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Journal articles on the topic 'Peace process; Political discourse'
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1
Courtheyn, Christopher. "Peace geographies." Progress in Human Geography 42, no. 5 (2017): 741–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132517727605.
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The emerging peace geographies subfield has made significant contributions to peace research by showing how peace is a contested spatial process and political discourse. This article integrates peace geographies with the until now ignored trans-rational ‘many peaces’ framework’s exploration of an even wider range of peace imaginaries. Yet some forms exacerbate rather than provide alternatives to intersectional violences pervasive in today’s world. I argue for a normative framework to evaluate the ‘plurality of the peaces’ illuminated by these subfields, proposing ‘radical trans-relational peace’ – ecological dignity and solidarity through trans-community networks – as a geographically and politically situated conception to analyze the ‘many peaces’.
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Ríos Sierra, J., and H. Cairo. "Los discursos sobre la participación política en el proceso de paz en Colombia." Araucaria, no. 39 (2018): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2018.i39.16.
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McAuley, James White. "(Re) Constructing Ulster Loyalism? Political Responses to the ‘Peace Process’." Irish Journal of Sociology 6, no. 1 (1996): 127–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160359600600107.
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This paper attempts to analyse and understand loyalist reactions to the ‘peace process’ in Northern Ireland since the summer of 1994. It highlights the strategically insecure position of the Unionist community and the variety of attempts which have been produced from within this community to respond to a changing political context - albeit on the basis of a political philosophy not free from internal contradictions. These attempts are based on re-statements of Unionist fundamentals; while there are indications of new forms of self-questioning within the Unionist community, particularly in its working class, these are vulnerable to etoliation by the dominant Unionist discourse.
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Satidporn, Wichuda, and Stithorn Thananithichot. "Reconciliation as a political discourse in Thailand’s current conflicts." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 2 (2019): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18054.tha.
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Abstract Why do Thai governments fail in maintaining peace through conducting a reconciliation process? This article answers this question through an assessment of how the term reconciliation has been defined and used by the Thai governments and political leaders during the past decades. This article finds that the political conflicts in Thailand have never been solved because several times, reconciliation in the Thai language is a term that has been dynamically interpreted and applied by leaders of the conflicting groups as a means to defeat the people of the opposing groups rather that a means of resolving problems and reconciling society.
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Mullin, Corinna. "Islamist Challenges to the ‘Liberal Peace’ Discourse: The Case of Hamas and the Israel—Palestine ‘Peace Process’." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 39, no. 2 (2010): 525–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829810384007.
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Jamal, Amal. "The Palestinians in the Israeli Peace Discourse: A Conditional Partnership." Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 1 (2000): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676480.
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The literature of conflict transformation, especially concerning national conflicts in a colonial context, emphasizes as a precondition for reconciliation "recognition of equal worth," which in turn requires self-transformation, separation, and taking responsibility for past injustices. This article examines the writings and speeches of Israeli leaders during the Oslo process through this lens. Focusing on the peace leaders' discourse also sheds light on the hesitations that characterize the peace process in Israel and demonstrates how a change in the traditional narrative would threaten Israeli society's self-perception.
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Gavriely-Nuri, Dalia. "If both opponents “extend hands in peace” — Why don’t they meet?" Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 3 (2010): 449–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.3.06gav.
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This article offers a preliminary and partial mapping of some cultural misconceptions inherent in the Israeli peace discourse. It focuses on one of the central mythic metaphors belonging to this discourse: “We extend our hand in peace.” First articulated in “The Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel” (1948). After more than six decades of endless repetition in speeches made by Israeli political leaders, the metaphor has become a fertile arena for learning about Israel’s cultural codes and cultural heritage relating to peace: While expressing the sincere will to make peace, use of the metaphor simultaneously demonstrates moral superiority, feelings of deprivation, latent threat, and recognition of its efficiency for creating a positive image abroad. A discursive analysis of the metaphor reveals four barriers to the effective continuation of a peace process: Images of the Arab opponent, Israel’s self-image, relationships between opponents in addition to the opponents’ readiness to achieve peace.
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Gahramanova, Aytan. "Paradigms of Political Mythologies and Perspectives of Reconciliation in the Case of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict." International Negotiation 15, no. 1 (2010): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180610x488218.
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AbstractIt is widely held that reconciliation follows conflict resolution. However, in the case of “frozen” conflicts, where the negotiation process is protracted and reconciliation is postponed for years, negative transformations take root. In this respect, attention to the past cannot be overestimated. How the past is framed in the domestic public sphere is an indicator of potential positive or negative transformation. By analyzing the frames of political mythology, the elements of ethnic identity and the historicisms based on divergent narratives of the political discourse in rivaling Armenia and Azerbaijan, this article argues that discourse transformation is vital to a successful reconciliation process where the role of mid-level leaders is crucial. While political mythology forces events by creating a context for negative transformation of the conflict, peacebuilding can support a protracted pre-settlement phase (’no peace, no war’) and can also facilitate the conflict settlement process through positive transformation. In order to cope with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, at least in its relational aspect, the whole discourse infrastructure must be transformed. For this to happen, peacebuilding must be linked to reconciliation goals.
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Braverman, Mark. "Zionism and Post-Holocaust Christian Theology: A Jewish Perspective." Holy Land Studies 8, no. 1 (2009): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947509000390.
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Analysis of the Israel–Palestine conflict tends to focus on politics and history. But other forces are at work, related to beliefs and feelings deeply embedded in Judeo-Christian tradition. The revisionist Christian theology that emerged following the Nazi Holocaust attempted to correct the legacy of Christian anti-Semitism. In the process it has fostered an unquestioning support of the State of Israel that undermines efforts to achieve peace in the region. The conflict in Christian thought between a commitment to universal justice and the granting to Jews a superior right to historic Palestine permeates the current discourse and is evidenced in the work of even the most politically progressive thinkers. The article reviews the work of four contemporary Christian theologians and discusses the implications of this issue for interfaith dialogue, the political process, and the achievement of peace in the Holy Land.
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Yahya, Abdul Aleem. "The Construction of Ideology in Political Discourse: A Deictic Analysis." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 9, no. 2 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.9n.2p.1.
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This research is conducted on political discourse of a high profile Pakistani politician and a former famous cricketer Imran Khan in the context of Pakistani politics. It aims to understand the ideological process and project of creating a New Pakistan (Naya Pakistan), and that how this project influences the way Imran Khan shapes the political reality during his speeches. The analysis reveals that Imran Khan indexes more often his personal identity as a strong leader of the Tahreek-e-Insaaf party rather than the common or national identity. The results assert this point because the transformation of the country may seem to be only possible under his identity as a leader of Tahreek-e-Insaaf. From the spatial deixes analysis, it manifests that Imran Khan wants to reach to the ideological space or destination of New Pakistan where everyone will have equal rights. This projection of New Pakistan is presented like a utopian world where all things would be right and there would be justice, cooperation and peace. The deixes such as ‘here’, ‘now’ and ‘today’ represent Old Pakistan (Purana Pakistan) which is its present state. But the future along the temporal axes is full of hope that reflects the vision of the founding father of Pakistan ‘Quaid-e-Azam’ in the form of New Pakistan. A comparative study of various other politicians may bring forth further elicitation of political discourse in Pakistani context in future.
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Roque, Sílvia. "Between New Terrains and Old Dichotomies: Peacebuilding and the Gangs’ Truce in El Salvador." Contexto Internacional 39, no. 3 (2017): 499–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2017390300003.
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Abstract This article intends to challenge the dominant assumptions that undermine the potential application of peacebuilding frameworks beyond formal post-war contexts. It analyses the gangs’ truce that recently took place in El Salvador as a privileged laboratory to rethink hegemonic understandings and practices of peacebuilding by specifically addressing the importance of overcoming dichotomised categories such ‘war and peace’, ‘criminal and political’, and ‘success and failure’. It is claimed that while the truce fostered a discourse pointing towards an ongoing peace process and enlarged the public debate on the failings of post-war policies and on the structural roots of violence, it was also decisively undermined by the inability to surmount the dichotomy that juxtaposes the criminal and the political domains. It is argued that a peacebuilding framework, inspired by a set of critical perspectives on war and peace and on the nature of ‘the political’, may thus be of crucial importance for the future of policies aimed at curbing violence in El Salvador and elsewhere.
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Majstorović, Danijela, and Zoran Vučkovac. "Rethinking Bosnia and Herzegovina’s post-coloniality." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 2 (2016): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.2.02maj.
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This paper investigates politico-media discourses of the international community revolving for the last few decades around the process of Europeanization in Bosnia and Herzegovina from its Dayton inception until 2015. We first explain the contours of the BiH context and then use a critical discourse analysis to assess the data collected between 1997 and 2015 drawn from a variety of textual resources such as mainstream newspapers, online media, and international community websites to explain the main trends of the Europeanization discourse in the country. Grounding our analysis within the postcolonial theory and post-communist studies, we critically examine the post-1996 peace and state building as well as Europeanization processes in BiH with respect to signs of postcolonial condition including perpetual transition and a state of exception.
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McGovern, Mark. "‘THE OLD DAYS ARE OVER’:1IRISH REPUBLICANISM, THE PEACE PROCESS AND THE DISCOURSE OF EQUALITY." Terrorism and Political Violence 16, no. 3 (2004): 622–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550490509955.
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Rozpedowski, Joanna K. "Just Peace at War’s End." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 26 (March 31, 2015): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.26.6.
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The contemporary period is characterized by intense scholarly, legal and socio-political debates about the conceptual framework, which ought to guide state responses to unmitigated violence resulting from protracted armed conflicts across the globe. The prevalence of military interventionist discourse in the media and governmental organizations necessitates further reflection on the international community’s legal obligations not only with respect to putting an end to violence, but holding aggressors of armed perpetrations individually accountable for political unrest, economic destabilization and loss of life as well as responsible for the reestablishment of social and political order on the ground, which are to ensure human security in the process of post-conflict nation-building. The analysis of two recent conflicts in Kosovo and Iraq will provide a critical foundation for the examination of international bodies’ and state actors’, such as the United Nations (in the case of Kosovo) and of the United States (in the case of Iraq), implementation of legal mechanisms by which the jus post bellum principles can be made useful for, both, (i) the purposes of providing justifications for war and (ii) post-conflict restoration of order. In addition, relevant connections will be examined between the principles guiding humanitarian interventions and just war narratives, which make military intermediations publically palpable. The study and conclusions drawn may prove especially pertinent to a continuing diplomatic stalemate with regard to armed conflicts in Syria and Ukraine, renewed tensions in South Sudan, the Central African Republic and various micro-insurgencies in Somalia, Libya or Mali.
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Hodgson, Kate. "‘Internal Harmony, Peace to the Outside World’: Imagining Community in Nineteenth-Century Haiti." Paragraph 37, no. 2 (2014): 178–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/para.2014.0120.
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This article explores the idea of community and ‘internal concord’ in a radically divided, post-independence Haiti. As the country negotiated the process of decolonization from France, Haitian political writings and speeches repeatedly returned to the problem of how a truly united Haiti might be envisaged. These reworkings of the idea of community were instrumental in the work of postcolonial nation-building in Haiti in the first half of the nineteenth century. Yet the publication of Haiti's Rural Code in 1826 gives a different perspective on the process of national construction of community through work, particularly agricultural labour. The article seeks to look beyond the ideals of unity and Concordia which were being vigorously proclaimed at the time, in order to understand the impact of questions of work and worklessness on political discourse surrounding the idea of postcolonial community in nineteenth-century Haiti.
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Sandoval Forero, Eduardo Andrés, and José Javier Capera Figueroa. "Dilemmas and advances in post-conflict in Colombia: a look from the subaltern perspective of peace (s) in the territories." Telos Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Ciencias Sociales 22, no. 2 (2020): 387–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36390/telos222.10.
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The emergence of building a popular culture, based on the ethical-political imperative that links the demands, needs and struggles of those below, constitutes an aspect that configures the dynamics of re-existence of social groups in their different realities. On reflection of this is the peace process signed between the Farc-Ep guerrilla group / party and the Colombian government. Thus, the objective of the following article is to conduct a theoretical-conceptual discussion about the dilemmas and advances that coexist in the Colombian post-conflict, from a subaltern perspective of peace (ces) in the territories, taking into account the proposals theoreticians of peace scholars like Alonso (2013); Márquez Fernández, Á. (2018a) , who consider the need to question from a critical perspective the dynamics of peace (s), created in the territories. The methodology used was collaborative research and critical discourse analysis (Sandoval, 2016a), which starts from generating an intersubjective and horizontal dialogue between the researcher and the social groups. The fundamental conclusion of the investigation was the need to recognize the subject's praxis and his political ethos in terms of building laboratories, spaces and territories of peace from and with those below, that give weight to the logic of violence promoted and exerted from the hegemonic groups in the regions.
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Nepali, Sushila Chatterjee, and Chiranjibi Bhandari. "Assessing Everyday Peace Indicators (EPI) in Tandi and Padampur Areas in Chitwan, Nepal." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 2, no. 1 (2019): 118–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v2i1.26751.
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Everyday Peace Indicators (EPI) measures the community level indicators of peace and strategies developed to ensure long lasting peace not only in the level of individuals and community but towards achieving broader goal of the country. Realizing significance of grass root level indicators, in academic discourse and policy formulation, this article centered on the accepted wisdom of peace by wide ranges of people with their experiences, feelings and aspirations, which is summarized as everyday indicators. This core focus of this article is EPI, which is based on people's testimony collected in May 2017 in two communities of Chitwan district of Nepal. Summarizing the common aspirations of people, political stability, security, peace and access to basic needs are considered as common indicators of everyday peace among individuals participated in research process. Also, the freedom from fear, involvement in income generating activities and ownership of property in the name of women, adequate job opportunities and access to basic services; i.e. health, education, transportation and alcohol free environment in communities, religious and cultural freedom, harmony among the people in communities were identified as common indicators of peace.
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Meier, Barbara. "“Death Does Not Rot”: Transitional Justice and Local “Truths” in the Aftermath of the War in Northern Uganda." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 2 (2013): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800202.
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The article looks at the way Acholi in northern Uganda address war-related matters of “peace” and “justice” beyond the mainstream human rights discourse reflecting some of the basic concepts that are decisive for the way people deal with transitional and local justice. The relationality and the segmentary structure of Acholi society play major roles in categorising “peace” and “war” while being at odds with the globalised standards of human rights that have been brought into play by international agencies, civil society and church organisations as well as the Ugandan state. A major argument is that a one-dimensional understanding of the cosmological underpinnings of rituals as a locally embedded tool of transitional justice (TJ) has an impact on the failure of TJ in northern Uganda. Thus the article highlights the specific cultural dilemmas in which the process of peace currently appears to be stuck.
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Christison, Kathleen. "Bound by a Frame of Reference, Part III: U.S. Policy and the Palestinians, 1988-98." Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 4 (1998): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538130.
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The policymakers most responsible for shaping policy on the Palestinian-Israeli question in both the Bush and the Clinton administrations, a team led by special mediator Dennis Ross, came of age politically at a time when the Palestinian perspective was virtually excluded from American political discourse. These policymakers, by their own testimony emotionally involved in Arab-Israeli issues because of their Jewish roots, are naturally inclined to view the issue from the traditional Israel-centered vantage point despite their occasionally harsh criticism of Israel's right-wing government and their vaunted understanding of Palestinian sensibilities. Part III of this series examines how the old frame of reference still determines policy even in an era when Palestinians are seen as legitimate participants in the peace process.
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O'Reilly, Camille C. "The Irish Language — Litmus Test for Equality? Competing Discourses of Identity, Parity of Esteem and the Peace Process." Irish Journal of Sociology 6, no. 1 (1996): 154–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160359600600108.
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This paper analyses the entry of the Irish language into the political debate on the peace process in Northern Ireland. The background to the Irish language revival in terms of the representations provided by West Belfast Gaeilgeoirí (Irish speakers and learners) themselves and the competing discourses associated with the Irish language are discussed. Finally, the issue of rights for Irish speakers and parity of esteem are dealt with as part of the peace process debate.
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Opongo, Elias O. "Transitional justice discourse in post-conflict societies in Africa: introduction." Journal of the British Academy 9s2 (2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/009s2.001.
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Post-conflict reconstruction has emerged as one the major issues of concern in Africa in the last three decades. Since the end of the Cold War following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, many African countries embraced multiparty systems that expanded democratic spaces. With this came the claim to justice and consciousness on the need to reconstruct a new vision of the nation, a vision that is based on social cohesion. This led to calls for democratisation in a number of African countries as well as in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and, in particular, former Soviet Union countries. In Africa, the approach taken by different countries varied from elaborate transitional justice processes that involved truth commissions to national dialogue processes that called for political compromise without putting into place any formal transitional justice process. The articles in this supplementary issue on transitional justice discourse in post-conflict societies in Africa draw attention to diverse contextual issues on post-conflict reconstruction in the continent. These articles bring together divergent discourses, experiences, theorisations, and interpretations of transitional processes while calling for a new way of assessing truth-telling processes within the purview of legal frameworks, gender and cultural sensitivities, peace sustainability, and conflict resolution strategies in Africa. The articles open up debate on the extent to which transitional justice processes contribute to peace and sustainability in Africa, and what could be done to improve this important post-conflict reconstruction initiative.
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Mistry, Asis. "Quest for Identity: Re-Examining the Process of Federal Restructuring of the Nepali State." Social Inquiry: Journal of Social Science Research 2, no. 2 (2020): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/sijssr.v2i2.33043.
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The agenda of restructuring the state has been the most deliberated issue for all intellectuals, political leaders and civil society activists in Nepal. The restructuring of Nepali state became a central component of the 2006 peace deal. Federalism was, however, included in the interim constitution as a binding principle for the Constituent Assembly on the verge of violent protests in the Tarai in 2007. The fundamental question during the Maoist insurgency remained whether federalism based on ethnic affiliation will be materialized. But after the Madhesh mutiny, the question that dominated the public discourse was whether “ethnic federalism” can be materialized as a mean to achieve more inclusive, institutionalized and sustainable democratic polity in Nepal. This article re-examines the process of federal restructuring of Nepali State on the backdrop of contemporary politics of identity.
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Chernenko, H. A. "LINGUISTIC AXIOLOGICAL MODELING OF CONFLICT BETWEEN PROPONENTS AND OPPONENTS OF THE PEACE INITIATIVES BY PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE VOLODYMYR ZELENSKY." Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no. 67 (1) (2020): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2020.1.11.
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The article is devoted to the discursive projections of the discussion about President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky and his peace initiatives. The articles about these initiatives published in the internetnewspaper «Ukrainska Pravda» were analyzed. It was selected for investigating the preparing for the Paris Summit on 9th December 2020 and reactions to its results. This discourse attracts attention due to the huge number of negative evaluations given to the traditionally positive value PEACE and to the actions directed towards gaining of it. The research has been carried out in the cognitive discoursive paradigm and critical discourse analysis. Those are approaches which let us open the meanings input by a speaker in the text sometimes unconsciously. It should be noted that investigation of hybrid wars highlights the great role of hided meanings in it. The original method of axiological dynamic modeling has been used to open these meanings. With its help, process and results of axiological categorization can be presented as an axiological propositional structure. Thus, the denoted situation «Peace initiatives by President of Ukraine Zelensky at the Paris Summit 2019» has been modeled with the propositional axiological frame. This frame contains such structural components: the subject of evaluation – Ukrainians, whose articles or comments were published in the internet-newspaper «Ukrainska Pravda»; the predicate of evaluation – «I think that my opinion is reliable and socially acceptable enough to become public»; the object of evaluation – President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky, his political power and party, his peace initiatives and the value Peace as such; the predicate of evaluation: (1) positive and negative valences for the same objects, that give the reasons to say about axiological conflict; (2) criteria of evaluation – ACKNOWLEDGMENT, DEMOCRACY, JUSTICE, PATRIOTISM, POWER (SOCIAL STATUS), RESULT, SECURITY. As far as criteria of evaluation correlate with the value concepts of a speaker, one can say that those are the value concepts which become the basis for categorization of this situation. As regards the reason of the conflict, its sources can be such: (1) participants of the conflict share similar values but put them on different places in their hierarchical value systems; (2) different opinions about denotative meanings of mentioned values, first of all about meanings of the concepts SECURITY and PEACE.
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Poopuu, Birgit. "Telling and acting identity." Discourse analysis, policy analysis, and the borders of EU identity 14, no. 1 (2015): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.1.07poo.
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This article proposes a theoretical approach to investigate the European Union’s identity as a provider of peace operations, i.e. its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) identity. Analysing the discursive construction of the EU’s CSDP identity enables to understand (i) what kind of actor the EU is in terms of conducting peace operations vis-à-vis other actors in the field; and (ii) how the EU affects and is affected by the character of the global “enterprise” of peacebuilding. The EU’s CSDP identity is seen as a process of becoming that is continuously told and acted. Taking cue from a pluralist approach to discourse analysis I explore how through the twin-processes of telling and acting identity it is possible to unravel the EU’s role identity in conducting peace operations. The purpose of this paper is to lay the theoretical groundwork for studying the EU’s CSDP identity, utilising operation Artemis as a case study.
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Tsivatyi, V. "Diplomatic Receptions and Dilemmas of the New Diplomacy during the Thirty Years War (1618-1648): the Institutional Discourse." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-4.
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The article analyzes the events and consequences of the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) for new European diplomacy and political and institutional development of Europe. Attention is focused on thediplomatic tools, national specifics and features of the negotiation process of European states during and as a result of the Thirty Years War. The outcome of the Westphalian Congress was an importantstimulus for further European socio-economic, security, political and diplomatic development. The practical achievements of the Westphalian Congress and the experience acquired by Europeandiplomacy in the first half of the 17th century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, which has not lost its relevance so far. The article describes theevents of the Thirty Years War of 1618-1648, the struggle for national sovereignty and the formation of national states, the signing of a peace treaty, the formation of a new permanent diplomacy and a system of international relations.
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Lindsey, W. D. "Public Theology as Civil Discourse: What Are We Talking About?" Horizons 19, no. 1 (1992): 44–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900025652.
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AbstractIn recent years, American theologians have debated the outer limits of the church's competence to deliver specific ethical directives on issues of such sociopolitical import as the arms race or the structure of the American economy. In the American Catholic theological community, this discussion has focused on the two pastoral letters of the U.S. bishops written in the 1980s, The Challenge of Peace and Economic Justice for All. Ethicists critical of the public theology of these letters, including Dennis McCann and George Weigel, have expressed concern that the documents overidentify the American bishops with the political agenda of the American left. McCann and Weigel speculate that the process of wide consultation the bishops innovated as they composed these pastorals invited contributions of marginal groups who were allowed to dominate the conversation about the nuclear question and the economy and thus to skew the pastorals' conclusions in a radical direction not characteristic of the thinking of the majority of American Catholics. McCann and Weigel propose that public theology (and the consultative process underlying pastoral letters) employ “civil discourse” as the norm—that is, that all participants in the conversation speak the language of natural law, and that this language be taught by experts. The article critiques this proposal and argues that it envisages an ostensible pluralism which will, in fact, mute the voices of the marginal and protect the interests of the assumed center.
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Ganiel, Gladys. "‘Preaching to the Choir?’ An Analysis of DUP Discourses about the Northern Ireland Peace Process." Irish Political Studies 22, no. 3 (2007): 303–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01629770701527043.
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Amir, Sharon, Tali Yitzhaki-Verner, and Dan Bar-On. ""The Recruited Identity": The Influence of the Intifada on the Perception of the Peace Process From the Standpoint of the Individual." Journal of Narrative and Life History 6, no. 3 (1996): 193–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jnlh.6.3.01the.
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Abstract As a rule, people have related to the external (political or security) difficulties impeding the peace process since the signing of the Oslo agreement. At the basis of this approach lies the assumption that when these difficulties are solved, the psychological difficulties of the individual that may delay the actualization of this most beautiful vision—a real peace between us and our Arab neighbors—will disappear by themselves. Therefore, there is no real need to relate to them at this stage. In this article, we try to undermine this basic assumption. By using narrative analysis of an interview with a student—an officer who spent most of his regular army service in suppression of the Intifada—we try to demonstrate the discourse through which the young Israeli confronts the question of his identity in connection to relations with the Palestinians. The officer (we call him Adi) was chosen because the interview with him exemplifies many of the issues that came up also in other interviews with young Israelis who were involved in the Intifada. The interview demonstrates both the positive qualities as well as the major problems that we found in the other interviews. Throughout the entire interview, we encounter Adi's attempts to maintain his interpretative system even when it no longer matches the reality within which he is acting. (Behavioral Sciences)
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Studies, Kurdish. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 2 (2018): 246–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i2.459.
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Thomas Schmidinger, Rojava: Revolution, War and the Future of Syria’s Kurds, London: Pluto Press, 2018, 298 pp., (ISBN: 9780745337722).Nazand Begikhani, Aisha K. Gill and Gill Hague, Honour-Based Violence: Experiences and Counter-Strategies in Iraqi Kurdistan and the UK Kurdish Diaspora, Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2015, 189 pp., (ISBN: 9781409421900).Mehmet Orhan, Political Violence and Kurds in Turkey: Fragmentations, Mobilizations, Participations and Repertoires, Oxon: Routledge, 2016, 294 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-317-42044-6) & H. Akin Ünver, Turkey’s Kurdish Question: Discourse and Politics since 1990, Oxon: Routledge, 2015, 196 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-138-85856-5).Veli Yadirgi, The Political Economy of the Kurds of Turkey – From the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017, pp. 334, (ISBN: 9781316848579).Burak Bilgehan Özpek, The Peace Process between Turkey and the Kurds: Anatomy of a Failure, London: Routledge, 2017, 80 pp., (ISBN: 9781138564107).
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O'Neills, Shane. "Liberty, Equality and the Rights of Cultures: The Marching Controversy at Drumcree." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 2, no. 1 (2000): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.00023.
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This article offers a normative-theoretical assessment of a key aspect of the continuing cultural conflict in Northern Ireland. The marching controversy at Drumcree has had a destabilising effect on the peace process and it represents a serious threat to the achievement of the kind of political accommodation outlined in the Good Friday Agreement. The aim is to apply Jürgen Habermas's discourse theory of rights to this dispute so as to assess which, if any, of the conflicting claims should take priority. By seeking to assess the rational acceptability of the better arguments on either side, I reject the view that these claims are irreconcilable. In the concluding section I outline four principles that provide a normative basis for just resolutions to conflicts over contentious marches in Northern Ireland.
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Urban, Eva. "Lessing's Nathan the Wise: from the Enlightenment to the Berliner Ensemble." New Theatre Quarterly 30, no. 2 (2014): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x14000396.
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Lessing's Nathan the Wise (1779), exemplary for its enlightenment and humanist ideals, assembles Jews, Christians, and Muslims in dialogue during the medieval crusades in Jerusalem. Their encounters allow them to transcend conflict, to recognize their common humanity, and to resolve their differences through dialectical discourse and group arguments. In this article Eva Urban looks closely at the representation of enlightenment in this play and examines the potential role of plays and theatre practice in developing autonomous citizenship and intercultural understanding. Particular reference is made to the 2013 Berliner Ensemble production of Nathan the Wise in relation to aesthetic debates about modern political drama. Eva Urban is a British Academy Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Faculty of English, University of Cambridge, and an Associate of Clare Hall, Cambridge. She is the author of Community Politics and the Peace Process in Contemporary Northern Irish Drama (Peter Lang, 2010) and has published a number of articles on political drama and Irish studies.
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Kondurov, Viacheslav. "Political Theology of International Law: Methodological Facets and Borders." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 20, no. 1 (2021): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2021-1-50-71.
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The article investigates the possibility of applying political theology as a specific methodological approach to international law. As the key theses of political theology were originally formulated by C. Schmitt in the context of national law acting in a homogeneous environment, political theology discourse in the modern philosophy of international law is mainly related to the universalist projects of global law based on an analogy with national law. The first of such strategies, the expansionist strategy, presupposes the construction of global order by the world hegemon. The second, the cosmopolitan strategy, assumes that international law can be built on the basis of an ongoing process of discussion of the global order foundations by the widest possible range of actors. Both of these strategies charm “eternal peace” and are nourished by a common messianic spirit and, therefore, are utopian. However, Schmitt’s international law legacy offers an atypical non-universalist and anti-messianic view on international law as a heterogeneous global legal order based on spatial concepts. Despite the fact that the application of political theology to this kind of order is difficult, it shall not be excluded for several reasons. The pluralistic structure of the heterogeneous order can be seen as a katechon that holds back the end of history. Finally, the political theology of international law can be applied to analyze the historical transformations of the international legal order.
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Docherty, Benedict, Xavier Mathieu, and Jason Ralph. "R2P and the Arab Spring: Norm Localisation and the US Response to the Early Syria Crisis." Global Responsibility to Protect 12, no. 3 (2020): 246–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-984x-20200005.
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This article explains why R2P failed to motivate action to protect vulnerable Syrians in the first two years of the crisis. We focus on the United States and argue that official discourse ‘localised’ the meaning R2P by grafting it on to preconceived ideas of America’s role in supporting democratic revolutions, which is how the situation was understood. American ‘exemplarism’ demanded the US support democracy by calling on Assad to go while not corrupting the ‘homegrown’ revolution through foreign intervention. The call for political and criminal accountability aligned exemplarist democracy promotion to R2P, but it did nothing to protect vulnerable populations from the conflict that ensued. This refraction of the norm complicated the United Nations sponsored peace process, which provided an alternative means of protecting the Syrian population. We address a gap in the literature by examining Western localisation and draw policy lessons, namely the importance of examining national predispositions when implementing R2P.
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Satris, Rezki. "The Role of Ex Combatants Party Against The Advocacy of Political Representation of Women In The Post-Conflict in Aceh, Indonesia." Journal of Islamic World and Politics 5, no. 1 (2021): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v5i1.11124.
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This study discusses the role of ex-combatant parties in advocating post-conflict women by using the Aceh Party case study. Aceh Party is one of the parties that transformed the struggle movement from the armed movement into a political party movement through general elections. The ex-combatant party was formed by post-conflict combatants after peace negotiations. The ex-combatant party which later became the case study material in this study was the ex-combatant party (Aceh Party) in Aceh. The presence of ex-combatant parties as part of the democratization process has a different reception towards the equality discourse of women in the participation and representation of public spaces, especially representation in politics. The Aceh Party has a tendency for women only as a formality to fulfill a 30 percent quota, without involving women seriously in political matters. This certainly can be seen how the party programs tend to be gender biased. The purpose of this study is to look at the phenomenon of the presence of post-conflict ex-combatant parties as part of the democratization process in providing advocacy for women. Through this research with a qualitative approach both sourced from primary and secondary data by tracing various literature, documents, and other supporting materials.
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de Almagro, Maria Martin. "Lost boomerangs, the rebound effect and transnational advocacy networks: a discursive approach to norm diffusion." Review of International Studies 44, no. 4 (2018): 672–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210518000086.
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AbstractThis article aims to show the added value of studying transnational advocacy networks through a discursive approach in order to better understand the outcomes of norm diffusion in postconflict contexts. I argue that constructivist approaches to norm diffusion fall short as an explanation of norm adoption because they assume an automatic process of norm propagation through socialisation mechanisms. The first goal of the article is then to discuss how the internal dynamics of discourse negotiation in transnational advocacy networks impact the diffusion and implementation of international norms. The second goal is to propose the concept of the rebound effect and to explore the conditions under which it takes place. Through data collected during extended fieldwork, the article examines a prominent case, namely the transnational campaign for the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security in Burundi and Liberia. I ask why and how the campaign was understood as a success in Liberia and as a failure in Burundi. I argue that there is another way of looking at these cases in less dichotomised ways. Crucially, my findings demonstrate how in both cases a very particular discourse on gender security is (re)produced through power relations between local and transnational activists limiting the type of policies that are advocated for and depoliticising the grassroots.
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Murtagh, Brendan. "Partnerships and Policy in Northern Ireland." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 16, no. 1 (2001): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/026909401300050795.
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This paper evaluates the experiences of the Derry/Lon don derry Partnership Board established as part of the European Union's (EU) Peace and Reconciliation Programme in Northern Ireland and suggests that it has been able to establish a distinctive approach to community consultation , strategy formulation and programme delivery. It explores the method and content of its most recent Action Plan and argues that the fealty that has traditionally informed local government discourses has been challenged by an open , pluralist and respectful analysis of position s an d problems. The paper concludes by arguing that the real contribution of the Partnerships have been to create the space for civic democracy to be played out in an attempt to embed the peace process and a long-term political settlement.
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Ţoca, Vlad. "Romanian Art Historiography in the Interwar Period. Between the Search for Scholarship and Commitment to a Cause." Artium Quaestiones, no. 30 (December 20, 2019): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2019.30.5.
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At the end of World War I, Romania emerged as a much stronger nation, with a greatly enlarged territory. During the two world wars, the Romanian state was permanently looking for the best way to preserve the newly created national state and defend its frontiers. This was the only matter all Romanian parties seemed to agree on. The threat of territorial revisionism coming from Hungary, the Soviet Union and, to a lesser extent, Bulgaria united all the political actors in defending the peace system of Versailles and supporting the League of Nations as the guarantor of this peace and stability. The interwar period was a remarkable time for Romania’s cultural history. Between the two world wars, the Romanian cultural scene was dominated by what Keith Hitchins calls the ‘Great Debate’ about national identity and development. The opponents were those advocating synchronism with the West, on the one hand, and those pleading for tradition, on the other, with many others looking for a third way. In Romanian interwar culture, the country’s modernity was emphasized in order to place the country within the larger family of European nations. An opposing, and at the same time, complementary line of thought was that of presenting the long and noble Romanian history, tradition and ancestral roots. These two themes have been present in Romanian culture since the mid-19th century. They were used by various authors, sometimes in a complementary fashion, while at others, in a conflicting manner in literature, historical writing or political discourse. This process did not end with the creation of the Greater Romania after the end of World War I. New threats, which are mentioned above, maintained the need to continue this discourse. In this context, historical arguments became political arguments and were used by the Romanians in order to justify the new territorial gains and the Versailles system. Art history, part of the family of historical disciplines, came to play an important part in this. Romanian art historical writing or political discourse. This process did not end with the creation of the Greater Romania after the end of World War I. New threats, which are mentioned above, maintained the need to continue this discourse. In this context, historical arguments became political arguments and were used by the Romanians in order to justify the new territorial gains and the Versailles system. Art history, part of the family of historical disciplines, came to play an important part in this. Romanian art historical writing did not exist as such until the end of the 19th century. It was only in the first years of the next century that the number of scholarly works produced following western standards steadily increased. As part of a general tendency of aligning Romanian academic practices with those in the West, art historiography established itself as a respectable academic discipline, a process which went hand in hand with the establishment of new institutions such as museums, university departments, research institutions and the Commission for historical monuments. All these institutions were founded and financed by the Romanian state, and most scholars were involved with these institutions in one way or another. Although Romanian art historiography of the period is dominated by the desire to produce academic works to the highest standards, the ideas of the Great Debate are present in the works of that time. At the same time, in several texts, the most prominent art historians of the day strongly affirm the necessity of putting their work in the service of the national cause. In this paper, we will be looking at the general histories of Romanian art written between the two world wars. The choice of these texts is motivated by the fact that these works are the result of larger research projects and have a broader scope and as such better summarise the trends of the interwar period.
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Mezieobi, S. A., and Ibekwe Priscilia. "Appraisal of the Values of Voter Education in Achieving Sustainable Democracy in Nigeria." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 5, no. 2 (2018): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v5i2.335.
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Voter education is expected to enthrone sustainable social order in Nigeria’s political scene. Voter apathy works against the principles of democracy. The values of voter education are delineated as follows: encouraging leadership discipline, control of political violence, exposure on the process of election, peace building and maintenance of democratic order. Sustainable democracy can be actualized through voter education in the following ways: extension of voter education, mass mobilization, values to shun violence, stemming corruption and national consciousness sensitization. The consequences of voter apathy are addressed as follows: absence of sustainable democracy, forced leadership, stabilizing illegitimate government, low political participation and political instability. Conclusion was drawn based on the ensuing discoursed and it was recommended amongst others that voter education will encourage mass political participation and the maintenance of sustainable social order.
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Routledge, Paul. "Nineteen Days in April: Urban Protest and Democracy in Nepal." Urban Studies 47, no. 6 (2010): 1279–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098009360221.
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For 19 days in April 2006, Nepal witnessed a popular uprising against the royal-military coup staged by King Gyanendra in February 2005. The Jana Andolan II (People’s Movement II) demanded a return to democracy, the establishment of a lasting peace in Nepal and more political and economic inclusion for the various ethnic and caste groups historically marginalised in Nepali society. Through an analysis of the Jana Andolan (particularly within the urban space of Nepal’s capital, Kathmandu) and the subsequent peace process that has unfolded in Nepal, this paper will consider how and why the city was a key terrain for the prosecution of conflict by the people’s movement, and how such protest entailed the articulation of particular democratic rights discourses. The paper will also consider the role of civil society within urban protest in order to reflect upon debates concerning liberal and radical democracy, and the ‘politics of the governed’.
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Arnaut, Karel. "Marching the nation: an essay on the mobility of belonging among militant youngsters in Cote d’Ivoire." Afrika Focus 21, no. 2 (2008): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02102007.
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This programmatic paper seeks to develop a new perspective on the military-political identity and performance of militias particularly in urban environments. The militia under consideration is the Groupement Patriotique pour la Paix (GPP), one of the oldest and most prominent of the southern militias. The G PP came into being as a civil society initiative in the aftermath of the September 2002 insurgency in Cote d'Ivoire a country which since then has lingered in a no-peace-no-war situation. The new perspective, here called 'ludus pro patria', looks at how the militias' activity, organisation, and discourse is deployed in the urban public sphere and to what effect. Within the scope of this paper, this perspective serves to deconstruct the alleged process of 'milicianisation' as the combined effect of discursive appropriation and concrete insinuation of a subaltern youth initiative by national elites and international actors. In conclusion, this paper argues that the proposed approach is essential for a proper understanding of two main dimensions of the militias' raison d'être and modus operandi: mobility and belonging.
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Azharghany, Rojabi, Hotman Siahaan, and Akh Muzakki. "Alliance of Ummah in Rural Areas: A New Perspective on Islamic Populism in Indonesia." Religious: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama dan Lintas Budaya 4, no. 4 (2020): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/rjsalb.v4i4.10476.
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Islamic populism in Indonesia is perceived as an alliance of the people on behalf of the ummah in urban areas, against the ruling elites who enjoy the promises of peace and prosperity more than capitalism, modernism and democracy. This paper though intends to disclose the Islamic populism in rural areas through the power of capital and symbols as part of the cultural heterogenity between alliances in rural areas and large cities that simply focuses on political power. This research embraces the socio-cultural approach by applying the theory of generative structuralism penned by Pierre Bourdieu in order to analyze the resistance of cultural heterogenity by invigorating the cultural reproduction and symbols dominance to thwart the ummah alliance in urban areas. The results of this research show that the Islamic populism in rural areas upholds the belief in salvation, peace and unity, by reinforcing the cultural heterogenity among the congregations on various bases. In spite of domestication process in Islamic populism by the ruling elite, the ummah alliance in rural areas cannot be triggered due to their firm belief in salvation, which differs from the Islamic populism in large cities where a symbol of injustice of the bourgeoisie and the ruling elites prevails. The Islamic populism in rural areas has caused the failure of Islamic populism in large cities since their main discourse solely considers the middle class, in contrast to the Islamic populism in rural areas that might may welcome both the middle class and the lower class.
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Scalmer, Sean. "The Labor of Diffusion: The Peace Pledge Union and The Adaptation of The Gandhian Repertoire." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 7, no. 3 (2002): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.7.3.f066785l1n7388t8.
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The history of the Peace Pledge Union of Britain illuminates the process of social movement repertoire diffusion. In the late 1950s and 1960s British pacifists successfully used nonviolent direct action, but this was based upon a long-term engagement with Gandhism. Systematic coding of movement literature suggests that the translation of Gandhian methods involved more than twenty years of intellectual study and debate. Rival versions of Gandhian repertoire were constructed and defended. These were embedded in practical, sometimes competing projects within the pacifist movement, and were the subject of intense argument and conflict, the relevance of Gandhism was established through complex framing processes, multiple discourses, and increasing practical experimentation. This article offers methodological and conceptual tools for the study of diffusion. A wider argument for the importance of the reception as will as performance of contention is offered.
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Çelik, Ayşe Betül, and Zeynep Gülru Göker. "Dialogue in polarized societies: women’s encounters with multiple others." New Perspectives on Turkey 64 (February 10, 2021): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2020.36.
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AbstractBased on the analysis of a meeting with nineteen women from civil society with diverse backgrounds, invited to discuss what has gone wrong in Turkey’s Kurdish peace process and what women can do for peace in a highly polarized atmosphere, this article explores women’s dialogue in a conflict situation. With insights from deliberative and agonistic perspectives, the article shows that in a multiple-identity conflict, topical shifts in dialogue are accompanied by shifting alliances. The search for mutual definitions on conflictual issues renders the deliberation of sensitive issues difficult, so women circumvent polarizing discourses through indirect and covert language. However, the discussion of gender-based experiences with direct, contestational language helps women underline shared issues and address resentments. Dialogue’s transformative potential also depends on the existence of trust and an intersectionality perspective for which further dialogic initiatives should develop strategies.
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Bell, Jared O’Neil. "Reconciling after Transitional Justice: When Prosecutions are not Enough, the Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Croatian International Relations Review 25, no. 84 (2019): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2019-0003.
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Abstract The concept and study of transitional justice has grown exponentially over the last decades. Since the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials after the end of the Second World War, there have been a number of attempts made across the globe to achieve justice for human rights violations (International Peace Institute 2013: 10). How these attempts at achieving justice impact whether or not societies reconcile, continues to be one of the key discussions taking place in a transitional justice discourse. One particular context where this debate continues to rage on is in Bosnia and Herzegovina, many scholars argue that the transitional justice process and mechanism employed in Bosnia and Herzegovina have not fostered inter-group reconciliation, but in fact caused more divisions. To this end, this article explores the context of transitional justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina from a unique perspective that focuses on the need for reconciliation and healing after transitional justice processes like war crime prosecutions. This article explores why the prosecuting of war criminals has not fostered reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and how the processes have divided Bosnian society further. Additionally, this article presents the idea of state-sponsored dialog sessions as a way of dealing with the past and moving beyond the divisions of retributive justice.
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Atmaja, Dwi Surya. "The So-Called “Islamic Terrorism”: A Tale of the Ambiguous Terminology." Al-Albab 5, no. 1 (2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v5i1.419.
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"What does the term "terrorism" mean." Why does the term “terrorism” often identified as Islam? "If terrorism is an ism that affects "terror" that it generates, while Islam which literally means "peace", then the two terms certainly mismatch! Such question and statement show Muslims’ concern over frequent phenomena of "terrorism" using Islamic religious symbols. The research undertaken proved that there are three explanations. First, a close tripartite network connection between “terrorism experts” and the circles of power policy holders who are also supported by senior journalists in the international media influence. Second, a long tradition of Orientalist studies in the study of the Middle East region and the study of religion in the Arab culture. Figures such as Bernard Lewis, Noah Feldman, Raphael Patai and other Middle East experts often sit with other experts in the field of terrorism (the first factor) and become main advisors and expert staff for the US government in the formulation of action to counter terror. It was the catalyst for the transmission of viewpoint which then decorated orientalist discourse of Islamic terrorism in the process of political policies. Third, a lot of Islamic terrorism discourse refers to the long tradition of cultural stereotypes and biased representations of the media that often portray Islam and Muslims as ‘the enemy’. The reason is that it reflects the perspective of socio-Western culture that fears and worries the other oriental parties which has been stereotyped since the imperial era. Many also argue that the dichotomy of the orientalist views are deliberately preserved as a form of new style imperialism
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Sobocinska, Agnieszka. "How to win friends and influence nations: the international history of Development Volunteering." Journal of Global History 12, no. 1 (2017): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022816000334.
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AbstractThis article traces the personal and institutional networks that facilitated the transnational spread of Development Volunteering in the 1950s and 1960s. Examining Australia’s Volunteer Graduate Scheme, Britain’s Voluntary Service Overseas, and the United States Peace Corps, it destabilizes each nation’s claims to pioneering Development Volunteering, and interrogates the reasons for these claims. Once national frames are removed, broader patterns come into view. This article reveals that Development Volunteering held multiple meanings, as discourses of development, colonialism, and control existed alongside those of youthful idealism and national benevolence. It argues that, by involving ‘ordinary’ people in international development and by re-inscribing colonial-era divisions between the developed and developing worlds, Development Volunteering contributed to the broader process by which colonial discourses were translated into the postcolonial lexicon of development.
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Onah, Nkechi G., Benjamin C. Diara, and Favour C. Uroko. "Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Nigeria: Implications on Women." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 5-1 (2017): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0097.
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Abstract Ethno-Religious conflicts have continued to besiege Nigeria for decades. This paper aims to highlight some of the ethno-religious conflicts that have taken place in Nigeria and its impact on women. Considerable work has been done on the issue of Ethno-Religious conflicts in Nigeria but the implications of these on Nigerian women remains scanty. It is in recognition of this that this paper seeks to examine this. Using library findings as well as oral interviews, the paper notes that many women have lost their lives while many others have lost their children and/or their husbands. This situation has led to undue sufferings with the concomitant problems of poverty and penury among the women. Most significantly, it also leads to gender inequality. Gender inequality translates to political, economic and socio-religious marginalization of women in the society. In view of this, the researcher recommends among others that women should be allowed to be full actors in the process of peace building and conflict resolution in Nigeria. They should not be kept at the margin in political discourse. It further advocates that amidst these incessant ethno-religious conflicts that have plagued the nation, protection of women and children should be of paramount importance and all the violations of human rights of women and children addressed with the apt attention it deserves. The decriptive phenomenological method was adopted for the study.
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Sabdo, Sabdo. "KONSEP “BALDATUN THOYIBATUN WA ROBBUN GHOFUR” SEBAGAI TUJUAN AKHIR PROSES TRANFORMASI SOSIAL ISLAM." Ath Thariq Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunikasi 2, no. 1 (2018): 278. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/ath_thariq.v2i1.1083.
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A term often heard, read or discourse is "Baldatun Thoyibatun warobbun Ghofur" in Indonesian terms defined as a good country God forgave, or in Javanese philosophy "gemah ripah loh jinawi". The above phrase is the term that has been built by the Qur'an as hudan (guidance) for those who are devoted. The concept of the State above is very often an interesting discourse but in the level of reality has not been able to answer various problems in this country
 In the process of social transformation, Baldatun Thoyibatun warobbun Ghofur is as the final destination, the birth of a society full of peace, prosperity and justice, a perfect spiritual or material society. Specifically, the process of Islamic social transformation is the existence of a da'wah movement that continues to strive for change, from the darkness of life (al-Dzulumat) to a radiant life (al Nur), from ignorance to Islam. A question arises whether this desirable country has been seen? and whether the current da'wah has not been able to give birth to it? of the two questions arise several problems; If the country of desire has been born what it looks like? If the da'wah has not been able to realize the country of desires, what is the problem? The above questions should be examined, for "baldatun Thoyibatun warobbun Ghofur is a necessity.
 The method used in studying this problem is the library study (library research) which prioritizes the review of the sources, then analyzed the texts to produce conclusions.
 This study can be concluded that the Baldatun thoyibatun warabbun ghofur state is a prosperous country in every field, because it is based on the basis of monotheism. Both the social, cultural, political, economic, educational and human rights fields. In realizing the form of the State requires a stage which should be noticed by the actors of change, as the Prophet (s) made a change. These changes can be made by making internal and external changes.
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Rusetsky, Alexander, and Olga Dorokhina. "Abkhazian crisis: from the Concept of Awareness of Common Threats to the Building of an "Abkhazian Security Community"." Grani 23, no. 3 (2020): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172032.
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This article is part of a research conducted as part of the Support Program for Doctoral Studies of Shota Rustaveli Georgian National Science Foundation.This article is part of a research conducted as part of the Support Program for Doctoral Studies of Shota Rustaveli Georgian National Science Foundation.Name of the research – "Interdisciplinary analysis of the complex system of the Abkhazian conflict by the method 4D-RAV-17" (grant number – PHDF‐18‐1147). The method is a combination of well-known and innovative approaches and techniques. This article is part of the abovementioned research. The complex system of the Abkhazian conflict in this article received a conditional definition – the Abkhazian crisis. The political component of the complex system is accordingly called the Abkhazian political crisis and is the main object of research in the framework of the article.The article is aimed at solving a specific scientific and applied task – at determining a scientifically based method for the positive transformation of the Abkhazian political crisis and the transition to a new level of political order – to the Abkhazian security community.The article considers the possibility of carrying out work on the development and implementation of a new, alternative to the existing, peacemaking process, which can be based on the policy of the transition of the Abkhazian political crisis to a new political order.Consecutive transition tools are the following:• building a model of the structure of the Abkhazian political crisis;• The concept of awareness of common threats;• The concept of the Abkhazian security community.The work can be attributed to the following studies: Abkhazian Studies; Conflicts and Peace Studies, Crisis Studies, Security Studies, Political Studies and International Studies.The practical significance of the work and novelty. As a result of a reflective analysis of the past and existing political and scientific discourse, the absence of holistic research and the dominance of reductionism in the perception and description of the Abkhazian crisis and individual conflicts – its components - were first shown. In scientific works, a mostly complex and multi-component conflict is taken down to a hybrid and scientifically unreasonable formulation – "Georgian-Abkhazian" conflict. This wording also dominates in political discourse and even in international documents.As a result of a thoroughful analysis and synthesis of the information received, for the first time a brief and conditional definition was given to the complex system of the Abkhazian conflict – "Abkhazian crisis".As a result of this research, for the first time, at a scientific level, security threats are considered as a resource for peacemaking and the Concept of awareness of common threats is formulated.Also, for the first time (in the case of the Abkhazian crisis), the well-known Theory of the Security Community for International Relations of Karl Deutsch was proposed. It was adapted to the specifics of this conflict, not only related to the dimension of international relations. The political component of the crisis was classified in the research and a model of the Abkhazian political crisis was proposed, which includes both the domestic and international components of the crisis. The presented definition – "mixed conflict" theoretically resolved the conflict between supporters to define this conflict as "internal, local" and those who consider it "international". This is a useful solution for other political conflicts of the post-Soviet Union space, in particular, for the "Donbas crisis".From a theoretical and practical points of view, attention was drawn to the fact that Security Studies are considered a subsystem of studies in the field of International Studies, which does not allow the effective use of existing scientific achievements in these fields for mixed conflicts.The article proposes specific innovative ideas for implementing these approaches and techniques. This article proposes solutions to the problems of increasing the effectiveness of the peacemaking process. The task itself has an innovative character, since basically researches conducted earlier in this area (around the Abkhazian conflict) is more focused on the Conflicts Studies, rather than Peace Studies. In particular, this concerns the lack of research aimed at studying the effectiveness of peacemaking processes.As a result of formalization of the results obtained, the article presents new political concepts – neologisms, which until now have not been used (or not sufficiently used) in relation to this issue. Among them the following may be outlined: "Abkhazian crisis"; "Mixed conflict", "secessionists of Abkhazia"; "unionists of Abkhazia"; "irredentists of Abkhazia"; "Internationalization of the peacemaking process"; "legitimacy of peacemaking formats"; "democratization of the negotiation process"; "Abkhazian Security Community".As a result of the conducted work, an algorithm of stage-by-stage actions is presented, which can lead to a way out of the crisis and a transition to a new level of management culture and political order. It also provides specific practical recommendations that can be used by the participants in the process.Research on improvement of this model is ongoing, the following articles are being prepared, and negotiations are conducted on implementation with representatives of the participating parties at the expert and political levels.This research may be useful for those interested in the Abkhazian issue, as well as for adapting and using the approaches and techniques described in this article to improve the quality of peacemaking processes to resolve other conflicts and crises.
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Akova, Sibel, and Gülin Terek Ünal. "THE CULTURE OF COEXISTENCE AND PERCEPTION OF THE OTHER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 5, no. 1 (2015): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.041505.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout the 550 year Ottoman rule over the Balkan lands, where even today internal dynamics threaten peace and justice, how and through what means the Ottoman Empire achieved consistency, security and peace is a question to which a number of political scientists, sociologists, communication scientists and history researchers have sought an answer. The most interesting point of the question is that the peoples of the Balkans, a living museum comprising a number of different ethnic groups and religious beliefs, have reached the point where the culture of coexistence has been internalised and dynamics have moved from the conflict of identities to cultural integration. The Balkans are a bridge to the East from Europe and indeed to the West from Turkey, incorporating a patchwork political and cultural geography, the geopolitical location and a richness of culture and civilization, being one of the areas attracting the attention of researchers from different disciplines and capturing the imagination of the peoples of the world throughout history. Balkan studies are almost as difficult as climbing the peaks in the areas and meaningful answers cannot be reached by defining the area on a single parameter such as language, culture or traditions, while the phenomenon of the other can also be observed within the culture of coexistence in this intricate and significant location. Different ethnic groups with different cultures, such as the Southern Slavs (Bosniaks, Montenegrans, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) as well as Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Balkan Jews, Balkan Romany and Wallachians (Romanians and Greeks). Although these peoples may have different religious beliefs, in the ethnically rich Balkan region, religion, language, political and cultural differences are vital in the formation of a mosaic, making the discourse of coexistence possible and creating common values and loyalties, breaking down differences. The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Croat and Slovene peoples belonging to the Catholic Church and the Muslin Bosniaks have shared the same lands and livee in coexistence throughout the historical process, despite having different beliefs. However, in some periods the other and the perception of the other have replaced common values, leading to conflicts of interest, unrest and religion based wars. After the breakup of the Yugoslavian Federal Socialist Republic, Slovenia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, defined by the European Union as the Western Balkans, have established themselves as nation states of the stage of history. The scope of our study is these Western Balkan Countries, and we will use the terminology Western Balkans throughout.