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1
Hickey, Julie Read. "The special relationships : Ireland, the United States and Great Britain and the political legacy of Irish neutrality, 1939-1996." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266713.
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Heathershaw, John David. "Peace as complex legitimacy : politics, space and discourse in Tajkistan's peacebuilding process, 2000-2005." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2929/.
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This dissertation explores the process of building peace in terms of the making of complex legitimacy in post-Soviet, post-conflict Tajikistan. Since 2000, Tajikistan's citizens have seen major political violence end, order across the country return and the peace agreement between the parties of the 1990s civil war hold. Superficially, Tajikistan appears to be a case of successful international interventions based on neoliberal internationalist assumptions. Yet, puzzlingly, the inter-Tajik peace is interpreted in a variety of often contradictory ways and correlates with authoritarian government and the tenure of a new oligarchy. On closer inspection it is evident that neoliberal international interventions in Tajikistan have largely failed to achieve the aims of peacebuilding. However, I argue they have served to facilitate an increasingly authoritarian peace and have indirectly fostered popular accommodation and avoidance strategies, as well as localised resistance. Moreover, this peace is founded upon complex relations of legitimacy. It is the product of discourse (the formation of community through communication), politics (the acquisition of power and authority in that community), and space (the differentiation of that community from other communities). I study the political relations between three discourse/spaces ('selves') of Tajikistan from 2000 to 2005: those of subordinates, elites, and the international community. In addition to the discourse and spaces of neoliberal international peacebuilding, are those of popular tinji (Tajik: 'peacefulness'/ 'wellness') and elite mirostroitelstvo (Russian: 'peacebuilding'). In studying the relationships between subordinate, elite and international actors I show how they both accommodate one another via discursive re-interpretation, and avoid each other by retreating into their own 'hidden' spaces and transcripts. These intrinsically political practices have specific material impacts on people's lives. Moreover, I show how they have constituted new forms of authority, livelihoods and sovereignty. In each of these cases, subordinates resign themselves to power and 'peacefulness' and get on with their lives. These practices constitute peace as complex legitimacy.
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Deewanee, Azad A. M. "The Discursive Construction of Terrorism: The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and other Kurdish political movements in Turkish official discourse, and the approach of the Turkish authorities regarding the Kurdish question." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17226.
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This research critically challenges the conventional understanding of terrorism, which is influenced by the views of states that label certain non-state actors as terrorists and their action as terrorism. The research demonstrates that there is a need to critically study the characteristics of every armed conflict constructed as terrorism. This is the case of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict, which is constructed in the Turkish official discourse as a phenomenon of terrorism perpetrated by the PKK. In addition, the Turkish narrative of terrorism is not limited to the PKK, but it transcends to the Syrian Kurdish PYD and YPG, and other Kurdish movements and individuals. The findings of this research reveal that the Turkish official narrative of terrorism functions to achieve two main goals. The first goal is to delegitimize the PKK and the other Kurdish movements. The second goal is to legitimize the repressive policies of the Turkish authorities regarding these movements in particular and the Kurds in general. This is interconnected with the denial of the existence of the Kurdish question and framing it in the context of the narrative of terrorism.
The research also reveals that the language and policy of peace and war could change according to the interests of states’ elites. This is the case of the approach of the Turkish authorities regarding the Kurdish question, which changed under the influence of the elections and voting agendas of Erdogan and AKP. The research found that during the peace process and before the June 2015 elections, the approach of Turkish authorities was pro-peace negotiations and non-military action. However, as the AKP was not able to secure the majority that it sought in the June elections, the AKP authorities abandoned the peace process and adopted a military campaign and repressive policies. The latter matched the appeal of the AKP leadership to the votes of nationalist Turks in the November 2015 elections and the April 2017 referendum.<br>The full text was made available after embargo; 28th August 2020
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Spencer, Graham. "Disturbing the peace? : politics, television news and the Northern Ireland peace process." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298106.
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Kanemoto, Emi. "Rhetorical Complexity of Advocating Intercultural Peace: Post-World War II Peace Discourse." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1573829203404354.
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Amdahl, Lars Kjeang. "Beyond secession : a critical analysis of the comprehensive peace agreement and the peace process in Sudan." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80398.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>Bibliography<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of Africa’s longest civil wars ended for the second time in 2005, when the leaders of the government of Sudan and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. This action initiated an interim period which culminated with a referendum for the people of Southern Sudan, to decide if they wanted unity or to secede from the north. Through using theories of power sharing and secession this thesis argues that the Sudanese conflict is not resolved after the referendum in South Sudan. The focus of this thesis is to illustrate how the first peace agreement in 1972 failed to deal with root causes and to implement structures that would be acceptable for that part of the population which did not identify with the central elite. Lessons from this process are integral to understand why the secession does not provide the autonomy and prospects of peace that the South and the negotiators intended. This study will provide a thorough assessment of the process from the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972 to the making of- and contents of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. Although there are many positive aspects to the recent agreement, this study will reveal how the North will keep asserting its dominance through controlling the oil sector and using the unresolved border areas for political gain. In addition, the new structure has changed power structures in both areas, which has left many opposing groups in Sudan in a worse situation than before; thus, the further marginalized people in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile are the real losers in the post-CPA era. As often portrayed, the peace in South Sudan does not only depend on development, but on external influence from the region and especially their relationship with the regime in Khartoum, despite the construction of an autonomous state.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van Afrika se langs durende burgeroorloë het vir die tweede keer geëindig in 2005, toe die regering van Soedan en die Soedanese Burgelikke Vryheidsbeweging en Weermag die Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) onderteken het. Hierdie ooreenkoms was die begin van 'n interim-tydperk wat uitgeloop het op ‘n referendum vir die bevolking van Suid-Soedan, waarin hulle moes besluit of hulle wou afstig van die noorde. Deur gebruik te maak van teorieë op magsdeling en afstigtinglig hierdie tesis die mening dat die Soedanese konflik nie opgelos is na die referendum in Suid-Soedan nie. Die fokus van hierdie tesis was op die illustrering van hoe die eerste vredesooreenkoms van 1972 gevaal het om die sleutel oorsake van die konflik te ondersoek en om strukture in plek te stel vir die gedeeltes van die bevolking wat nie met die sentrale elite geïdentifisee rhet nie. Die lesse van hierdie proses is integraal in die verstaan van hoekom outonomie en vooruitsigte van vrede nie in die Suide kan voortsprui tuit die afstigting van Suid-Sudan soos wat die bedoeling van die onderhandelaars was nie. Hierdie studie sal ‘n deeglikke assesering doen van die proses tussen die Addis Ababa Ooreenkoms van 1972 tot en met die sluit van die Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, asook op die inhoud van hierdie ooreenkoms. Alhoewel die nuwe ooreenkoms baie positiewe aspekte bevat, sal die studie toon hoe die Noorde steeds sy dominansie sal kan handhaaf, vir politieke wins, deur beheer uitteoefen oor die olie sektor en deur onopgeloste grens geskille. Daar benewens het die nuwe struktuur veranderde mag strukture in beide gebiede te weeg gebring wat nou gelei het tot ‘n soms slegter situasie vir oposisie groepe binne Sudan; dus is die verder gemarginaliseerde Darfur streek, die Nuba gebergtes en die Blou Nyl die waare verloorders van die na-CPA era. Soos dikwels uitgebeeld word, sal die vrede in Suid-Soedan nie net afhang van ontwikkeling nie, maar ook van eksterne invloede vanuit die streek en veral van hul verhouding met die Khartoemregime, ten spyte van die konstruksie van 'n outonomestaat.
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Ebata, Joanne Michi. "The transition from war to peace : politics, political space and the peace process industry in Mozambique, 1992-1995." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/427/.
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The 'peace process' is a common expression in international politics. It describes and explains events in seemingly disparate locations as Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and Southern Africa, which share only the common occurrence of violent conflict. One outstanding feature of these peace processes is the active participation of international actors or external 'third parties'. Whether they are states, international organisations or nongovernmental organisations, these external actors comprise an industry focussed on the peace process. However, in providing assistance to countries making the transition from war to peace, as an industry these external third parties often reconfigure the political space of host societies in a manner which frustrates the intended goal of attaining peace. The following analysis focuses on the process of implementing a comprehensive peace settlement to show how the peace process industry operates, using the case of Mozambique. The Mozambican peace process was selected because it is generally presented as a success which justifies similar activities in future cases. Therefore it is crucial to examine whether the intervention was a success, what kind of success and a success for whom. As Mozambique was inundated with international actors engaged in all kinds of activities, supported by substantial funding, it serves as a useful example from which to study the peace process industry at work. Mozambique is also one of the poorest countries in the world and is thus representative of larger processes in the developing world and its relationship with donors and the United Nations. This thesis draws out a number of themes on the aggregate impact of external third parties on the political space of Mozambique and uses this as a basis for reaching conclusions applicable to other cases. It seeks to contribute to debates in international relations on how questions regarding the role of international actors in peace processes and the assistance they provide should be answered.
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Van, Niekerk Jaco Philip. "The failure of the Middle East peace process and structures for conflict." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53118.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the role of political elites in addressing the problem of why a
durable peace has eluded Israeli Palestine.
A theoretical background study was made on the articulation of identity within a
civilization. This established identity formation as a political process. To see how the
manipulation of the structure within which identity formation processes take place, six
critical indicators were identified. These are: Manufacturing conditions of
underdevelopment; Un-integrated social and political systems, and distributive injustice;
Fostering cleavages, stereotypical images and political symbolism; Placing issues under
the 'sign of security'; The production of insecurity through the manipulation of identity
formation processes; and Monopolising the conflict resolution process.
Political elite creation and perpetuation of structures for conflict shows an inherent
inability to bring about a lasting peace in a protracted social conflict for conflict has
become the source, rather than the outcome of policy formation. As a result this thesis
calls for a more inclusive approach to conflict resolution, one that goes beyond the
processes of arbitration, mediation, negotiation and facilitation, to include conciliation at
grass roots level between civilizations, sincerely exploring the underlying emotional
legacies of fear, hatred, sorrow and mistrust.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op die rol gespeel deur politieke elites in die voortslepende
vraagstuk rondom vrede in Israel/Palestina.
'n Teoretiese agtergrondstudie is onderneem om die uitdrukking van 'n samelewing oftewel
volksidentiteit te ondersoek. Die studie het laat blyk dat identiteitsformulering 'n
politieke proses is. Om waar te neem hoe die manipulasie van die struktuur waarbinne
identiteitsformulering plaasvind, is ses kritiese indikators geïdentifiseer, te wete: die
skepping van toestande vir onderontwikkeling; ongeïntegreerde sosiale en politieke
sisteme en ongelyke verdeling van welvaart; doelbewuste voortsetting van etniese
verskille, stereotipering en politieke simbolisme; plasing van kwessies onder die vaandel
van "sekuriteit"; die produksie van "onsekerheid" deur die manipulasie van
identiteitsformulering prosesse; en die manipulasie van konflik resolusie prosedures.
Skepping en doelbewuste voortsetting van strukture vir konflik deur politieke elites dui
op 'n onvermoë om langdurige vrede in 'n 'uitgerekte sosiale konflik' te bewerkstellig.
Konflik het die oorsprong, eerder as die uitkoms van beleid geword. As gevolg van
hierdie feite doen die tesis 'n beroep dat konflik resolusie as dissipline 'n meer
inklusiewe benadering volg. Die resolusie prosesse van mediasie, arbitrasie, fasilitering
en onderhandeling is opsigself nie genoeg nie en behoort vergesel te word deur die proses
van konsiliasie op grondvlak tussen samelewings. Hierdie proses moet deel vorm van 'n
opregtheid om mense se vrese, haat, seer en wantroue met ootmoed aan te hoor.
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Lindqvist, Käll Märta-Stina. "Ideational Viability of Peace : A case study of ideas related to peace and their consequences for the Cyprus peace process." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184926.
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The Republic of Cyprus is often thought of as a tourist destination and hot spot for sun thirsty expats. Hidden from plain sight amongst holiday homes and blue waters, it may thus seem counterintuitive that Cyprus is home to a toxic ethno-nationalist political conflict that has mandated one of the longest running United Nations peace interventions to date. Still, life in Cyprus does not resemble a conflict zone. This beckon the conceptual debate of peace as more than the absence of war and raises questions of how peace is perceived by involved actors and subsequently, how it is influenced by subjective ideas. With negotiations stuck in a cycle of stalling and reassuming, the peace process is often described as the Cypriot deadlock. The cause of the deadlock is debated without consensus, but frequently boils down to disagreements over policies and issues of intercommunal mistrust. Looking to nuance these notions, this thesis aims to explain the deadlock ideationally by analysing ideas of peace as expressed by political elites and assess how they influence the peace process. The research presents a typological method for mapping ideational biases corresponding to meta-ideas of International relations theory. The central argument of this thesis is that the Cypriot peace process is deadlocked due to divergent ideational biases of political elites, rendering the rationales and strategies (the ideational underpinnings) behind the peace process ideationally unviable. This desktop study of Cyprus is based of primary data from the official websites of the Republic of Cyprus, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, and the United Nations, published between January of 2019 and April of 2021.
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Whall, Helena J. "The peace process in Sri Lanka : the failure of the People's Alliance government - Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) peace negotiations, 1994-1995." Thesis, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364569.
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González, Peña Andrea Del Pilar. "Exploring the impact of the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration process on post-conflict peace." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22364/.
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Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) is a milestone towards lasting peace, but not the solution for the roots of a conflict. It is considered a highly politicised process because DDR is a cost-increasing provision that not only contributes to the security, but also builds confidence among warring parties. The United Nations has highlighted that without DDR, and specifically demobilisation, civil wars cannot end. Thus, DDR is a crucial aspect of any peace settlement; its greatest challenge is to design a programme and a strategy that convinces both parties that they have guarantees for surrender and disbanding and that their vulnerability and limits will be respected. This study tries to explain why not all agreements include DDR provision during peace negotiation, what determines this, and whether the DDR can explain the resumption of war or the emergence of new types of violence in post-conflict societies. This study contributes to a broader understanding of how DDR provision is determined by specific characteristics of the rebel group, country and conflict; how various components of DDR can have different impacts on the failure of peace and the new type of violence. The findings suggest that including DDR within a peace agreement, especially a reintegration programme, has a significantly positive impact on peace and shows evidence of the importance of military reintegration in the process of peace consolidation.
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Brulin, Emet. "Legitimizing intervention : A critical reading of a contemporary Swedish discourse of peace operations." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-2482.
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This thesis takes its onset in a growing debate about globalization and its possible consequences for the Weberian-state monopoly on the use of force. It concerns the discursive legitimizing and construction of Swedish military peace operations. It studies how the official, Governmental discourse is structured, which arguments are used and how these in turn motivate and legitimize operations. Theoretically it is situated within a poststructuralist understanding but drawing on wider international relations theories to relate the empirical findings to existing research. Methodologically it uses a discourse analytical framework developed by Lene Hansen, supplemented with analytical concepts stemming from the work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Empirically the thesis analyses Governmental Bills, a Governmental Communication and one op-ed written by the minister of Defence in regards of peace operations. The empirical analysis show that the official Swedish discourse of peace operations is structured by three basic discourses; internationalism, stateism and humanitarianism. These are analysed and interpreted in the light of different IR theoretical understandings. The thesis argues that the basic discourses are involved in a reciprocal process in which the state legitimizes peace operations and reproduces the idea of states and foremost the notion of an international state system. The humanitarian factor is less elaborated on in the material, which can be interpreted in different ways, one being that the humanitarian situation is not so important in the eyes of states, another that it is regarded as so self-evident that the situation of flesh and blood individuals is the legitimating reason for Swedish engagement in peace operations that it does not need to be said. The thesis ends with a critical discussion where its findings are related both to the globalization debate and critical peace operations literature.
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Khader, Naim H. "The impact of the Palestinian uprising of 1987-1993 on the peace process a Palestinian perspective." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2011. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/277.
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This study has two major objectives. The first is to analyze and to assess the role and the impact of the Palestinian Uprising of 1987 onthe peace process between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). The second objective is to set forth the Israeli government’s practices and its policies against the Palestinians during the uprising. These two objectives were investigated by searching the available literature that is related to the subject matter and by conducting face-to-face and telephone interviews from both sides, the Palestinians and the Israelis. Students, farmers, businessmen, prisoners, teachers, politicians, military and religious leaders were interviewed. From the findings, many factors worked together and played a significant role in bringing both parties to negotiate peace. Some of these factors, including the Israeli harsh treatment of the Palestinians which brought a wide range of condemnation to Israel by various governments around the world, and the media coverage of the incidents in the Occupied Territories, brought a great deal of support to the Palestinians and their cause, and produced temporary peace between the PLO and Israel. Our investigation and our analysis showed in detail how both parties to the peace negotiation tried to adjust their position toward each other after forty years of hostility in ways that may help to achieve long-lasting peace in the land of peace.
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Thompson, Pierre. "When Peace Fails But Terrorism Succeeds : Do Failing Peace Agreements Encourage Terrorism?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353092.
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The quality of peace at the end of civil war has emerged as an important concept for understanding persistent security threats. This study seeks to bridge two well established fields by asking: Does the failure to implement a peace agreement encourage terrorism? I argue that the psychological effect of a failing peace agreement shapes the individual’s propensity to terrorism by enhancing the appeal of a frame which favors “radical” action to advance the group’s struggle for recognition. Terrorism can be simultaneously an emotionally driven response at the individual level, and a rational choice at the group level. This paper employs mixed methods. A cross-case study measures the spatial/temporal variation in peace settlement implementation and the intensity of terrorism between/within 34 post-accord settings. A within-case study leverages temporal variation to illustrate how four violent non-state actors responded to perceptions of salient loss at various points in the Mindanao peace process. While each organization used terrorism strategically, the strategies were not always linked to peace settlement implementation. This study advances understanding of the event-driven relationship between implementation failure and terrorism, the process by which “radical” frames convert an individual’s emotional reaction into political violence, and the dynamic integration of quantitative and qualitative research.
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Kiely, Keith Peter. "U.S. foreign policy discourse and the Israel lobby : the Clinton administration and the Israeli-Palestinian peace process." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.675665.
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This thesis examines the role played by the pro-Israel lobby during the Clinton Presidency, a time which could be described as one the most crucial moments in the history of United States involvement of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Overall, this research challenges the idea of an all-powerful or monolithic "Israel Lobby", a concept most famously put forward by Mearsheimer and Walt (2006, 2007). The thesis argues that understanding how it is possible for United States foreign policy to operate in a seemingly consistent pro-Israel direction, requires a consideration of American identity and the various but limited types of structured foreign policy discourse(s) this identity creates. I argue that the visibility of pro-Israel groups such as the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) stems from its ability to operate within and utilise existing themes within foreign policy discourse to reproduce, reinforce and amplify representations of subjects and objects and strategic priorities in ways which are compatible with policy preferences.
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Svenson, Anna. "Towards sustainable peace in Uganda?" Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1439.
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<p>This study was performed during the period March – May of 2007 in Kampala and Gulu district, Uganda, and it was made possible due to a scholarship from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). The main focus of the study is to examine and analyse the peace process taking place in Juba (the Juba talks), southern Sudan, with the goal to solve the 20 year old conflict in northern Uganda between the government of Uganda and the rebel group the Lord’s Resistance Army. I am doing this by, first; identify the actors involved by using John Paul Lederach’s pyramid which includes three levels of actors, second; study different methods for peacebuilding and thereafter identify which methods have been used in the Ugandan case and third; discover to what extent the civil society and more specifically women’s organisations have contributed to this process.</p><p>The data collected consist of qualitative literature studies, analyses of articles dealing with the peace talks and interviews with representatives from different levels of the Ugandan society.</p><p>The analyse of the material shows that all levels of the society have been involved to some extent, but that the peace process is mainly characterized by the top-down approach to peacebuilding, with the top level leaders as the main actors. I also found that women’s organisations in Uganda want to engender the peace talks, for example by bringing women to the negotiation table and let them participate in high level decision-making. Finally, the civil society has in general contributed to a large extent to the negotiations in order to bring peace, yet with different results.</p>
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Bragtvedt, Stian. ""Strategic firmness - tactical flexibility" : why did the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) decide to join the peace process? /." Tromsø : Centre for Peace Studies, Universitetet i Tromsø, 2007. http://www.ub.uit.no/munin/bitstream/10037/1053/3/thesis.pdf.
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Abu, Sada Mkhaimar S. "Palestinian political attitudes in the West Bank and Gaza : the impact of party affiliation on political attitudes toward the peace process /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9809683.
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Unruh, Jon Darrel 1958. "Land tenure and the peace process in Mozambique: The role of land dispute resolution in "critical resource" areas." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282497.
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The recent 16 year civil war in Mozambique dislocated approximately six million people (primarily small-scale agriculturalists) from land resources to which they are now returning and re-claiming; comprising the largest return and re-integration of refugees and displaced persons in the history of Africa. The UN expects to continue its resettlement activities in Mozambique until the year 2000. However re-access to land resources is problematic due to overlapping land claims stemming from the reforming state land tenure system, including a reformulating land law. Land concessions are being granted from different ministries at the national, provincial, and district level with no coordination, enforcement, or mechanisms to resolve competing claims between smallholders and concessionaires. Disputes over land resources between participants in a national versus customary tenure system, and the inability of the two to connect in terms of how such disputes are resolved in ways that are viewed as secure and legitimate (and therefore respected) by participants in both systems, can have especially serious repercussions in periods of recovery from armed conflict. The intersection of land tenure system (including formal and customary "laws") and identity is crucial in this regard. This dissertation examines the role "critical resource" tenure following Mozambique's war, and how the conflict between reformulating customary and state land tenure systems aggravates the 'disconnect' between state and customary identities, and works against the peace process underway in the country. In the wake of the Somalia debacle, the UN and the international community are compelled to examine new operational modalities that specifically address the issues that can jeopardize a peace process. This dissertation makes the argument that land tenure in critical resource areas following armed conflict is such a problematic issue, and that attention to this issue needs to become an integral part of the peace process in societies where agriculture is fundamental to recovery.
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Ozer-Afsar, Kivanc. "A Normative and An Empirical Analysis on Conflicts Between Turkey and European Union During The Ongoing Process of Turkey's Membership To The Union." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3572388.
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Hardell, Georg. "Peace and Peacekeeping - A Russian Perspective : An ideational approach to the Russian perception of peace." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175179.
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The role of the United Nations in international peace and peacekeeping has traditionally been supported by the Russian Federation, promoting the UN as a central actor in international politics and using force in the establishment of peace in Russian peacekeeping operations. However, blocking several military interventions and UN resolutions on peacekeeping and criticising the use of the UN as a political tool for western states, the Russian perception of peace in the UN remains uncharted. In an attempt to provide new knowledge to the Russian perception of peace, this thesis investigates Russian ideas of peace expressed in national policy documents and UN Security Council statements between 2019 and 2020, concerning the establishment of peace in international conflicts. Using an ideational analysis, Russian ideas of peace are interpreted according to the theoretical framework of situational and relational peace, developed by Jarstad et al. (2019), examining peace as situational security and political order, and as a relational behaviour, attitudes and ideas. The analysis reveals that Russian ideas can be interpreted as characterised by both situational and relational peace, promoting peace and peacekeeping based on international law, establishing security and stability through peaceful means of conflict management rather than promoting forceful military means. Further, ideas of peacekeeping are interpreted as promoting a return to status quo, and state responsibility.
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SaÌnchez, SaÌnchez Rafael Antonio. "Peace negotiations and the process of reform of the Central American common market in the 1990s : an intergovernmentalist approach to integration." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251425.
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Ljung, Johanna. "Protecting Women to Protect the World? : A critical examination of the `Women and Peace´ thesis through process tracing in the case of Kenya." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384101.
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Despite the number of decades dedicated to research the causes of conflict, an answer has yet to be found. The theoretical discussions to date have in large been blind to the implications of gender. However in 2009, in spite of gender’s general dismissal as ultimate cause, five professors joined together and formulated the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis. It argues, with the statistical significance to show, that women’s physical security greatly effects state security. To explain how women’s physical security affects state security the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis use, amongst other theories, the controversial choice of evolutionary biology and psychology. The purpose and aim of this study has its point of departure within that choice; it aims to critically examine the statements of the ‘Women and Peace' thesis that are based in evolutionary biology and psychology, and social learning theory. It has done so by conducting a process tracing in the case of Kenya, with the help of a theoretical framework derived from segments of the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis. The findings in this study represents a first step towards the essential empirical research for it to be possible to decide wether there is causality and not just covariation behind the statistical significance presented in the 2009-study. In this case, the findings largely corroborate the initial skepticism towards evolutionary theory, while also concluding that social learning theory shows signs of having some explanatory power to it. This study argues that, if found to be empirically accurate, the results of the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis have the potential to completely change the universal strategies used for peacebuilding today. Therefore this study argues that it should not be dismissed, but developed to a state where it is less dependent of evolutionary theory due to its issues with measurement and causality.
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Siddiqui, Hasibullah. "Fredsprocessen i Afghanistan : En kvalitativ studie om Afghanistans fredsprocess." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157592.
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Through this thesis, I aim to research about the obstacles that the current peace process in Afghanistan is facing. I also want to find out what sort of roles do the states such as USA, Russia, Pakistan and Iran have in the Afghan peace process. As Afghanistan has been a victim of war for the past three decades, this research might provide the opportunity for understanding the reasons behind the never-ending turmoil in the country. In order to conduct this research, I have used qualitative methods which consist of interviews and qualitative analysis. Besides these methods, the use of the international relations’ theories such as structural realism and interdependence liberalism have contributed tremendously in the understanding of the obstacles in the Afghan peace process including the roles of USA, Russia, Pakistan and Iran in the Afghan peace process. The conclusion of this research entails that the Afghan peace process is facing dire obstacles. These obstacles are divided into two categories; internal and external. This research’s conclusion also shows that the functions of the above-mentioned states in the Afghan peace process are solely based on their self-interests which by itself is another obstacle for the peace process. To conclude, if the obstacles, which are discussed in this study, continue to exist in the peace process it is impossible for the peace to prevail in Afghanistan.
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Inacio, Elissandro Martins. "O controle espetacular nas capas da revista Veja : uma analise discursiva." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270834.
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Orientador: Jonas de Araujo Romualdo<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T08:11:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2008<br>Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo refletir, a partir de uma perspectiva discursiva, sobre a constituição do acontecimento discursivo relativo à política. Para nosso estudo, desenvolvemos uma análise a partir da noção de acontecimento de Michel Foucault (2002). Visando descrever a constituição do discurso político como controle por meio da formação de saber espetacular, selecionamos algumas capas da revista Veja. Ao descrevermos práticas institucionais da Veja, possibilitamos ao leitor dessa investigação conhecer alguns aspectos do papel dessa revista. Em seguida, caracterizamos a revista como ¿lugar¿ em que a política torna-se visível. No contexto de produção da visibilidade da política, mostramos que a Veja tece uma ¿história¿ do presente para seus leitores. Comparamos o acontecimento discursivo na mídia à noção de acontecimento discursivo trabalhada pelos historiadores. Nesse momento, discutimos a maneira como Foucault (2005) trata a história. Na constituição da história do presente, há relações de poder. Pensando nisso, explicamos a noção de ¿poder¿ para Foucault (1995), pois essa noção é desenvolvida na análise do corpus, possibilitando caracterizar os enunciados da revista como efeito do exercício do poder. No segundo momento da pesquisa, apresentamos uma breve história da Análise do Discurso. Nessa história, destacamos o termo acontecimento. Apontamos algumas diferenças entre a noção de acontecimento discursivo para Pêcheux e a noção de acontecimento discursivo para Foucault. Logo após, tornou-se necessário discutirmos a noção de enunciado para Foucault (2002). Para depois, tratarmos o discurso como controle exercido pela Veja sobre os seus leitores. Por último, analisamos as capas como acontecimento discursivo que emerge numa relação de poder-saber. Dividimos a nossa pesquisa em dois momentos: no primeiro, dedicamo-nos à descrição das práticas institucionais da revista Veja, explicando as noções de visibilidade, história, poder, acontecimento e enunciado; no segundo, ligado ao primeiro, investigamos a noção de controle e, em seguida, analisamos nas capas como esse controle forma saber espetacular. Considerando o acontecimento discursivo constituído por meio do controle espetacular nas capas da Veja, resistimos ao exercício do poder praticado pela revista<br>Abstract: This project has the objective to reflective about a discursive perception that is coming through discussing politic. For this research, I¿m going to develop a kind of analysis from Michel Foucault studies (2002). The essential propose in this is, to write about the constitutional politic discuss as a way to control the knowledge, I picked up some Veja magazines to prove it. As I write about the lawful ways from Veja, I¿ll make the possibility to the readers, to know some essential aspects from this magazine. After that, I¿ll show that magazine is the right place where and how the politic aspect is going to become visible. In the context about the politic progress aspects, I¿ll write the present history to the readers. I¿ll compare the discursive process in the social means of communication against the discursive process from the historian. At this moment I¿ll discuss the way how Foucault (2005) talks about the history. In the constitution of the present history there¿s a relationship with the power. Thinking about this, I¿ll explain the power notion to Foucault (1995), this kind of notion is developed through an analysis in corpus ¿object¿ creating a way to write in this magazine as a process of the power. In the second time, I¿ll present a short history from discuss analysis. Therefore, I¿ll discuss the perception from Pêcheux¿s position and the perception from Foucault's position too (2002). As soon as, I¿ll discuss how Veja magazine control the readers with it's discursive. At least, I¿ll analysis the cover magazine from Veja as a discursive perception that shows a kind of relationship with the power of knowledge. I have divided this research in two moments: in the first one, I write about the institutional ways from Veja magazine, I¿ll explain the notions of visibility, history, power, perception and statement; In the second part, I¿ll research the notion of control and I¿ll analysis some covers from Veja magazine to compare how its used this way of control. Considering the perception discursive inside the way to control how to know through the Veja magazine, I have resisted that power that it was created from this magazine<br>Mestrado<br>Mestre em Linguística
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Kaniaru, Wanjiku. "The impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process: 1991-1996." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002995.
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In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.
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Fangalua, Luciane Fuefue-O.-Lakepa. "Corruption in the Palestinian Authority : neo-patrimonialism, the peace process and the absence of state-hood." Thesis, Durham University, 2012. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3615/.
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The thesis examines the practice of corruption in the Palestinian Authority (PA) from the period of its establishment until the death of Arafat. Palestinian elite formation from the late Ottoman period until the establishment of the PA was assessed in order to identify the elites that came into power in the PA and the political cultures they came to espouse. The two primary elite groups’ (Outsider elites and Insider counter-elites) conflicting political cultures were assessed in how they influenced the decision making process, the construction, and exhibited institutional behaviour of the PA. With the signing of the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (Oslo Accords) on the 13th of September, 1993 between the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Government of Israel it established the Palestinian Authority as the government in transition for the Palestinians. The agreements conferred the governing power and leadership role to the PLO Outsider elites (under Arafat). Due to the secret nature and asymmetrical power relation by which the negotiations and agreements were conducted and signed between the PLO Outsider leadership and the Government of Israel, which excluded inputs from Palestinian Insider elites, the culminating PA structure came to exhibit institutional weakness with certain neo-patrimonial behaviour. The political framework by which the Oslo Accords constructed the PA and influenced by international actors warranted institutional-weakness. Moreover, as external actors’ demands for the PA to deal with the declining Peace Process, and address political and security issues increased, PA corruption behaviour became more apparent and proliferated which became indicative of its fundamental problem in that it lacked statehood, lacked authority and legitimacy, and thus resorted to neo-patrimonial and repressive methods to govern. This neo-patrimonial political culture of Arafat and his governing Outsider elites used corruption as a PA political tool for survival thus suppressing a nascent democratic political culture of the Insiders and consequently led to an institutionalisation of corruption in the PA.
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Batlle, Margarita, and José Ricardo Puyana. "Political reforms and political parties in Colombia: when change is the rule." Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92455.
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This article analyzes the different electoral reforms that have taken place since 1990 and the changes that have characterized the party system in Colombia, mainly in terms of fragmentation and volatility of preferences, with an emphasis on the competition that takes place at the national level and on the origin and dynamics of the new coalition government established by President Juan Manuel Santos in 2010. In addition, we observe the configuration created by the regional and local elections of October 2011 and we discuss on the relationship between electoral regulations and the post conflict scenary. In particular, we deal with questions about the future of Colombian representative institutions, especially rules that determine access to elected office and a possible political participation of demobilized guerrillas. In that sense, it is argued that while the objectives of previous reforms were to achieve higher levels of governance, this new context may put the discussion on the need to sacrifice governance for achieving greater representation back in the center of the debate.<br>El presente artículo analiza las diferentes reformas electorales que han tenido lugar desde 1990, y los cambios que ha sufrido el sistema de partidos, fundamentalmente en términos de fragmentación y volatilidad de las preferencias, con un énfasis en la competencia que tiene lugar en el nivel nacional y en el origen y las dinámicas de la coalición de gobierno creada por el presidente Juan Manuel Santos en 2010. Además, se observa la configuración que puso en evidencia el proceso electoral regional y local de octubre de 2011 y se problematiza la relación entre reglas electorales y postconflicto, especialmente, las reglas que determinan el acceso a los cargos de elección popular y una posible participación de los guerrilleros desmovilizados. En ese sentido, se arguye que, aunque al observar los objetivos de las reformas anteriores la apuesta había sido por lograr mayores niveles de gobernabilidad, este nuevo contexto vuelve a poner en debate la necesidad de sacrificar gobernabilidad por el logro de mayor representatividad.
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Flodén, Linn. "Nature Conservation, Collaboration and Claims : A Discourse Analysis of the Vålådalen-Sylarna-Helags National Park Process." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-179888.
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As a policy field, nature conservation has a problematic history. Setting aside nature forprotection has often entailed the marginalization of Indigenous peoples, their claims, and their traditional lands. Some argue that a shift is occurring in Swedish nature protection policies, from top-down governing modes to collaborative forms. The thesis critically examines the national park process in Vålådalen-Sylarna-Helags, a project unique for nature conservation in Saepmie. No national park was established despite the process’ collaborative form and the inclusion of local actors, among those three reindeer herding communities. The thesis studies discursive constructions of the local Saemie actors’ inclusion and how that affects their possible influence. Moreover, it analyzes central constructions and considers their effects on the projectand change over time. The results show that inclusion is articulated differently by state actorsand reindeer herding communities, limiting and making possible varying forms of influence. The landscape and natural state are central constructions affecting the process, and the project’s aim transforms with significant consequences for the process and possibly its result.
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Semmelroggen, Jan. "A critical discourse analysis of the policy formation process of the 2009 action programme on skilled labour migration in Germany." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/9910.
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This thesis analyzes the political discourse on skilled labour migration in Germany between 2005 and 2009 and investigates how and why skilled labour migration polices are negotiated in the Federal Republic of Germany. In particular the thesis highlights the significance of underlying policy maker motives within the policy formation process of Germany s 2009 Action Programme on Skilled Labour Migration as well as their ultimate imprint on the legislation. The critical discourse analysis of parliamentary debate in Germany between 2005 and 2009 in conjunction with interviews with relevant national policy makers, institutional actors, labour market stakeholder, and independent policy advisors reveals that there is a significant discrepancy between policy maker intent in regards to skilled labour migration legislation and the stated intent of the 2009 Action Programme. While the stated aim of the Action Programme is to facilitate and promote skilled labour migration to Germany, the analysis of relevant political debate and the stakeholder interviews reveals that German policy makers are primarily motivated to protect and promote preferential labour market access for domestic workers while at the same time restricting undesired labour migration to Germany. As a result, the policy measures of the 2009 Action Programme on Skilled Labour Migration have a strong protectionist and restrictionist emphasis. Moreover, the thesis reveals that the complex and multilayered power-negotiations over skilled labour migration legislation between the various policy makers, institutional actors, and labour market stakeholders are largely shaped and framed by domestic political considerations. Notwithstanding the widely acknowledged global competition over skilled workers and the need for German labour market to maintain competitive within the global economy, immigration policy makers in Germany are primarily motivated by factors that are firmly embedded within the national political sphere and that aim to control, limit, and restrict territorial access of foreign workers into the national labour market. This in turn highlights the need for migration scholars to reposition and re-conceptualize the role of the nation-state and as an active agent in shaping international labour migration flows.
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Begler, Hanna. "Exchanging Weapons for Citizenship : Colombia's Process of Reintegrating Former Combatants into Civil Society." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-100835.
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This study analyzes Colombia's current process of reintegrating former combatants into civil society. By employing four different citizenship perspectives constructed as ideal types it is shown how issues such as participation, political influence and the relation between rights and obligations are being addressed in the Colombian reintegration program. By relating these findings to current debates on the relation between security and development in DDR research, the study aims to reconcile the hitherto rather separated but yet intimately related discourses of DDR and citizenship. The analysis of the Colombian program gives a multifaceted picture of the country’s reintegration process where several citizenship perspectives are discerned in various and sometimes overlapping ways. Beyond contributing to an enhanced understanding of the Colombian process, the study illustrates the numerous ways in which diverging citizenship perspectives may be incorporated into a wider framework of peace and state-building and the potential tensions that are discerned in different approaches to DDR.
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Bahouth, Chadi. "Der Konflikt um Wasser in Israel und Palästina : Konfliktstoff trotz Friedensquells – die vergebene Chance einer nachhaltigen und gerechten Lösung." Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4074/.
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Wasser ist rar im Nahen Osten. Die knappe Ressource wird immer häufiger zum Gegenstand politischer Konflikte in der ohnehin instabilen Region. Der Konflikt zwischen Israel und Palästina gilt als eines der gravierendsten Beispiele für diese Entwicklung: Wasser als umkämpftes Menschenrecht, Wasser als strategisches Mittel der Besetzungspolitik und Wasser als Gegenstand langwieriger Verhandlungen.
Der Wasserkonflikt ist so alt wie der Nahostkonflikt selbst. Sogar mit Beginn des Oslo-Prozesses 1993 hat es weder einen grundlegenden Wandel im Wasserkonflikt, noch in der Aussicht auf Veränderung der Wasserknappheit gegeben. Immerhin können die Palästinenser in der momentanen Situation ihre eigene Wasserversorgung dort selbst verwalten, wo es ihnen laut der Übereinkünfte erlaubt ist. Jedoch ist diese Freiheit eine sehr begrenzte und eine endgültige Klärung dieses Streitpunktes wurde, zusammen mit Jerusalem, den Flüchtlingen, den Siedlungen und der Staatsbildung auf die Endstatusverhandlungen verschoben.
Chadi Bahouth, Absolvent des Otto-Suhr-Instituts der Freien Universität Berlin, untersucht in seiner Doktorarbeit die Gründe für die ungelöste Wasserfrage. Er analysiert die historische und rechtliche Chronologie des Konfliktes, bietet Lösungsvorschläge für die Wasserkrise an und erklärt, warum die Region dennoch für Generationen nicht zur Ruhe kommen wird.<br>Water is rare at the Middle East and becomes more and more a matter of political conflicts in the already instable region. The conflict between Israel and Palestine is a serious noticeable example of this development: water as a hard-fought human right, water as a strategic mean of the politics of occupation and water as a matter of protracted negotiations.
The battles for water are as old as the Middle East conflict itself. Even with the beginning of the Oslo-Process in 1993 there has not been a fundamental change containing the water conflict. After all, the Palestinians in the actual situation can administrate their own water supply, where they are allowed to concern the accords. But this freedom is strictly confined and a clarification of the controversial subject, together with Jerusalem, the refugees, the settlements and the building of the state were adjusted to the negotiations of the permanent status.
Chadi Bahouth, alumnus of the Otto-Suhr-Institute (Free University Berlin), inspects in his doctoral thesis the reasons for the unsolved water politics. He analyses the historical and judicial chronology of the conflict, offers proposals for solution and explains, why the region will not be steadied for generations, nevertheless.
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Vullers, Pieter. "Nature as a Political Enactment Within the Global Biodiversity Debate and a Plea for a Process-Inspired Transition Governance." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Stockholm Resilience Centre, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-194677.
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A revolution is brewing within global biodiversity governance as attempts to govern and to deal with biodiversity loss have not led to any substantial results. The underlying drivers of biodiversity loss keep adding to the total ecological predicament which in turn sets in motion an epistemological paradigm shift (episteme) with a call for transformative change. This shift of episteme confronts Western modern ways of thinking and challenges to leave bifurcated views of Nature behind. This leads to a shift in the great conservation debate towards a new Anthropocene conservation debate, where new discursive positions arise stressing to move beyond nature-culture dichotomies and beyond capitalism. These positions challenge the reformist and prosaic mainstream conservation regime of the Convention of Biological Diversity (CBD) with its tendency for rational problem-solving and incremental adjustments. Contemporary process philosophers are now also creating their own discursive niche position within academia as “Earth bound”. This study draws from this position to shed a different light on the new Anthropocene conservation debate. It outlines how a “dogmatic image of thought” and how “the fallacy of the bifurcation of Nature” have created the conditions for the underlying drivers of biodiversity loss maintaining the mainstream conservation regime. “Living in harmony with nature” and “bending the curve of biodiversity loss” prove to be useful synergetic epistemic notions to break out of the dogmatic image and to leave bifurcation behind. Process-relational thinking can help understand how transition governance can support new policies that aim to create cross-scale alignments for local action within international negotiations. Therefore, this study proposes a renewed process-inspired transition governance, which could help to find capacities that have yet remained unexercised. Based on speculative methods creating social-ecological imaginaries, these capacities can be discovered but this requires the global conservation community to see beyond the dogmatic image and bifurcation in the journey to living in harmony with nature in 2050, for which the epistemic notions of “living in harmony with nature” and “bending the curve of biodiversity loss” could turn out to be useful synergetic starting points.
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Hansen, Maike. "Potential for Peace Journalism? : Exploring the factors that influenced the coverage of Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition protests." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-36945.
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The coverage of news media on conflicts increasingly became the subject of criticism, accused of sensationalism, oversimplification, and underrepresentation of certain issues. While recognizing that it is the journalists and editors that make choices regarding the collection and framing of the stories and accounts published in newspapers and digital media outlets, this thesis sets to understand these choices against the background of the web of structural constraints pertaining to professional, organizational, economic and political contexts of their work. Drawing on a theoretical perspective of Peace Journalism and Bläsi’s model of factors influencing conflict-coverage, this thesis explores what factors influenced the coverage of Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition protests and how they can be seen as hindrances or facilitators for Peace Journalism. The study presents the results of a qualitative content analysis of material obtained through semi-structured expert interviews with four journalists who covered the protests on-site. The findings display that factors pertaining to the journalistic system, personal features of the journalist, lobbies, conflict situation on-site, public climate, and audience were playing a significant role in shaping the news production throughout the Anti-Extradition protests. A majority of these factors were identified as limiting rather than facilitating Peace Journalism. This study suggests that in order to have a relevant and lasting impact, Peace Journalism needs to formulate strategies that consider the realities journalists face on the ground and factors influencing conflict coverage that pose limitations to its practice.
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Delisle, Claire E. "Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22905.
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The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the political party of Irish republicans, initiated peace that led to all-inclusive talks in the 1990s and that culminated in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, setting out the parameters for a non-violent way forward. Given the traditional intransigence of the IRA to consider any route other than armed conflict, how did the leadership of the Irish Republican Movement secure the support of a majority of republicans for a peace initiative that has held now for more than fifteen years? This dissertation explores the dynamics of leadership in this group, and in particular, focuses on the prisoner resistance waged by its incarcerated activists and volunteers. It is the contention here, that various prisoner resistance tactics enabled a wide-ranging group of captives to develop the skill set necessary to persuade their community to back the peace initiative, engage in electoral politics, mobilize their supporters to invest in attaining a united Ireland by peaceful negotiations, and put down their arms in a permanent and unequivocal manner. In this dissertation, the work of Paulo Freire is explored in order to capture the processes inherent the resistance-leadership continuum.
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Eriksson, Sofia. "Romers rätt till politisk delaktighet och inflytande i Sverige : en diskursorienterad policyanalys av artikel 15 i Ramkonventionen." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-361.
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<p>The aim of this essay is to study the decision making process and implementation of the principle of political participation and influence for Roma minority in Sweden. The results regarding the decision making process is structured through a discourse influenced policy analyses. Problem picture and recommended measures in the political documents representing the decision making process are analysed through theories of minority rights and equality. The implementation is seen through, by the author given minority discourse and the work in the roma council and analysed by the same theories already mentioned.</p><p>The results show that regarding the decision process the aim of art.15 in the framework convention is based on the idea of equality while the Swedish documents relates more to an idea of the right to speak for the group. Regarding recommended measures, the framework convention gives several recommendations on specific measures for political participation while the Swedish documents focuses on the general politics of the state. The results of the analyses of the implementation shows that those actors in the discourse, comparing the political participation for romas before and after the implementation of the minority policy creates a positive view of the principle, while those relating the principle to real influence in the political decision gives a more negative view of the implementation. The work in the Roma council shows that the majority of the issues are in information and discussion form and mostly information given by government staff. There has been critical voices from Roma representatives, while an another think time will give more space for Romas to have more influence. The Roma representatives still have a position outside the positions of real power influence in the consultative body.</p>
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Tufano, Sara. "Crise política, abertura democrática e processos de paz na Colômbia dos anos 1980." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-08092016-172645/.
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Já há mais de cinquenta anos, a Colômbia vem sendo palco de uma persistente luta armada. Porém, só no início dos anos 1980 foram iniciados processos de paz com as guerrilhas para tentar pôr fim ao conflito. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo comparar dois desses processos: o primeiro, durante o governo de Belisario Betancur (1982-1986); o segundo, no governo posterior de Virgilio Barco (1986-1990). Partindo de uma revisão da literatura sobre o tema, tentamos apontar para as limitações da mesma e, a partir disso, propor uma interpretação alternativa para o estudo das negociações. O problema central, portanto, é entender porque esses dois governos decidiram optar pela solução política do conflito em vez da solução militar. Para tanto, parte-se da análise dos principais regimes políticos na Colômbia durante o século XX, assim como do período conhecido como La Violencia e do surgimento das primeiras guerrilhas revolucionarias. Trata-se de entender a crise política dos anos 1980, cuja solução implicou recuperar o monopólio estatal da violência, desmobilizar as guerrilhas e possibilitar sua transformação em partidos políticos e sua participação em contendas eleitorais. O pano de fundo do processo é o desmonte da Frente Nacional e o início da abertura democrática do regime político. Ao inscrever as negociações em um contexto mais amplo de democratização e disputa política, é possível identificar mudanças do regime, oferecendo, com efeito, uma análise alternativa para os estudos acerca dos processos de paz.<br>Armed struggle in Colombia has existed for more than fifty years but it was only at the beginning of the 1980s when, in an attempt to end the conflict, peace negotiations with guerrillas were initiated. The goal of this dissertation is to compare two of those peace processes: the first, held under President Belisario Betancur\'s Administration (1982-1986), and the second one, under President Virgilio Barcos Administration (1986-1990). Upon reviewing existing literature on this subject, we have tried to highlight their limitations and, consequently, to propose an alternative interpretation for the study of peace negotiations. The key issue is then to understand why both Administrations chose a political solution to the conflict rather than a military one. Thus, the starting point is an analysis of the main political regimes in Colombia during the 20th century, as well as of the period of La Violencia and of the emergence of the first revolutionary guerrilla groups. The matter is to understand the political crisis of the 1980s, the solution of which meant recovering the state monopoly of violence, demobilizing the guerrillas and enabling their transformation into political parties and participation in competitive elections. The background of such process is the dismantling of the political regime known as Frente Nacional (National Front) and the beginning of the so-called democratic opening. By embedding the negotiations in such a broader context of democratization and political confrontation, it is possible to identify the regimes changes and alterations, thus providing an alternative reading for the study of peace processes.
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Moreno, Cabanillas Guadalupe [Verfasser], and Andreas [Akademischer Betreuer] Blätte. "The process of marketization of the European social democratic political discourse. : The case study of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (1998-2013) / Guadalupe Moreno Cabanillas ; Betreuer: Andreas Blätte." Duisburg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1166559483/34.
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Müller, Annika Sophie. "“Equality, Development and Peace for All Women Everywhere”? : An Analysis of Sexual Violence Against Women and Concurring International Conventions Concerned with Protecting the Rights of Women." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-168329.
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Violence against women continues to be an issue that severely impacts women worldwide. Since the global spread of the #MeToo movement in 2017, debates regarding this issue significantly increased. Yet the precise ways in which women are impacted by violence, heavily influenced by their unique and diverse aspects of identity, are often disregarded. By focusing on two of these aspects of identity, namely gender and nationality, and comparing the circumstances of sexual violence against women in Germany, Nigeria, and South Korea, this thesis aims to showcase the diverse experiences of ‘being a woman’ and what this implies regarding the issue of sexual violence against women. With an additional analysis of four important international conventions aimed at ameliorating women’s lives (UDHR, CEDAW, DEVAW, and BPfA) regarding their acknowledgement of this diversity and guided by three theories, namely Multi-Ethnic Feminism, Feminist Postcolonialism, and Intersectionality, this thesis highlights the necessity of including everyone and their unique experiences with all kinds of discrimination to adequately tackle an issue such as sexual violence against women.
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Danielsson, Marianne. "Fängslande idéer : Svensk miljöpolitik och teorier om policyproduktion." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-122391.
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This thesis investigates the role of ideas in policy processes. It does so using three theories as a starting point, selected for being alike yet unique in their description of how ideas may “get stuck” in the organization’s production and reproduction of policy. The theories are Discourse Coalition Framework, Advocacy Coalition Framework, and Punctuated Equilibrium Theory. These theories have very different emphases but share constructivist traits and an interest in how social processes of meaning making take form in a rather “traditional” organizational setting, thus paying attention to, if not reducing the study to, the institutions of representative democracy. Two theoretical problems are identified within these theories. They concern 1) the mechanism and 2) the object of analysis. The theoretical question addressed in part I is: How are we to understand the proposition that ideas may cause stability in policy processes? What is the underlying mechanism? It is argued that the cognitive mechanism which the theories use should be substituted with a social psychological one. The assumption that stability is created when political actors conform to the ideas of others when they are confronted with apparent unanimity among policy makers, rather than that they internalize these ideas, makes both greater stability and instability in policy processes more plausible. Part II poses the question; if we are to investigate policy stability and instability using the discussed theoretical perspective, what unit of analysis should we use? In other words, what is a policy? It is argued that if ideological stability is seen as an effect of how policy formulation is organized (as is argued in part I), then close attention must be paid to processual factors when it is decided what unit of policy, on what level, might be explained. It is furthermore argued that although we may theoretically form an idea about substantially coherent patterns of policy recognizable as a policy, which should result from stable organizational patterns of communication in the policy process, it remains an empirical question if and where these patterns can actually be found. An analysis of Swedish environmental policy is performed to allow for observations of the degree to which empirical evidence is consistent with the policy patterns predicted by the theoretical assumptions outlined in part one.
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Ives-Allison, Nicole D. "P stones and provos : group violence in Northern Ireland and Chicago." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6925.
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Although the government of the United States of America was established to protect the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness among all American citizens, this thesis argues intractable gang violence in inner-city Chicago has persistently denied these rights, in turn undermining fundamental (and foundational) American political values. Thus, gang violence can be argued to represent a threat to both civil order and state legitimacy. Yet, where comparable (and generally lower) levels of community-level violence in Northern Ireland garnered the sustained attention and direct involvement of the United Kingdom's central government, the challenge posed by gang violence has been unappreciated, if not ignored, by the American federal government. In order to mobilise the political commitment and resources needed to find a durable resolution to Chicago's long and often anarchic 'uncivil war', it is first necessary to politicise the problem and its origins. Contributing to this politicisation, this thesis explains why gang violence in Chicago has been unable to capture the political imagination of the American government in a way akin to paramilitary (specifically republican) violence in Northern Ireland. Secondly, it explains how the depoliticisation of gang violence has negatively affected response, encouraging the continued application of inadequate and largely ineffective response strategies. Finally, it makes the case that, while radical, a conditional agreement-centric peace process loosely modelled on that employed in Northern Ireland might offer the most effective strategy for restoring the sense of peace and security to inner-city Chicago lost over half a century ago.
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Roy, Grégoire Etienne. "Écosystème normatif minier et communautés politiques en Colombie transitionnelle." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39059.
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Résumé
Cette thèse examine l’impact de l’octroi de titres miniers sur les dynamiques politiques ayant cours dans des territoires affectés par le conflit armé colombien. Du point de vue théorique, elle reprend les questions classiques que la philosophie politique formule au sujet du rapport entre normes et communauté politique, c.-à-d., autour du rapport dialectique entre politique et droit. Elle les reformule cependant au regard des transformations induites par la globalisation: la multiplication et la superposition de différents régimes normatifs, qui remettent en cause la cohérence de la sphère normative et, par le fait même, le rapport assumé entre droit, démocratie et souveraineté. M’appuyant sur les réflexions de chercheurs de l’École de Bruxelles de philosophie du droit, je propose le modèle « d’écosystème normatif » pour analyser les rapports qui s'établissent entre des régimes normatifs a priori incommensurables, allant du droit aux stratégies contre-insurrectionnelles, de la Responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE) à la morale; et des relations contractuelles à la violence politique.
Sur la base d’études de cas menées dans deux régions de la province d’Antioquia, cette thèse démontre que l’octroi de titres miniers favorise des configurations particulières de l’écosystème normatif. En d'autres mots, l’octroi de titres miniers induit une certaine stabilisation des relations entre droit public, RSE, contractualité et gouvernementalité, que j'appelle « écosystème normatif minier ». Ma thèse conclut que l’écosystème normatif minier colombien est peu propice à l'articulation de communautés politiques et empêche la conduite délibérée et rationnelle des affaires publiques ainsi que l'organisation démocratique du territoire. L’écosystème normatif minier favorise au contraire des rapports sociaux utilitaires, la corruption, le clientélisme et la violence politique.
Cette recherche démontre en outre que les « solutions » normatives mises de l’avant pour traiter les conflits suscités par l’activité minières remettent parfois en cause certaines catégories fondamentales de la pensée politique et juridique moderne. En Colombie, une politique d’institutionnalisation de la RSE, menée conjointement par l’État et les titulaires miniers, induit ainsi des changements profonds dans les rapports entre communautés, entreprises et gouvernements.
Ma thèse clarifie ainsi certains des défis que la société colombienne doit surmonter, étant donné les nombreux titres miniers octroyés sur une grande proportion de son territoire, pour mener à bien le processus de paix initié en 2016.
Summary
This thesis examines the impact of granting mining titles on political dynamics in the territories affected by the Colombian armed conflict. From a theoretical point of view, it takes up the classic political philosophy interrogations about the relationship between norms and political community, i.e., the dialectical relationship between politics and law. Those questions are updated by taking into account the transformations induced by globalization: indeed, the multiplication and superimposition of different normative regimes undermines the coherence of the normative sphere and, by the same token, the assumed relationship between law, democracy and sovereignty. Based on the reflections of researchers at the Brussels School of Philosophy of Law, I propose the notion of “normative ecosystem” to analyze the relationships that are established between presumably incommensurable normative regimes, from law to the counter-insurgency strategies, from Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) to morality; and from contractual relations to political violence.
Based on case studies conducted in two regions of the province of Antioquia, this thesis demonstrates that the granting of mining titles favors particular configurations of the normative ecosystem. In other words, the granting of mining titles induces a certain stabilization of the relations between law, CSR, contractuality and governmentality, which I call the “mining normative ecosystem”. My thesis concludes that the Colombian mining normative ecosystem is not conducive to the articulation of political communities and prevents the deliberate and rational conduct of public affairs as well as the democratic organization of the territory. On the contrary, the mining normative ecosystem favors utilitarian social relations, corruption, clientelism and political violence.
This research also shows that the normative “solutions” put forward to deal with conflicts in the mining sector call into question certain fundamental categories of modern political and legal thought. In Colombia, a policy of institutionalization of CSR conducted jointly by the State and mining title holders induces profound changes in the relationships between communities, companies and governments.
My thesis thus clarifies some of the challenges that Colombian society must overcome, given the numerous mining titles granted over a large part of its territory, to successfully carry out the peace process initiated in 2016.
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Turati, Carlos Alberto. "O discurso político da luta contra a pobreza : uma análise de sua produção e circulação no contexto brasileiro contemporâneo." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2016. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7876.
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Previous issue date: 2016-03-23<br>In our research, we investigate the discourse on the fight against
poverty in the contemporary Brazilian political sphere, by analyzing the aspects of
constitution, formulation and circulation of this discourse. More specifically, we take
as a starting point, for the analysis, a set of speeches presented by President Dilma
Rousseff in 2011, the year in which the federal government has adopted the slogan
Rich country is country without poverty, and has made the fight against poverty a
central goal of government actions. Supported by theoretical and methodological
framework of Discourse Analysis and having as main reference the work of Michel
Pêcheux, we take as a theoretical presupposition that all discursive practice is
entered in contradictory-unequal- overdetermined complex of discursive formations
that characterizes the ideological instance in given historical conditions. Therefore,
we consider the category of the material contradiction as a constitutive condition of
the discursive process, such that we consider it as a theoretical principle that guides
the research and, at the same time, as the object of analysis. From this perspective,
first we search to understand some historical determinations of the processes of
meaning production. Thus, we identified in the context of European industrialization
that the hegemonic form of the fight against poverty, already in its origin, is
constituted by a set of contradictions that indicate that its goal is first of all a goal of
the ruling classes, having in the classical liberal thought the basis of its formation.
Similarly, we have identified that in the historical context of the Brazilian national
problems, since the extractive activities until the contemporary capitalism, certain
meanings that relate poverty to the public menace and violence, that take it as an
indirect social and economic concern and that constitute the poor as naturally
incapable feature an elitist and vertical view of the problem. Then we investigated
how the contemporary form of the discourse on the fight against poverty acquired a
central role in Brazilian politics, becoming a kind of categorical imperative of political
and discursive actions. We seek to identify how this discourse has its hegemonic
reproduction guaranteed, where apparent and naturalized differences serve to cover
the constitutive contradictions that materialize the class conflicts that generate social
inequalities. Thus, we see how the forms of functioning of the discourse on the fight
against poverty configure strategies by which its constitutive contradictions are
rarefied, erased, displaced and forgotten. If the first and most apparent contradiction
of this discourse is the fact that it becomes hegemonic under the dictates and the
impulse of monetary institutions, in our analysis, we observed that its hegemonic
condition in the Brazilian political field has its efficiency guaranteed because such
discourse functions contradictorily as evidence, consensus and truth to be taught; it
mutes the agents and processes of exploitation by the capital, producing consensus
within the contradictions and operating a management of the polemic within the
political field; it is based on moral, subjectifying the poverty; it produces an erosion of
collective identities of resistance; it delegitimizes politically the organized groups and
individuals in their fight against inequalities; and subjective the poor as economic
subject in a passive dimension.<br>Em nossa pesquisa investigamos o discurso da luta contra a pobreza
na esfera política brasileira contemporânea mediante a análise dos aspectos de sua
constituição, formulação e circulação. Mais especificamente, tomamos como ponto
de partida da análise um conjunto de falas da presidente Dilma Rousseff produzidas
durante o ano de 2011, ano no qual o governo federal adotou o slogan País rico é
país sem pobreza e fez da luta contra a pobreza um objetivo central das ações
governamentais. Amparados no arcabouço teórico-metodológico da Análise do
discurso e tendo como principal referência os trabalhos de Pêcheux, tomamos por
pressuposto teórico que toda prática discursiva está inscrita no complexo
contraditório-desigual-sobredeterminado das formações discursivas que caracteriza
a instância ideológica em condições históricas dadas. Assim sendo, consideramos a
categoria da contradição material como condição constitutiva do processo discursivo
de modo que a tomamos como princípio teórico que orienta a pesquisa e ao mesmo
tempo como objeto de análise. A partir dessa perspectiva, buscamos primeiramente
compreender algumas determinações históricas dos processos de produção de
sentidos. Assim, identificamos no contexto da industrialização europeia que a forma
hegemônica da luta contra a pobreza já em sua origem é constituída por uma gama
de contradições que apontam que seu objetivo é antes de tudo um objetivo das
classes dominantes, tendo no pensamento liberal clássico a base de sua formação.
De forma análoga, identificamos que no contexto histórico dos problemas nacionais
brasileiros, desde as atividades extrativistas até o capitalismo contemporâneo,
determinados sentidos que relacionam a pobreza à ameaça pública e à violência,
que a tomam por uma preocupação social e econômica indireta e que constituem o
pobre como naturalmente incapaz caracterizam uma visão elitista e vertical sobre o
problema. Em seguida investigamos como a forma contemporânea do discurso da
luta contra a pobreza adquiriu um papel central na política brasileira, tornando-se
uma espécie de imperativo categórico das ações políticas e discursivas. Procuramos
identificar como esse discurso tem a sua reprodução hegemônica garantida, onde
diferenças aparentes e naturalizadas servem para se sobrepor às contradições
constitutivas que materializam os conflitos de classe geradores das desigualdades
sociais. Assim, observamos como as formas de funcionamento do discurso da luta
contra a pobreza configuram estratégias pelas quais suas contradições constitutivas
são rarefeitas, apagadas, deslocadas e esquecidas. Se a contradição primeira e
mais aparente desse discurso consiste no fato de que ele se torna hegemônico sob
o ditame e o impulso das instituições do dinheiro, em nossas análises pudemos
observar que essa sua condição no campo político brasileiro tem sua eficácia
garantida porque tal discurso funciona contraditoriamente como evidência, consenso
e verdade a ser ensinada; silencia os agentes e os processos de exploração do
capital, produzindo o consenso no interior das contradições e operando uma gestão
da polêmica no interior do campo político; fundamenta-se na moral, subjetivando a
pobreza; produz uma erosão de identidades coletivas de resistência; deslegitima
politicamente os grupos organizados e os sujeitos individualizados em sua luta
contra as desigualdades; e subjetiva o pobre como sujeito econômico em uma
dimensão passiva.
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Ramic, Nedim. "Att förstå konflikter : En jämförelse av Angolas och Bosnien-Hercegovinas fredsprocesser." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-53144.
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This study has the ambition to examine and compare Angolas failed peace process with Bosnia-Herzegovina’s successful peace process through Kumar Rupesinghes theory in conflict transformation. By comparing the two peace processes through Rupesinghes theory we can get an answer why Angola’s peace failed while Bosnia-Herzegovina’s lasted. This study has two purposes. Based on a comparison of Angolas and Bosnia-Herzegovina’s peace processes, how well is it possible to explain the outcome of the two countries peace process? How useful is Rupesinghes theory? The study showed that Bosnia-Herzegovina employed factors from Rupesinghes theory, in a much higher sense than Angola. They were especially more successful in employing the economic factors from Rupesinghes theory. This therefore can be a reason why Angola’s peace failed while Bosnia’s lasted. In testing the theory’s usefulness the study showed that the theory is useful in many factors and can be used to give a qualified answer to why a peace lasts or fails. But the theory also has its flaws, some of the steps in the theory need a better explanation and some of the steps are more important depending on which country the theory is applied upon. Key words: Angola, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kumar Rupesinghe, conflict transformation, civil-war, peace, peace processes, Bicesse, Dayton
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Trimithiotis, Dimitris. "La production des discours électoraux comme configuration des mythes politiques européens : Une analyse comparative des programmes électoraux européens, français et chypriotes pour les élections du Parlement européen de 2009." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM3052.
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Cette thèse se donne pour objectif de questionner l’idée de la non existence d’« Europe politique ». Les programmes électoraux sont mis au centre de cette recherche. Ils permettent l’analyse du politique à la fois dans sa dimension cognitive et pragmatique. La première dimension est examinée à travers les mythes que ces discours construisent. La deuxième est examinée à partir des configurations de la production des programmes. L’analyse du rapport dialogique de ces deux dimensions permet de démystifier le politique européen. Les constats sont issus d’une enquête comparative des programmes des élections européennes de 2009, prenant en compte des partis et des contextes nationaux différents. Si ces programmes présentent des proximités importantes qui renforcent l’idée d’une « technocratisation du politique », les programmes construisent également des mythes diversifiés selon leur appartenance partisane et selon leur origine culturelle. Ils construisent des situations de « mésentente », condition fondamentale pour le politique. L’Europe politique existe ! Cette thèse va au-delà de cette affirmation afin de discuter les modalités de l’existence et de la production de ce politique. Elle montre que les mythes produits s’articulent avec le mode d’action des parlementaires au sein de l’UE, l’origine des participants dans les processus de production des programmes. Les résultats mettent en avant aussi que les mythes produits au niveau européen ne circulent pas de la même manière dans tous les États-membres : ils dépendent des enjeux locaux et sont inscrits dans des rapports symboliques qui cadrent les relations entre les « grands » et les « petits » de l’Europe<br>The aim of this thesis is to question the idea of a "political Europe". The electoral platforms are placed at the centre of this research. They enable the analysis of “the political” in its double dimension: cognitive and pragmatic. The first dimension is examined through the myths that these discourses construct, the second through the configuration of the production of the platforms. The analysis of the dialogic relation between these two dimensions contributes to demystifying the myths of Europe. The findings are drawn from a comparative study of the programs of the elections of 2009, taking into account different parties and national contexts. These electoral programs contain important similarities which reinforce the idea of a “technocratisation of politics”. But the programs also produce various and contradictory myths, according to party affiliation and to cultural origins. They produce situations of “dissensus”, a fundamental condition for the political. The conclusion is that political Europe does exist. However, this thesis goes beyond this statement and opens the discussion on the modalities of existence, production and recontextualisation of this political. It shows that the constructed myths can be articulated as part of the activities within the European Parliament, the origin of participants in the process of production of electoral programs. The results also highlight that the myths constructed at the European Union level do not circulate and are not re-contextualised in the same way in all member-states: they depend on and are mediated via local issues and are embedded in the symbolic relations between the grands and the petits of Europe
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Bygg, Joel. "Demokrati – så länge den är bekväm : En diskursanalytisk studie över den process som formade både dagens skollag SFS 2010:800 och Gymnasieskolans läroplan Gy11." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75407.
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The Swedish curriculum for the upper secondary school has been through a major change in the new corriculom that came in 2011 together with the new law concerning the Swedish schoolsystem (SFS 2010:800). The process behind these documents has been the main purpose and goal of this study. This has taken the form of a discourse analysis of all the material that led to the making of the current curriculum and the law concerning the Swedish school system. The discourse analysis looked after mechanisms of exclusion in both the process and the finished products of the two documents and also focused to see if there were any ethnocentric features present. The result shows that the curriculum together with the Swedish law concerning the school system is in a paradoxical relationship where Swedish teachers have to be inclusive in the pupils right to express different opinions, and at the same time be exclusive as only democratic values as is tradition in the west are to be accepted. At the same time there are some ethnocentric features present regarding how these democratic values should be thought, as it says it should follow western humanism and Christian ethics and values. These paradoxical and ethnocentric elements who are found within these documents show that some people may be excluded and that teachers may have to sacrifice either the students right to express themselves or their cultural differences or sacrifice the core values from whom the teachers are forced to abide to.
47
Bartz, Jamie. "Explaining domestic inputs to Israeli Foreign and Palestinian Policy: politics, military, society /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBartz.pdf.
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Vucic, Stefan. "International Negotiations: Language in Crisis and Conflict Handling Negotiations, and vice versa : A conceptual study on international crisis/conflict negotiations considered in Wittgensteinian, Austinian and Derridean terms, with reflections on the cases of Oslo 1 Accords 1993 and Rambouillet Negotiations 1999." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-160505.
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The thesis presents a conceptual study engaging the theories emerged in the philosophy of language and the theories of international relations and negotiations into a single framework. The framework comprises the concepts developed by L. Wittgenstein, J. L. Austin, and J. Derrida whose relevance has been identified through searching for the zone of common grounds in which they could contribute to the theoretical knowledge on international negotiations in crisis and conflict handling contexts. It has accordingly been developed following the lines of the IR/negotiations theoretical set, but also adjusted by considering two relevant empirical cases. The said Wittgenstein-Austin-Derrida framework has been assigned the mission to study language as a tool in crisis/conflict negotiations, but likewise to consider crisis/conflict negotiations in the framework of language. This implies the post-structuralist approach to the international affairs, which enables the possibility of deconstructing the matter on its textual/discursive components. On such grounds, it perceives the ‘text’ as a source of political power, i.e. as a pattern which comprises the present institutions. By virtue of assigning new meanings to the ‘text’, it regards discourses as that what creates agencies in international relations.
49
Ujkani, Venera. "The Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats Idea Development 2010-2018 : Comprehending the Parties Migration Policy Development Through Rational Action, Societal Discourses and Critical Junctures." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-84656.
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The aim of this study is to analyse the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development in the issue of migration in 2010-2018. The inquiry consists of the following two research questions. How has the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats positions regarding migration developed in 2010-2018? How can institutional theories explain the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development? The study is encompassed by three theoretical perspectives also recognised as rational-choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. In regard to the methodological approach, the study employs the comparative case study design with the most-similar system and is essentially an idea analytical study. The main results reveal that both the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats have adjusted their migration policies but to different degrees. The Swedish Democrats promote similar policies in 2010 as in 2018 with smaller alterations while the Moderate Party has customised larger alterations, distinguishing the party’s migration policy from 2010 and 2018. These policy alterations are primarily explained as a result of rational action, societal discourses and critical junctures.
50
Ducastelle, Lison. "L'IRA : de la violence armée au désarmement (1969-2005) : enjeux, symboles et mécanismes." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030190/document.
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L’Irish Republican Army (IRA), le principal groupe paramilitaire républicain, fut fondé en 1969. Dès lors, il lutta contre la présence britannique en Irlande du Nord et pour la réunification de l’île d’Irlande. Le désarmement de l’IRA, considéré comme irréalisable jusqu’en 2001, s’accomplit pourtant bel et bien entre 2001 et 2005 dans le cadre du processus de paix. Le 26 septembre 2005, l’IRA avait officiellement déposé les armes. Quels mécanismes avaient alors permis, au sein du processus de paix nord-irlandais, d’aboutir à la "mise hors d’état de nuire" de l’arsenal de l’IRA qui déclarait pourtant encore en 1998 qu’il n’accepterait pas de rendre les armes ? Comme l’annonce le titre de cette thèse, trois questions sous-tendent notre analyse : quels étaient les enjeux de l’abandon de la violence et du désarmement pour l’IRA et le Sinn Féin durant tout le processus de paix ? Quelle était la portée symbolique du désarmement pour le groupe armé clandestin et pour le mouvement républicain dans son ensemble ? Enfin, quels mécanismes, tant diplomatiques que psychologiques, avaient pu convaincre l’IRA d’abandonner la violence puis de désarmer ? À la demande du groupe clandestin, la nature du dispositif de désarmement et le nombre d’armes détruites demeurent confidentiels. Cette étude ne prétend donc pas révéler des secrets d’État, mais bien de mettre en évidence la dynamique du processus qui a mené l’IRA de la violence armée à l’abandon des armes<br>The Irish Republican Army (IRA), the main Republican paramilitary group in Northern Ireland was founded in 1969. From then on it fought to put an end to the British presence in Northern Ireland and to achieve the unification of Ireland. The decommissioning of the IRA, which seemed unrealizable until 2001, was indeed accomplished between 2001 and 2005, as part of the Peace Process. On 26 September 2005, the IRA officially laid down its weapons. What mechanisms played a role in the IRA putting its arsenal beyond use during the Northern Ireland Peace Process, despite the armed group’s declaration in 1998 that there would be no disarmament? As mentioned in the title of this thesis, three questions underlie our analysis: What was at stake in the giving up of violence and in decommissioning for the IRA and Sinn Féin during the Peace Process? What was the symbolic significance of decommissioning for the IRA and for the whole Republican movement? Finally, what diplomatic and psychological mechanisms managed to convince the IRA to give up violence and then to disarm? At the clandestine group’s own request, the technical aspects of decommissioning and the number of arms which were destroyed still remain confidential. Therefore, this study does not reveal any State secrets, but rather underlines the dynamics of the process which led the IRA from armed violence to the giving up of arms