Academic literature on the topic 'Peace Race'

In this interview Vron Ware discusses how her work has intertwined themes of 'gender, race, class, ecology and peace', as she put it in her book Beyond the Pale: White Women, Racism and History, published in 1992 - a time when 'talking about whiteness … was usually met by stony silence'. She relates this and her early work on gender and the National Front to more recent incarnations of gendered racism. The discussion moves over a wide range of subjects, including whiteness and the environmental movement, feminist statues and military monuments, the role of painting and photography in teaching and learning and how we might see futures beyond militarism. Ware reflects on ways in which the politics of 'gender, race, class, ecology and peace' formed part of her background in NGOs and campaigning organisations - including Searchlight, Friends of the Earth and the Women's Design Service. The same themes also run through her current project on re-thinking the category of the rural, which involves 'trying to think ecologically, in a way that sees interconnections between social, economic and cultural changes' - continuing the effort to join the dots between anti-racism, feminism, anti-militarism and eco-socialism.

AbstractThis article provides a thematic overview of a subset of controversial officer involved shootings that have occurred in Denver, Colorado during a period of thirty years (1983-2012). Determining whether a shooting was legally justified involved multiple participants, including local, national, and international representatives. The primary stakeholders were City and County District Attorneys regarding whether to file criminal charges against the officer, and Managers of Safety for whether officers acted within police departmental policy. Although most cases were processed without conflict, a small number were challenged by members of the community based on thematic reasons of shooting individuals who had not committed a crime, violating continuum of force standards, and entrusting law enforcement officers with the power to use deadly force both off-duty and while working secondary jobs. Despite outcome legitimacy vested in a small number of public officials, community members often reported a lack of justice and accountability. They struggled to get public officials to take notice and implement systematic change. Reviewing controversial shootings highlights the multiple issues involved in protecting law enforcement officers from encountering criminal charges, and in essence the procurement of colonial control. Critical Race Theory (interest convergence and storytelling), Social Dominance Theory, along with the historical framework of W. E. B. Du Bois, were utilized to explore a number of officer-involved shootings that continue to produce disparate outcomes by race, class, and gender.

The true peace is still being fought in various countries, indeed Indonesia. It relates with the pluralism life as the main constraint recently. So it is important to raise the individual and community awareness to pluralism. Thus, peace becomes important factor for any country with various identity like Indonesia. This Peace is related to some value, as follows: mutual respect and sense of tolerence to face the conflict of religion, ethnicity and race that takes place at this time. At recent, numerous attempts have done by government, education institution, non-governmental organization, and others independent stakeholder. The strategy of peace recovery can be done by formal activities, like: workshop, training, seminar, focus group discussion, etc. However, it appears negative impression of the results which is not optimal. In spite of the efforts to build peace, this paper as the research give an idea contribution to peace on the empirical level and informal that was built by micro business in Ambon City. They are known as papalele. Papalele provides essential lessons about peace from economic activity; without religion, etnicity ang race. Despite, their role was not considered various stakeholder at that time and became untold story in peace building in Ambon City, in fact they are true peace bridge.

Abstract Peace operations have increasingly sought to demonstrate their legitimacy in the face of critiques that characterize them as top-down impositions with limited impact and which entail a host of unintended consequences. Each book under review explores in depth the institutional consignment and attribution of legitimacy to certain spaces, actors, and bodies, which can serve to confirm and embed hierarchical relations of power. Von Billerbeck delineates the ambivalence with which “local ownership” is deployed in peace operations, closing down knowledge exchange rather than presenting opportunity. Shepherd builds on similar insights and argues that gendered logics and power inform the conceptualization and deployment of “local” and “civil society” and thus the (relative) lack of legitimacy afforded to these spaces. This essay seeks to develop from these insights further, drawing especially on postcolonial and critical race theory to demonstrate how race and racism structure the production and use of such categories, in both peace operation practice and international relations more broadly.

Drawn from the ethnography of Mizrahi feminist activism, my essay partakes of Michael Selzer's 1967 monumental The Aryanisation of the Jewish State. It analyses the oratory process through which Israel's feminist ‘Peace Camp’ racinates the question of Palestine. While this camp – which is almost 100 percent upper middle class Ashkenazi – opens up for the Palestinian nationalist feminist, allowing her space between her ‘nation’ and ‘race’, it manages to transcend its colonialist deracination of the Mizrahim, Israel's demographic non-European majority. The essay argues that the racinated Mizrahi is not allowed to enter either the peace-club or any sites of the tight-knit Israeli cultural-economic elites promoting the Oslo Peace Process. Such deracinated peace-witchcraft is rarely practised to improve the disenfranchised lived realities of most (poor) Mizrahim, who often resort to charities, right-wing and/or ultra-orthodox by default. Paradoxically, however, these progressive feminists admit their bounds of race through the appropriation of postmodern-queer-multicultural-border postures to apologise for their domination of the public peace sphere.

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.
Title from file title page. Ian Fletcher, committee chair; Jared Poley, Hugh Hudson, committee members. Electronic text (110 [i.e. 105] p.) : digital, PDF file. Pages 18, 45, 76, 77 and 95 blank. Description based on contents viewed Jan. 16, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-110).

Ghana is considered an oasis of peace despite having the same mix of ethno-political competitions for state power and resources; north-south horizontal inequalities; ethno-regional concentrations of Christians and Muslims; highly ethnicised elections; a natural resource dependent economy; and a politically polarized public sphere, among others, that have plunged other countries in Africa into violent and often protracted national conflicts. Use of the conflict paradigm to explain Africa's conflicts glosses over positive deviance cases such as Ghana. This study used the peace paradigm in a mixed method, grounded theory research to examine Ghana's apparent exceptionalism in staving off violent national conflicts. From the survey of 1429 respondents and 31 Key Informants, findings indicate Ghanaians are divided on whether their country is peaceful or not. They are equally divided on classifying the state of peace in Ghana as negative or positive. Instead, they have identified sets of centrifugal and centripetal forces that somehow self-neutralize to keep Ghana in a steady state of unstable peace. Among the lift forces are strongly shared cultural and Indigenous African Religious values; symbiotic interethnic economic relationships; identity dissolution and cultural miscegenation due to open interethnic systems of accommodation and incorporation; and the persistence of historical multi-lateral political, sociocultural, and economic relationships. On the drag side are the youth bulge; emergent religious intolerance; elite exit from the state in using private solutions for public problems; and highly politicized and partisan national discourses that leave the country with no national agenda. In sum, Ghana is no exception to the rule. The four interconnected meso theories that this study identifies provide pointers to what factors Ghana needs to strengthen to avert descent into violence.

This thesis is a study of the racial equality proposal at the Paris Peace Conference. It explores Japanese motivations for submitting the proposal, and the responses of the British and American governments which eventually defeated it. The thesis uses an analytical framework based on five categories of possible explanations for the proposal: immigration, universal principle, great power status, peace conference politics and bargaining, and domestic politics. The thrust of the analysis contained in the thesis is as follows. For Japan, the proposal meant three things: a means of reaffirming its great power status by securing racial equality with the western great powers in the League of Nations; a justification for Prime Minister Hara whose pro- League position was maintained by a fragile domestic consensus against sceptics in the government and the wider public; and a means of resolving Japanese immigration problems in the United States and British Dominions. But for Japan the proposal was not originally intended as a demand for universal racial equality. For Britain, the proposal was unacceptable because it meant "free immigration" of non-white immigrants into the Dominions. In particular, Australia adamantly opposed it also because of its political significance for Australian public opinion. For the United States, Wilson's determination to create the League of Nations at almost any cost led him to impose a unanimity ruling at the crucial vote on llth April 1919. Other explanations worked in the background. The proposal highlighted the importance of the link between race and great power status for Japan, Japan's insecurity concerning the League of Nations and the West, and Japan's different approach to international relations. Moreover, the failure of the proposal revealed the limits of Wilsonian idealism in that neither Britain nor the United States at that time seriously considered the possibility of universal racial equality.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theory contributes to an individualisation of the truth finding process and does not sufficiently support the macro-truths. Finally, by deconstructing the term never again it is shown that this approach should not be used in the TRCs or in the wider field of transitional justice v
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek of volhoubare vrede in postkonfliksamelewings met behulp van die oorgangsgeregtigheidsbenadering bereik kan word. Meer bepaald word die soeklig gewerp op die waarheidskommissie as meganisme van oorgangsgeregtigheid. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids-en-Versoeningskommissie (WVK) dien as gevallestudie om die verwantskap tussen volhoubare vrede en oorgangsgeregtigheid te bestudeer. Die tesis probeer vasstel of die WVK sy mandaat uitgevoer het, en of die Kommissie se finale verslag enige bepaalde omskrywings, gevolgtrekkings of aanbevelings bevat “om te verseker dat die verlede hom nie herhaal nie” (paragraaf 14, hoofstuk 8, volume 5 van die WVKverslag). Dít vind plaas deur middel van ! tekstuele ontleding van die finale WVKverslag wat die inherente swakpunte van dié dokument in sy strewe na volhoubare vrede krities en dekonstruktief benader. Die verslag word voorts ontleed deur die kwessie van volhoubare vrede te verbind met die gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid sowel as ontwikkelingstudies oor hoe toekomstige WVK’s die kwessie van volhoubare vrede kan hanteer. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die Suid-Afrikaanse WVK nie ! bydrae gelewer het tot ! sinvolle ontleding van presies hoe om ! herhaling van die verlede te voorkom nie. Daar word aangevoer dat dít te wyte is aan die gebrek aan ! samehangende teoretiese raamwerk, aangesien die finale verslag twee verskillende waarheidsoekende meganismes vermeng – die mikrowaarheidsoeke en die makrowaarheidsoeke – en ook van die geregverdigde-oorlog-teorie gebruik maak. Deur die tekstuele ontleding van die teoretiese raamwerk van die WVKverslag word dit duidelik dat ! mikro- en makrowaarheidsoeke moeilik in een verslag te kombineer is, en dat, in die Suid-Afrikaanse geval, die mikrowaarheidsoeke voorkeur geniet. Tog sou die makrowaarheidsoeke ! grondiger ontleding bied vir die suksesvolle verwesenliking van volhoubare vrede, wat in hierdie tesis as Galtung se ‘positiewe vrede’ en Lederach se ‘strukturele vrede’ 5 verstaan word. Trouens, die makrowaarheidsoeke is ! voorvereiste om volhoubare vrede te bereik. ! Tradisionele lesing van die geregverdigde-oorlogteorie dra ook by tot ! individualisering van die waarheidsoekende proses, en bied nie voldoende ondersteuning vir die makrowaarhede nie. Laastens word daar deur die dekonstruksie van die uitdrukking nooit weer nie getoon dat hierdie benadering nie in WVK’s of op die groter gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid tuishoort nie.

This paper examines the relationship between Track I Diplomacy and Civil Society in Cyprus. Cyprus has been a divided island for over 45 years despite numerous attempts at reconciliation on the societal level and ongoing negotiations on the diplomatic level. It was the aim of this study to examine the ways in which both civil societies and their leaders do or have worked together, if at all, to negotiate a political solution or reconciliation between the two communities. Interviews were conducted on both sides of the cultural divide and within both political and civil society sectors. Those interviews were coded, categorized, and then thematically analyzed. Findings explicate three themes that challenge the relationship and cooperation between Track I and Track II; Structural Elements, Nationalism, and International Support. Furthermore, it is proposed that the leaders must lead and support their citizens in reconciliation and peacebuilding efforts while continuing to negotiate a solution to the Cyprus problem as civil society organizations continue to support negotiation efforts.

La tesis se contextualiza en un panorama mundial en el que existe una acumulación exponencial por parte de las «Élites de poder» sumada a un gigantesco gasto militar y a una, cada vez más visible, corrupción sistémica. Estos factores provocan violencia, pobreza, sufrimiento y muerte. Por ello, se indaga la relación causal entre la codicia, la violencia y el armamentismo partiendo de una clara y valiosa intuición de Gandhi: «si no hubiera codicia las armas no tendrían razón de ser». Asimismo, se visualiza cómo la corrupción anida en la codicia y cómo el gasto militar supone un gran «coste de oportunidad» para otras partidas presupuestarias (educación, salud, medioambiente…) que sí que generan una auténtica experiencia de seguridad (humana) para las personas. Finalmente, a modo de alternativa, se apuntan una serie de orientaciones y actitudes para prevenir o desarmar la codicia y nutrir desde niveles profundos una Cultura de paz.
The thesis is contextualized in a world in which there is exponential accumulation by the “Power Elite” added to an enormous military spending and, an ever more noticeable, systemic corruption. These issues cause violence, poverty, suffering and deaths. Therefore, it explores the connecting relationship between greed, violence and the arms race on the foundations of a clear and valuable intuition by Gandhi: "If there were no greed, there could be no occasion for armaments". Furthermore, it shows how corruption nests in greed, and how military spending is a great “opportunity cost” for other budget items (education, health, and environment) which do generate a true experience of human security for people. Finally, as an alternative, some orientations and attitudes are provided to prevent or disarm greed and nurture a "Culture of Peace" from the deepest levels.

According to the UN World Tourism Organization’s (UNWTO) rules, this organization’s aim is to promote tourism through economic development, international understanding, peace, security, basic human rights and freedom, and to show respect throughout the world without exception of race, gender or religion. The World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) was founded in 1924 under the United Nations and it has been continuing its activities in Madrid, Spain since 1970. The World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) takes all necessary measures with tourism in order to achieve its goals. The UNWTO pays strict attention to the interests of developing countries in the field of tourism. For this reason, the UNWTO has a close relationship in the tourism field with the United Nations’ authorities and specialized institutions. It deals with the tourism problems of all countries and supports their contributions to tourism by international agreements. On the other hand, the UNWTO is cooperating with the United Nations Development Program and tries to contribute to the activities of this program. All countries are expected to be a member of the UNWTO and adopt its principles, because tourism will make it possible for them to increase National Income and Development. Macedonia hasn’t applied to be a member of this organization yet, but it is important to start the attempts immediately.

Activated carbon is one of the most effective materials for removing a wide range of contaminants from water, e.g., industrial and municipal wastewater. In this paper, physical (steam) activation of peach pit biochar obtained from a biomass gasification power plant is explored. Activation experiments were carried out at various temperatures, steam flow rates, and activation times. The initial biochar and activated biochar samples have been analyzed for porosity, chemical composition and surface morphology. From the porosity analyses it was determined that the raw biochar had a surface area in the order of 1 m2/g, whereas the activated samples had surface areas ranging from 379 m2/g to nearly 600 m2/g. The burn off ranged from 29 % to 56 %. Energy wise, the biochar sample processed for the shortest time with the lowest flow rate had the largest ratio of surface area-to-consumed energy.

A small test installation of Combined Diesel or Gas turbine (CODOG) was made, its primary aimed at investigating the changes of various operational parameters of the two engines in the change-over process. First, the computer simulation of this process is carred out in the paper. Variations of torque and rotational speed on the transmission shafts under different rates of fuel supply and the effect of hydraulic coupling on the change-over process are investigated. Then, the comparison is made of variation of speed and torque by PI governing with that by PID governing. The result shows that the rate of increase or decrease of diesel engine fuel supply has significant effect on the variation of torque, and the change of parameters in governing system has markable effect on the speed and torque in change-over process, especially on the peake value of diesel engine torque.

The changes of factor VIII (F. VIII) during blood coagulation process is still controversial. We analyzed the F. VIII antigen (F. VIII:Ag) at various intervals of in vitro blood clotting by immunoassays using polyclonal and different kinds of monoclonal antibodies to F. VIII.We used two immunoassays, an immunoradiometric assay (IRMA) and an enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA). The IRMA was performed by the method of Peake et al. using high-titer allo-antibodies to F. VIII. The ELISA was performed by two-site solid phase system consisting of alloantibodies as the first and one of three kinds of monoclonal antibodies (NMC-VIII/1, -VIII/2 or C5*) as the second antibody. Using the immunoblotting technique, it had been shown that NMC-VIII/1 recognized the 80/79 kDa derived from C-terminus and both NMC-VIII/2 and C5 recognized 54 kDa derived from N-terminus.The mean levels of F. VIII:Ag in 20 normal plasmas and sera were 0.97±0.23 U/ml and 0.68±0.21 U/ml, respectively using the polyclonal IRMA. The mean levels of F. VIII:Ag in normal sera were 0.14±0.05 U/ml (NMC-VIII/1), 0.71±0.21 U/ml (NMC-VIII/2), and 0.012±0.02 U/ml (C5) using the monoclonal ELISAs. In the initial phase of whole blood coagulation in vitro, the increase of F. VIII: Ag was observed by the polyclonal IRMA as F. VIII:C assayed by a one-stage clotting method increased. On the other hand, the F. VIII:Ag assayed by NMC-VIII/1 or C5 monoclonal ELISA progressively decreased to the serum level within 30 min. The F. VIII:Ag by NMC-VIII/2 declined to the serum level at a slow rate. In order to study the influence of thrombin on F. VIIIrAg during blood clotting, a synthesized selective thrombin inhibitor (MD-805, Mitsubishi Chemical Ind.) was previously added to the whole blood tested. The changes of F. VIII:Ag with MD-805 by the monoclonal ELISAs were almost the same as those without MD-805.It is suggested that in the whole blood coagulation process the antigenicity of F. VIII molecule changes in the initial phase (within 30 min.), but that thrombin does not play the main role of the phenomenon in physiological concentration.*C5 was kindly supplied from Dr. C. Fulcher (Scripps Clinic and Research Foundation, USA)