting the interest in the author’s journalism, her writing, and reporting. Therefore, we see the need for further tracking and analysis of this body of texts. Conclusions. Critics of Fallaci express polar views that are not all negative. Authors recommend quite cautiously her texts for reading, emphasizing their positive aspects. Both Fallaci’s biographies are also not entirely complementary: some aspects of her work are glorified, others are condemned. We managed to find general tendencies in the criticism of Oriana Fallaci’s journalism. These include accusations of xenophobia and Islamophobia, uncompromisingness, lack of political correctness, and moral value. The authors emphasize, at the same time, the openness and directness that bribe the reader, patriotism and honesty, strength of spirit and firmness of position. Significance of the research. The analysis of the latest criticism reveals what kind of media image Fallachi’s figure has today, and gives the possibility to research it for demonization and one-sided coverage. This is important not only for thorough research of the author’s work but also for understanding how the modern world perceives journalism, which is contrary to the generally accepted principles of political correctness, journalistic ethics, and humanity.

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Crispin, Darla. Artistic Research as a Process of Unfolding. Norges Musikkhøgskole, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.22501/nmh-ar.503395.

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As artistic research work in various disciplines and national contexts continues to develop, the diversity of approaches to the field becomes ever more apparent. This is to be welcomed, because it keeps alive ideas of plurality and complexity at a particular time in history when the gross oversimplifications and obfuscations of political discourses are compromising the nature of language itself, leading to what several commentators have already called ‘a post-truth’ world. In this brutal environment where ‘information’ is uncoupled from reality and validated only by how loudly and often it is voiced, the artist researcher has a responsibility that goes beyond the confines of our discipline to articulate the truth-content of his or her artistic practice. To do this, they must embrace daring and risk-taking, finding ways of communicating that flow against the current norms. In artistic research, the empathic communication of information and experience – and not merely the ‘verbally empathic’ – is a sign of research transferability, a marker for research content. But this, in some circles, is still a heretical point of view. Research, in its more traditional manifestations mistrusts empathy and individually-incarnated human experience; the researcher, although a sentient being in the world, is expected to behave dispassionately in their professional discourse, and with a distrust for insights that come primarily from instinct. For the construction of empathic systems in which to study and research, our structures still need to change. So, we need to work toward a new world (one that is still not our idea), a world that is symptomatic of what we might like artistic research to be. Risk is one of the elements that helps us to make the conceptual twist that turns subjective, reflexive experience into transpersonal, empathic communication and/or scientifically-viable modes of exchange. It gives us something to work with in engaging with debates because it means that something is at stake. To propose a space where such risks may be taken, I shall revisit Gillian Rose’s metaphor of ‘the fold’ that I analysed in the first Symposium presented by the Arne Nordheim Centre for Artistic Research (NordART) at the Norwegian Academy of Music in November 2015. I shall deepen the exploration of the process of ‘unfolding’, elaborating on my belief in its appropriateness for artistic research work; I shall further suggest that Rose’s metaphor provides a way to bridge some of the gaps of understanding that have already developed between those undertaking artistic research and those working in the more established music disciplines.

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