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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Peace Weapons'
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1
Meteyer, David O. "The art of peace : dissuading China from developing counter space weapons /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA435590.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Daniel J. Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-101). Also available online.
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Roseneil, Sasha. "Feminist political action : the case of the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283148.
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The thesis is a sociological study of the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp. It addresses the question of how it is possible for women to act collectively to promote social change: primarily, to resist and transform relations of male domination and female subordination, and, secondarily, to resist the forces of militarism. It highlights the importance for feminist sociology of theoretical and substantive attention to women's agency. The thesis offers an analysis of the origins of Greenham, thereby developing a critique of the gender-ignorance of previous theoretical work on social movements and arguing the importance of attention to macro-, ineso- and micro-level processes in the studying of the creation of collective politA.cal action. The particular character and ethos of Greenham as a form of feminist politics is explored, both in terms of the internal workings of the movement and in its actions confronting the outside world. The responses of the forces which were challenged by Greenham are analyzed, in order to assess its impact. Finally, the transformations in consciousness and identity experienced by women who had been involved with Greenham are discussed, contributing both theoretically and substantively to feminist understandings of women's consciousness and identity.
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Thorne, Nicholas Owen. "Weapons for Peace or War? The Role of Military Independence in Militarized Interstate Disputes." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/595997.
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The global trade in weaponry has created an environment in which states are now utilizing arms transfer agreements to bolster their own domestic defense industry aspirations. Previous research concerning arms transfers has suggested that a state may alter its behavior depending on its level of dependency on foreign sourced weapons. However, previous scholarship primarily examined the effect from importing arms and not the effect that military industry will have upon state behavior. Since the number of states possessing domestic defense industries has risen by 250% since 1950, it is paramount that we understand the effect of a domestic military industry on state behavior. To explore this problem, this dissertation utilizes militarized interstate dispute and arms procurement data. 3 primary independence variables are created, all of which measure military independence in different ways. These variables include, military industry presence, arms supplier diversification, and foreign dependence on military goods. The dissertation hypothesizes that the level of military independence will have an effect on the probability that a state will be involved, initiate as well as decrease dispute duration.
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Lewer, N. "Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project (BNLWRP). Research Report 1." University of Bradford, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3960.
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yes<br>The NLW database illustrates the extensive and eclectic literature regarding NLWs which covers the last few decades. It currently contains over 250 entries. It is important to have access not only to the more recent material, but also to earlier sources since many of the general debates and controversies have already been rehearsed, and lessons learnt from them are still relevant today.
Yet, it is also vital to follow new developments of NLWs closely because rapidly changing technology is producing weapons whose implications for integration into military and civil police forces have yet to be clearly defined and understood. Of particular interest are not only NLW applications for war fighting, but opportunities for deployment in peace enforcement and peace keeping missions. These technologies span many bases including: psycho-chemicals; unmanned weapons platforms and delivery systems; biogenetics; acoustic and microwave weapons; biological and chemical weapons; laser systems; kinetic energy ballistics; dual purpose (lethal/non-lethal) weapons; and, sprays and foams which inhibit movement. The database will keep up to date on these developments and future reports will highlight new issues and debates surrounding them.
With these rapid technological advances come a series of associated dangers and concerns including: the ethics of use; implications for weapons control and disarmament treaties; military doctrine; public accountability and guidelines; dangers of misuse and proliferation; and, research and development strategies.
Using the database, and drawing from military and non-military sources, this report will select the main current issues and debates within the non-lethal community. Bearing in mind that many operations undertaken by military forces are now more akin to policing actions (such as peace support operations) there are lessons to be learnt by military units from civil police experience. There still remains a tension between perceived benign and malign intent both in NLW operational use and non-lethal research and development.
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Smith, Henry. "Inter-relationships between Small Arms Control and Peace Building Activities in Countries Emerging from Conflict. An Examination of the Inter-relationships between Programmes to Control Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) and Peace Building Activities in Countries Emerging from Violent Conflict." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6297.
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Efforts to control small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the periods following violent conflict can have positive or negative impacts on peacebuilding efforts. Similarly, peacebuilding activities can both support or endanger efforts to place SALW under greater control. Despite the regular occurrence of SALW control and peacebuilding activities in the same time and space in post violent conflict contexts, there is insignificant analysis of how the two sets of activities interrelate, and how these interelationships can be strengthened to improve the contribution that SALW control efforts make to peacebuilding, and vice-versa. The effects of interrelationships over time (contingency); in the same geographic space (complementarity) and the effects of public perceptions and social construction are particularly important and provide a framework for establishing these interrelationships through analysing a wide universe of cases of SALW control attempted in countries emerging from violent conflict, five mini-cases studies and a major analysis of interrelationships in Kosovo.
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Alin, Tova. "The magic bullet against semi-automatic weapons : A quantitative study about the effect of gender mainstreaming in peace processes." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-451688.
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Women and men experience conflict and peace processes differently. The thesis builds on the idea of feminist policy and gender mainstreaming that suggests women should be substantially included within and around all policy decisions including peace processes, not only to provide gender equality but also because inclusion leads to more long-lasting and qualitative solutions. The purpose of this thesis is to examine if gender mainstreaming in the form of engendered language in peace agreements affects post-conflict sexual violence. To achieve this, a systematic large-N study with OLS regression analysis was conducted. The hypothesis was that engendered language in peace agreements would lead to a smaller prevalence of post-conflict conflict-related sexual violence and hence the correlation between the two would be negative. The findings rather show that there is a positive correlation between the two on a 95 percent significance level, generating questions regarding both measurements of the prevalence of post-conflict conflict-related sexual violence and about the effectiveness of gender mainstreaming in peace agreements. Hence, the general conclusion of the thesis is that gender mainstreaming in peace agreements as a ‘magic bullet’ is not the complete answer in the struggle towards gender equality in post-conflict situations.
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Begler, Hanna. "Exchanging Weapons for Citizenship : Colombia's Process of Reintegrating Former Combatants into Civil Society." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-100835.
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This study analyzes Colombia's current process of reintegrating former combatants into civil society. By employing four different citizenship perspectives constructed as ideal types it is shown how issues such as participation, political influence and the relation between rights and obligations are being addressed in the Colombian reintegration program. By relating these findings to current debates on the relation between security and development in DDR research, the study aims to reconcile the hitherto rather separated but yet intimately related discourses of DDR and citizenship. The analysis of the Colombian program gives a multifaceted picture of the country’s reintegration process where several citizenship perspectives are discerned in various and sometimes overlapping ways. Beyond contributing to an enhanced understanding of the Colombian process, the study illustrates the numerous ways in which diverging citizenship perspectives may be incorporated into a wider framework of peace and state-building and the potential tensions that are discerned in different approaches to DDR.
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Simon, Sascha. "Conceptualizing lethal autonomous weapon systems and their impact on the conduct of war - A study on the incentives, implementation and implications of weapons independent of human control." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23904.
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The thesis has aimed to study the emergence of a new weapons technology, also known as ‘killer robots’ or lethal autonomous weapon system. It seeks to answer what factors drive the development and deployment of this weapon system without ‘meaningful human control’, a component that allows the decision to kill to be delegated to machines. The research question focuses on seeking the motivations to develop and deploy LAWS, as well as the consequences this would have on military conduct and conflict characteristics.The incentives they bring up and the way of adopting them has been studied by synthesizing antinomic democratic peace theory and adoption capacity theory respectively. The findings of this qualitative content analysis lead to two major conclusions. (1) That LAWS present severe risk avoidance and costs reduction potential for the user. These factors have a more prevalent pull on democracies than autocracies, since they stand to benefit from LAWS’ specific capabilities more in comparison. (2) That their adoption is aided by low financial intensity needed to adopt it, due to the high commercial profitability and applicability of AI technology, and the ease of a spillover to military sphere. Their adoption is hindered by high organizational capital needed to implement the drastic changes LAWS bring. All of this leads to the prediction that LAWS are likely to proliferate further, at a medium speed, and potentially upset the balance of power.
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Clegg, E., S. Faltas, G. McDonald, and C. Waszink. "Reducing the Stock of the Illicit Trade: Promoting Best Practice in Weapons Collection Programmes." Thesis, British American Security Information Council (BASIC), International Alert and Saferworld, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4271.
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yes<br>It is now widely recognised that, to be successful, efforts towards preventing and combating
the illicit trade in SALW will require a multifaceted approach which simultaneously tackles the
demand for and the supply of these weapons. In this regard, developing and promoting
international norms, standards and mechanisms for the effective removal of illicit weapons
from circulation is a major challenge for the UN Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms
and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects.
There are two distinct scenarios within which weapons collection initiatives operate: the
peace-time scenario, where efforts are focused on reducing criminal violence; and the postconflict
scenario, where efforts are focused on the objective of conflict prevention through
peace-building.
10
Langeveldt, Veleska. "(De)legitimizing rape as a weapon of war: patriarchy, narratives and the African Union." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4068.
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Magister Administrationis - MAdmin<br>The African continent has over the past 40 years witnessed a continued scourge of violent conflict and human rights abuses. These conflicts have significantly undermined the social, political, and economic prosperity of African citizens. Additionally, women and children are particularly affected by these conflicts. Women and children are regarded as ‘the most vulnerable’ as they often become the targets of sexual abuse by the enemy. The African Union (AU) is primarily responsible for the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It professes to be committed to the prevention of human rights abuses and the protection of African women (and children) during armed conflicts. It has thus developed an array of mechanisms, protocols, and instruments to address the exploitation and sexual abuse of women during conflict periods. These instruments include: The Constitutive Act of the AU (2000); The Solemn Declaration of Gender Equality in Africa (2003); the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa- ACHPRWA (2004); and the Protocol relating to the Peace and Security Council. In this research project, I consider whether the narratives used in these AU documents sufficiently and explicitly address the use of rape as a strategic weapon during armed conflicts; or whether these narratives inadvertently contribute to a culture that perpetuates war-time rape. My analysis shows that these AU documents deal with war-time rape in very vague and euphemistic terms. Although gender discrimination, sexual violence, exploitation, discrimination, and harmful practices against women are condemned, the delegitimization of rape as a weapon of war is not specifically discussed. This allows for varying interpretations of AU protocols, including interpretations which may diminish the severity of strategic rape. This has lead me to propose that the narratives used in these AU protocols and related documents draw on patriarchy, perpetuate patriarchy, and thus inadvertently perpetuates a culture that perpetuates the use of rape as a weapon of war
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Saldner, Simon. "Stopping Destructive Arms Proliferation: How the Arms Trade Treaty can improve peace and security by introducing the first international regulations on transfers of conventional arms." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22366.
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This thesis explores how the newly adopted Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), the first internationaltreaty to regulate the trade in conventional arms, can address the issue of the illegal andirresponsible proliferation of small arms and lights weapons (SALW) and improve peace andsecurity. By far the most commonly used weapons in modern conflicts, SALW and theireffects mainly on intrastate conflicts, I argue, are the most important issues for the ATT toaddress. Being one of the prime sources of fuel for, and even cause of, the new trend ofincreasingly deadly and destructive intrastate conflicts today, controlling the largely illegaland internationally unregulated SALW market would be a crucial step to improving peaceand security.The thesis uses Security Dilemma theory to describe how arms and their proliferation posethreats to peace and security, while international law and regime theory is used to identifyhow legal action and structures of cooperation (regimes) can offer solutions to theseproblems. To determine to what extent the ATT can address these issues, the thesis uses acase study approach together with a content analysis of the ATT text to identify the relevantlegal provisions and how they can operate in the context of the theoretical framework.The findings of this study suggest that the most important aspect of the ATT is that itimposes prohibitions on any arms transfer that risks being used to commit acts of genocide,human rights abuses and other violations of international law, or that risk leading todiversion. These provisions could be used to stop the irresponsible kinds of arms transfersthat facilitate these crimes. The effects of the ATT are however largely dependent on the willof states, which will determine the effectiveness of the treaty. Nonetheless, as this thesisshows, the ATT provides tools and a legal platform that could, if utilized, have a substantialimpact on these issues.
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Raoui, Sarah. "Le régime des armes légères : approche juridique d'un facteur majeur d'insécurité humaine." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32006.
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La plupart des conflits aujourd'hui sont menés essentiellement avec des armes légères et de petit calibre. Celles-ci sont les armes privilégiées dans les guerres civiles, le crime organisé et les guerres de gang. L'examen des divers aspects de la question des armes légères met l'accent sur l'incidence négative que ces armes ont sur la sécurité humaine, les droits de l'homme et le développement social et économique, en particulier dans les situations de crise, de conflit et d'après conflit. Lutter contre la prolifération des armes légères exige d'agir sur l'offre et la demande en armements, de se préoccuper des stocks d'armes existants et des flux du commerce des armes, tant au niveau des trafics illicites que de celui des ventes légales. Par ailleurs, la problématique des armes légères doit à la fois être abordée de manière spécifique en fonction des caractéristiques particulières de ce type d'arme, mais aussi être incluse dans la question des stocks et des ventes d'armes conventionnelles en général. Grâce à la volonté de quelques Etats et à la mobilisation de la société civile, une réelle dynamique internationale est née il y a quelques années et devrait aboutir à l’adoption d’un Traité sur le Commerce des Armes en 2012<br>Most conflicts today are held essentially with small arms and light weapons. They are the weapons of choice in civil wars, organized crime and gang wars. The consideration of the various aspects of the question of light weapons emphasizes the negative incidence that these weapons have on human security, human rights and social and economic development, in particular in situations of crisis, conflict and post-conflict.Fighting against the proliferation of small arms and light weapons requires to act on the supply and demand in armaments, to control existing stocks of weapons and their flow, both at the level of the illicit traffics and legal sales. Besides, the problem of SALW proliferation must be approached in a specific way according to the particular characteristics of this type of weapon, but they should also be included in the control of conventional arms sales in general.Thanks to the will of some States and to the mobilization of the civil society, a real international dynamic was born a few years ago and should lead to the adoption of an Arms Trade Treaty in 2012
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Filip, David. "Atomová zbraň jako nástroj míru." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124639.
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Regarding the existence of nuclear weapons, which were never used all over atomic bombings of Nagasaki and Hiroshima as a tool of war against civilian or military targets during the Cold War, I try to give an explanation of "armed peace". I consider the question of why the two superpowers (the USA and the USSR) didn't start a "hot war" that would have been more likely nuclear. As an example of the most critical event will serve me Cuban Missile Crisis, with which can be the description of it understood in broader context. The paper points to the interrelations of opposing ideologies that related to atomic weapons have often drawn the same conclusions. I examine the military-strategic value of the atomic bombs which have shaped international relations troughtout the second half of the twentieth century. Besides the military aspects I also mention economic interpretation of the nuclear arms race and economic potential of the USSR and the USA. Why have in the first instance occured one-sided and than gradually overall disarment, reducing the number of nuclear warheads? I try to documented the explanation out of historical events also by using teoretical models.
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De, Bruin Louise. "The silent weapon in war and peace : the power of patriarchy." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/37375.
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History has proved that too much power, in any form, is detrimental to the greater good of the society concerned. People at the hands of the power-hungry face discrimination and are often subjected to extreme violence and abuse. Society has undergone several changes and progressions through time, including economic, political and social changes. One thing that has remained unchanged however, is man‟s power over woman. Patriarchal power is present in all sectors and scenarios of society, from the home to the international legal system.
My study focuses on the notion that an abundance of power leads to fear, violence and total disarray at the micro and macro levels of society. I argue that the essential problem in the relationship between man and woman is not a man‟s abuse of power, but rather that he has too much power in the first place. A culture of entitlement breeds among men, enabling them to treat women as inferior, sub-human objects.
Definitions of male and female prove to be concreted into specific roles and gendered identities within the home and the greater society. People fall automatically into these roles, blindly and unquestioningly. It is for this reason that I maintain all members of society ensure the survival of patriarchy – even if they do so unconsciously. While the difference in the understanding of rape and sexual intercourse should be stark, it is blurred because they are defined according to male terms. Man‟s entitlement allows him to think it his right to take sex from a woman, even if she does not offer it willingly. Culture and tradition serve as major obstacles in any possibility of society‟s progression. Culture has proved such an undisputed order in society that it even trumps the international legal system of human rights. Culture justifies, or at least trivialises, the abuse of women. The social stigmatisation of sexual abuse silences women, providing further endorsement for men to continue asserting their power. A woman‟s life, as determined by male hierarchy, gender bias, culture and social stigmas, is therefore fated. It is with this in mind that I strongly question the progression of society into a true form of liberality and equality. In order for society to attain such a transcended state, it will have to disregard everything that it knows and deconstruct everything that has defined it up to that point. Until this is achieved, women will continue to live their lives in fear of the silent weapon in war and peace.<br>Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2012.<br>gm2014<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>unrestricted
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O'Connell, Kaete Mary. "Weapon of War, Tool of Peace: U.S. Food Diplomacy in Postwar Germany." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/574976.
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History<br>Ph.D.<br>This dissertation examines U.S. food diplomacy in occupied Germany. It argues that the origins of food aid as an anti-communist strategy are located in postwar Germany. Believing a punitive occupation was the best insurance against future conflict, Allied leadership agreed to enforce a lower standard of living on Germany and did not allow relief agencies to administer aid to German civilians. Facing a growing crisis in the U.S. Zone, President Truman authorized food imports and permitted voluntary agencies to operate in 1946. This decision changed the tenor of the occupation and provided the foundation to an improved U.S.-German relationship. It also underscored the value of American food power in the emerging contest with the Soviet Union. Food served as a source of soft power. It bridged cultures and fostered new relationships while reinforcing notions of American exceptionalism. Officials recognized that humanitarian aid complemented foreign policy objectives. American economic security was reflected in their abundance of food, and the dispersal of this food to war-torn Europe, especially a former enemy, made a strong statement about the future. As relations with the Soviet Union soured, policymakers increasingly relied on American food power to encourage German embrace of western values. Occupation officials portrayed food relief as an expression of democratic ideals, emphasizing the universality of Freedom from Want and focusing on well-nourished German children as the hope for future peace. American food fostered the spread of liberal democracy but its dispersal also contained communism. This work bridges diplomatic history and food studies to investigate the consequences and significance of the transnational food exchange. Food aid had layered political, cultural, and emotional implications. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this dissertation examines the role of compassion in diplomacy and the symbolism inherent in food to demonstrate the lasting political currency of humanitarian aid. Paying close attention to the food relationships that emerge between Germans and Americans allows one to better gauge the value of U.S. food aid as a propaganda tool. Food embodies American power; it offers a medium for understanding the experience and internalization of the occupation by Americans and Germans alike. Food aid began as emergency relief in 1946, reflecting the transition from a punitive to rehabilitative occupation policy. Recognizing Germany’s need for stability and self-sufficiency Military Government officials then urged economic recovery. Food aid was an important piece for German economic recovery, with supporters emphasizing Germany’s potential contribution toward European recovery. The positive press generated by the Marshall Plan and Allied airlift of Berlin contributed to the growing significance of propaganda in the emerging Cold War. Food relief was both good policy and good public relations, providing a narrative that cast the United States as a benevolent power in a rapidly changing world. Food aid to Germany underscored America’s humanitarian obligations, conscripted emotion into the Cold War, and swayed public opinion on the home front and with the former enemy.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Dioum, Sidy. "La mise à l'épreuve du régime de non-prolifération des armes nucléaires et leurs vecteurs au regard des crises contemporaines." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0085.
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La fin de la confrontation Est-ouest va apparaître comme un tournant décisif dans la lutte contre la prolifération des armes nucléaires. Alors que le monde se réjouissait de la chute du mur de Berlin, le contexte qui va succéder à cette période est marqué par la poursuite, et même l’aggravation de plusieurs crises graves liées à la prolifération nucléaire en Inde, au Pakistan, en Iran et en Corée du Nord. Ces crises, intervenues alors même que la totalité des armes nucléaires à l’échelle mondiale avait été réduite de plus d’un quart depuis la fin de la guerre froide, ont fait l’objet d’une réaction mitigée de la part de la « communauté internationale ». Ces crises montrent qu’il est indispensable de renforcer le régime de non-prolifération nucléaire en apportant des réponses promptes, crédibles et dynamiques. Alors que des doutes sont apparus sur la capacité du régime classique à décourager ceux qui souhaitent développer des activités nucléaires à des fins autres que pacifiques, la nécessité d’envisager des outils modernes et adaptées au contexte géopolitique en pleine mutations, s’est révélée indispensable. Cela suppose un réaménagement du régime classique de non-prolifération dans la perspective de renforcer la légitimité de la norme de non-prolifération. De surcroît, ces crises montrent qu’il est indispensable de renforcer les mécanismes de mise en œuvre du Traité de non-prolifération nucléaire (TNP). Il s’agira d’assurer l’application universelle des accords de garanties de l’AIEA, qui est une obligation du TNP, ainsi que par l’universalisation du protocole additionnel<br>The end of the East-West confrontation appeared to be a watershed in the fight against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. While the world was celebrating the fall of the Berlin wall, the context that will succeed this time is marked by the continuity and the aggravation of several serious crises linked to nuclear proliferation in India, Pakistan, Iran and North-Korea. These crises occurred even though all nuclear weapons were globally reduced by more than a quarter since the end of the cold war, have been a mixed reaction from the " International community ". These crises show that it is essential to strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation system by providing prompt, credible and dynamic responses. While doubts have been raised about the ability of the classical regime to discourage those who wish to develop nuclear activities for other than peaceful purposes, the need to consider appropriate modern tools to change rapidly geopolitical context seemed to be essential. This implies a rearrangement of the classic nuclear non-proliferation system with a view to strengthen the legitimacy of the norm of non-proliferation. In addition, these crises show that it is essential to strengthen the mechanisms for implementation of the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (NPT). The application of an additional protocol, coupled with the implementation of a comprehensive safeguards agreement, is indeed essential to obtain full insurance compliance with non-proliferation commitments and is the current standard to allow the agency (IAEA) to fulfill its mission
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Bouzanda, Diassonama Kiesse. "Dimension militaire de la présence chinoise en Afrique noire : contribution à l’étude de l’outil militaire dans la politique étrangère des Etats." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30015.
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La première décennie du XXIème siècle a été particulièrement marquée par le renforcement de la présence de la République populaire de Chine (RPC) en Afrique. En effet, Pékin est devenu un important partenaire du continent dans différents domaines de coopération (économique, commercial, militaire, culturel…). C’est ainsi que l’objet de cette recherche porte essentiellement sur la dimension militaire de la présence chinoise. Celle-ci reste encore peu étudiée contrairement à celle des Etats-Unis, de la France et de l’URSS autrefois. L’étude qui convoque la pensée stratégique chinoise et les théories de relations internationales, tente de cerner les enjeux, les contours et les évolutions de la dimension militaire chinoise dans un contexte de bouleversements et de rivalités stratégiques (1960-2010). Aussi, l’étude s’intéresse aux différents choix stratégiques opérés. Cet effort de compréhension ne porte pas que sur la seule Chine, l’Afrique y est aussi pleinement prise en compte. La réflexion se prolonge avec l’analyse décisionnelle de la politique étrangère de défense, grâce notamment à une approche que nous avons qualifiée d’hybride, une combinaison du modèle rationnel et de l’approche bureaucratique de la décision. Ainsi, dans le cas chinois et africain, la décision en politique étrangère n’est pas le seul fait du Président, bien qu’il en soit un acteur prééminent. De nombreux acteurs participent à son élaboration; ceux-ci disposent de réelles capacités de l’infléchir dans un sens ou dans l’autre<br>The reinforcement of China presence in Africa particularly constitutes a remarkable event during the first decade of the twenty-first century. As the matter of fact, China has become an important partner in various domains of cooperation such as trade, military, culture…This is hereby the reason why this study is essentially based on the military dimension of China presence. This aspect is barely analyzed in comparison with those of the USA, France, and the USSR in the past. The study deals with the Chinese strategic Policy and the theories of international relations. It intends to decipher what is at stake, the ins and outs of the Chinese military Policy in a context where upheavals and strategic conflicts are pregnant (1960-2010). Moreover, the study will analyze different strategic choices that have been taken so far. This effort of analysis will not only concern China, but Africa will be fully taken into account as well. The reflection will stretch onto the analysis of decisions inherent to the foreign Policy, notably thanks to an approach that can be qualified as a ‘hybrid approach’, that is, a combination of a rational pattern and the bureaucratic approach of decision. Then, in the Chinese and African cases, the decision in foreign policy is not only the prerogative of the president, although he allegedly seems to be a pre-eminent actor. A lot of actors partake in the foreign Policy elaboration; these ones have real capacities to curb it either way
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El, Jadie Amna. "L'énergie nucléaire et le droit international public." Thesis, Tours, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOUR1006/document.
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Tous les États sans discrimination ont un droit inaliénable de développer les utilisations de l'énergie nucléaire à des fins civiles, à condition de ne pas détourner ces utilisations pacifiques vers des armes nucléaires. Cependant, il est accordé à cinq pays le droit de posséder ces armes, à savoir les États-Unis, la France, la Russie, la Chine et le Royaume-Uni. Autour de cette position, un vif débat à la fois juridique et éthique a été soulevé. En effet, pour ses opposants, le nucléaire représente un risque durable et non maîtrisable par la science. Les accidents nucléaires majeurs, les déchets radioactifs et le détournement du nucléaire à des fins militaires sont des risques ingérables et d‟une gravité exceptionnelle. En revanche, les défenseurs de cette énergie la présentent comme sûre, voire partie prenante du développement durable. Selon eux, le nucléaire est un moyen fiable de lutter contre le réchauffement climatique et aussi une solution à la pénurie énergétique à laquelle le monde est confronté. En examinant et analysant la fiabilité et la crédibilité de tous les arguments allant à l‟encontre et en faveur de cette industrie, on constate que la licéité et la légitimité du recours à l'énergie nucléaire sont mal fondées. Par conséquent, nous estimons qu‟il est nécessaire de dépasser le nucléaire par la conclusion d'une convention internationale posant l'interdiction progressive mais complète du nucléaire<br>All states without discrimination have an inalienable right to develop the uses of nuclear energy for civilian purposes, provided they do not divert these peaceful uses to nuclear weapons. However, five states have been granted the right to possess these weapons, that is : United-States, France, Russia, China and United-Kingdom. Around this position a fierce debate, both legal and ethical, has been raised. Indeed for its opponents nuclear represents a persistent risk that is non controllable by science. Major nuclear accidents, radioactive wastes and the use of nuclear for military purposes are unmanageable risks of exceptionnal serious gravity. On the other hand, the proponents of this energy present it as safe, even as part of sustainable development. According to them, nuclear is a reliable means to fight global warming and is also a solution to the energy shortage the world is facing. When analyzing the reliability and the credibility of all arguments for and against this industry, it can be noticed that the lawfulness and legitimacy of the use of nuclear energy are ill-founded. Therefore, we believe there is a need to go beyond nuclear with the conclusion of an international convention dealing with the progressive but comprehensive nuclear ban
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HUANG, SIH-PING, and 黃思蘋. "Looking for Peace in the Most Dangerous Situation-An economic analysis of using biological weapons to deter China." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/76426137692773262176.
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碩士<br>國立中興大學<br>應用經濟學研究所<br>92<br>Taiwan and Mainland China have some subtle relationships. The trades and investments between Taiwan and China have being increasing significantly since 1980s. However, China never gives up using forces to attack Taiwan. So people in Taiwan live on a knife-edge between peace and war. The militarily strength is proportional to the Economic strength. China’s economy is about five times of Taiwan’s, and the gap is increasing. Purely relying on the tradition weapons is not sufficient to protect Taiwan. Biological weapons are powerful and hard to be uncovered. Taiwan has the necessary biological, medical, and scientific technologies to develop and deploy biological weapons. Thus this thesis applies game theories to investigate the possibility of using biological weapons to deter China and to maintain the peace. The games used are a basic sequential game, a sequential game with asymmetric information, and Peter Stauvermann’s repeated sequential game conflict model. Taiwan’s GDP and China’s GDP are adopted to evaluate the possibilities of war and peace. Attritions are incorporated into the model to make the model more realistic. Both tradition wars and biological wars are simulated. We found that in many situations, the tremendous loss of the biological war can deter the ambition of the relatively strong party, China, to start a war. Using biological weapons to maintain peace is feasible. This results can help Taiwan on the negations with China even Taiwan does not develop biological weapons, as long as Taiwan is able to develop such weapons secretly and in no time.
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Rana, Shazia. "India and Pakistan's nuclear relationship: establishing a stable nuclear deterrent and prospects for peace." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/4057.
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This thesis explores the adversarial relationship between India and Pakistan which is rooted in historical animosities that resulted from the end of the British Raj in 1946. This relationship is further exacerbated by the fact that both countries have conducted nuclear tests. An examination of the development of India and Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program, specifically their nuclear doctrines and nuclear capabilities, is provided to determine the nature of their technical nuclear posture. A policy of sufficient deterrence is explained and adopted to keep the level of nuclear arsenals at a number adequate to deter successfully an adversary from initiating a nuclear attack, to reduce the potential for an arms race. A comparable nuclear capability is revealed, even though strategic asymmetry creates a larger Indian nuclear force. Finally, confidence-building measures taken by India and Pakistan in the direction of a more prospective peaceful nuclear relationship are highlighted.
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Pearson, Graham S., and Malcolm R. Dando. "Contributions from Non-Governmental Organizations: The Contributions of the Department of Peace Studies of the University of Bradford to Strengthening the BTWC Regime." 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/909.
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Greene, Owen J., D. Hiscock, and C. Flew. "Integration and Co-ordination of DDR and SALW Control Programming: Issues, Experience and Priorities. Thematic Working Paper 3." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7310.
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This paper examines the inter-relationships in post-conflict contexts between DDR programmes and processes on the one hand, and wider arms management and SALW control programmes on the other. It is a contribution to the international project "on DDR and Human Security: Post-conflict security building and the interests of the poor‟, and aims to complement the four other Thematic working papers of this Project. It argues that greater co-coordination, and often integration, between DDR and civilian arms management/reduction programmes is needed to promote human security in most countries emerging from conflict, within the framework of a wider comprehensive strategy for enhancing security from fear and violence that also includes security sector reform.
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Meissner, Jan. "Nobelova cena míru pro Evropskou unii: Analýza euroskepticismu." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-333475.
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The topic of the master thesis is putting together two subjects that always sharply polarize academic, but also political and public debate - euroscepticism and Nobel Peace Prize. Through an analysis of primarily negative debate that followed after awarding Nobel Peace Prize to European Union in 2012 the master thesis is aiming to answer the question to what extent it was the topics typical for euroscepticism that shaped this debate. The paper is operating with a hypothesis that it was this critical phenomenon, typical only for EU, being the main component of the negative debate overshadowing expected criticism with regard to the purpose of the award. For the second hypothesis which anticipates that the topics of euroscepticism make the EU specific laureate is necessary to compare this case with three other international organizations (and their criticism) that were recently awarded with the Nobel Peace Prize. These organizations include Organization for Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (laureate in 2013), Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2007) and United Nations (2001). The first chapter introduces the Nobel Peace Prize and its specifications. The topics typical for euroscepticism are generated in the second part through academic debate on both party politics euroscepticism and public...
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Burford, Lyndon Raymond. "Principled pragmatism : non-governmental influence on New Zealand's nuclear disarmament advocacy 1995-2000 : thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science /." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2582.
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Silva, Raquel Maria Véstia Furtado da. "A violência contra as mulheres e a violência de género como obstáculo à paz e segurança internacional : Mulheres, Paz e Segurança : a liga internacional das mulheres pela paz e liberdade : WILPF : novos desafios." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/32458.
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No presente estudo, partimos de uma abordagem crítica da violência como denominador comum da humanidade, diferenciando-a de outras construções sociais, como o conflito, a guerra, o poder e a dimensão política na construção das identidades.
Explorámos a morfologia da violência, incidindo na invisibilidade, no não reconhecimento, na banalização e privatização da violência contra as mulheres e da violência de género, nas suas vertentes de dominação socio-histórica (sexual, social, política, cultural, económica), fundamentando que os mitos e estereótipos que estão na origem do continuum da violência são os mesmos que se perpetuam e exacerbam nos cenários de guerra, mantendo-se (mesmo se assumindo outras formas) no pós-conflito.
A violência sistemática, erroneamente aceite como “normalizada”, é patológica e está enraizada numa “cultura de violência”, apatia e indiferença que se tem disseminado nas “novas guerras” da atualidade, com a alteração do padrão de conflitualidade, através do uso comum da violência sexual como “arma” e “método de guerra”, conceitos estes redutores e simplistas, que descaracterizam o papel das vítimas de violência e o impacto destruidor e degradante da violência em situações de conflito.
Adotando uma “hermenêutica da suspeita”, consideramos que é nosso dever de justiça reinterpretar o conceito de paz universal, adotando um conceito de paz holística, intersetorial e sensível ao género.
Questionamos os motivos socio-históricos e as razões da lei (através da análise do sistema internacional dos direitos humanos e da Agenda “Mulheres, Paz e Segurança”) que ocultaram e silenciaram as experiências femininas no “sistema de guerra”.
O enquadramento teórico é ilustrado com o estudo da sociedade civil transnacional e
com o estudo da primeira organização internacional pacifista de mulheres, fundada em 1915, a WILPF, abalando a consciência história discriminatória da agenda internacional ao afirmar o papel transformador das mulheres na política internacional, enquanto construtoras da paz, e desenhando uma nova narrativa histórica que reunisse a polifonia das vozes das mulheres internacionalmente.<br>The present study sets out from a critical approach to violence as a common denominator of humanity. Violence is differentiated from other social constructs such as conflict, war, power, or the political dimension in the construction of social identities.
The theoretical framework builds from a review of transnational civil society and of the first international pacifist women's organisation founded in 1915, the WILPF. Challenging what they saw as the historically discriminatory rationales of the international agenda, WILPF affirmed the transforming role of women in international politics – bringing forth their role as peacemakers, the organisation designed a new historical narrative that brings together the polyphony of women’s voices internationally.
Having explored the morphology of violence, the study looks into the issues of invisibility, non-recognition, trivialization and privatisation of violence against women, and gender-based violence. These are looked at from the perspective of socio-historical domination (sexual, social, political, cultural, and economic.) Against this backdrop, the study posits that the myths and stereotypes at the origin of the continuum of violence are the same ones that are now being perpetuated and exacerbated in war scenarios, and tend to remain in the post-conflict even if emerging in different guises.
Systemic violence, often mistakenly accepted as “normalized”, is indeed a pathology rooted in a “culture of violence” as well as in apathy and indifference – the latter are prevalent in the contemporary “new wars”. In the changing patterns of today’s armed conflicts, we see a rise in the use of sexual violence as a “weapon” and “method of war”.
These concepts, however, are limited and simplistic, firstly because they mischaracterize the role of the victims of violence, but they also fail to highlight the destructive and degrading impact of violence in contexts of armed conflict.
Adopting a “hermeneutic of suspicion”, I posit that it is our duty of justice to reinterpret the concept of universal peace, by adopting a concept of holistic, inter-sector, and gender-sensitive peace. I question the socio-historical underpinnings as well as the reasons why the law system has generally kept hidden and silenced women's experiences in the “system of war”. This was done through an analysis of the international human rights system and the “Women Peace and Security” Agenda