Academic literature on the topic 'Peacekeeping operation'

Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) is known as an instrument used by the United Nations to create peace in countries affected by conflict. Peacekeeping operations work as a mediator for the parties of the conflict and to ensure that violence no longer exists in the peace process. Once peace is achieved, peace operations are expected to remain involved in the peace building process. At first, men played a very dominant role in peacekeeping operations. Even so, women have been more involved in peace operations nowadays. It can be seen from the increasing number of female members of peacekeeping operations. This paper will discuss the role of women in contributing to the peace building process that occur in the MONUSCO operation in Congo. Congo was chosen because MONUSCO has the highest female members compared to other peacekeeping operations. The research was conducted by using explanatory method to analyze the role of women in peacekeeping operation using parameters such as the implementation of the mandate, the consistency of the implementation of Capstone Doctrine, DDR (Disarmament, demobilization, Reintegration), and CIMIC (Civil-Military Cooperation). The result indicated that women tend to have positive influences towards peace building process in peacekeeping operations judging from the fulfillment of the mandate and the implementation of programs that support the peacekeeping operation itself.

The main historical and contemporary participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations are described. The key notions of peacekeeping are defined showing this definition as the main rational tool for preventing and resolving disputes, threats, conflicts at the national, regional and global levels is the modern peacekeeping system. The main laws of Ukraine concerning peacekeeping operations are characterized with defining objectives for these operations.The attention is focused on the Ukraine’s participation in different international peacekeeping operations including 26 operations which ended and 8 ongoing operations. An important aspect of Ukraine’s participation in peacekeeping on the African continent is its coordinated actions with the United Nations on the diplomatic settlement of conflicts and the adherence to official statements regarding them.Peacekeeping missions are currently operating in Liberia, Congo, Sierra Leone, Sudan (Darfur and Juba) and other African countries. In particular, these are peacekeeping missions such as: the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), the UN Mission in Côte d’Ivoire (ONUCI), the African Union – United Nations Operation in Darfur (UNAUMID), the UN peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), demilitarization and peacekeeping in the disputed area of Abyei (UNISFA), the UN Mission in the Republic of Southern Sudan (UNMISS), UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSCA).Ukrainian peacekeeping potential is analysed. Participation of the armed forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations of the United Nations is one of the priority foreign policy tasks of our state, successful implementation of which positively influences strengthening of the national authority of Ukraine, promotes development of cooperation with Euro-Atlantic and regional security structures and has an exceptional significance for the national interests of our country. Ukraine claims to be a full-fledged subject of international relations, increases its credibility and demonstrates a peaceful policy.

Some UN peacekeeping operations are generally regarded as a success, e.g. El Salvador, Sierra Leone and Mozambique. Other missions are seen as obvious failures, such as Rwanda and Somalia. Not only do these mixed results justify research into the question “do peacekeeping operations actually contribute to durable peace?”, but both academic scholars and policy makers also try to identify factors explaining these differences. In earlier research, factors for success and failure were distilled from literature to explain the differing contributions of UN peacekeeping operations. After further research on the cases of Rwanda, Mozambique, El Salvador and Cambodia nine factors for success and failure were identified. According to these nine factors the probability that a peacekeeping operation makes a positive contribution to durable peace increases if: 1) the parties are sincere and willing to cooperate with the implementation of the operation; 2) the operation is able to provide a sufficient sense of security to the parties; 3) the operation has sufficient attention to the causes of the conflict both in depth and in breadth; 4) the operation receives co-operation from important outside actors and parties; 5) the operation is deployed timely and at the right time; 6) the operation is implemented by competent personnel under competent leadership, and with clear command structures; 7) the operation is part of a long term approach; 8) the ‘policy tools’ implemented in the operation are coordinated within the operation, as well as externally; and 9) the operation provides ‘ownership’. The questions addressed in this paper are: a) to what extent does UNMIS meet these different factors for success and failure for UN peacekeeping operations?; and b) to what extent does this picture match the image that results from a review of the North-South conflict and peace process, the role of UNMIS, and an analysis of the extent of durable peace? The answers to these two questions allow more insight into the chances for success or failure of UNMIS and provide further knowledge on factors for success and failure of UN peacekeeping operations.

In February 2014, the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations produced a Strategic Review of the troubled United Nations-African Union Hybrid Operation in the Darfur region of Sudan (unamid). The Strategic Review faults many aspects of the operation; however, it finds that its mandate is the correct one, concludes that its staffing levels are sufficient and warmly welcomes what it sees as an improved relationship with the Sudanese government. This report may be contrasted with a Foreign Policy investigation published in April 2014, where journalist Colum Lynch provides an unvarnished analysis of the operation. Relying on documents leaked by Aicha Elbasri, former Spokesperson for unamid, the Foreign Policy investigation describes a troubled operation, failing in many of its tasks and mistrusted by parts of the populace. The Foreign Policy investigation portrays a force that routinely downplays or covers up its shortcomings and under-reports violence by the host state government against Darfuri civilians and unamid itself. It is argued that the functioning of unamid provides a vivid illustration of the difficulties associated with a militarised peacekeeping operation, especially when it is emplaced in a country that never wanted it there in the first place.

AbstractIn spite of the fact that UN peacekeeping operations are a relative new field for scholarly research, the literature on the subject has grown into a substantial body. This article distils from this body of scholarly literature eleven clusters of factors for success and failure for UN peacekeeping operations in general and tests these on four case studies – Cambodia, Mozambique, Rwanda and El Salvador – of one particular type of UN peacekeeping operation: the UN peace-building operations. It concludes that although the results of the four cases of UN peace-building operations largely confirm the factors for success and failure as found in literature for UN peacekeeping operations in general, theory on UN peace-building operations still needs adjustment and fine tuning. Amongst others, it appears from the cases that two factors that receive a lot of attention in literature – the non-use of force by the operation and the need for a clear and detailed mandate – are less important.

Peacekeeping Operation (pko) is significantly a worthwhile strategy for preservation and restoration of international peace and security. Promotion and protection of human rights in peacekeeping operations is a phenomenon and cannot be the only responsibility of the United Nations. However, as the most important actor of the international system, it has the primary responsibility to promote and protect human rights in peacekeeping operations because human rights issue has become very significant in the sense that unfortunately, in most cases, peacekeepers are involved in gross human rights violation in the course of operation that damage overall reputation of un. Hence, application and enforcement of international human rights law in peacekeeping operations are essential in order to shelter the civilian form attacks, torture, and other forms of human rights violations. This paper examines the un’s efforts to address human rights in pkos, and also targets to find out the actual scenario of human rights in pkos and proposes some policies.

How do the national origins of peacekeepers influence peacekeeping operations’ success? We argue that peacekeeping operations better protect civilians when a higher percentage of peacekeepers come from geographically proximate countries. These peacekeepers have been exposed to similar societal and cultural norms and are more invested in preventing conflict diffusion. Peacekeepers from proximate countries can better collect and analyze intelligence, are more effective at separating combatants, and are therefore more successful at protecting civilians. In making this argument, we also challenge the theory that diversity in a peacekeeping operation matters. We find support for both our mechanisms and show that the importance of diversity may have been overstated. Where a peacekeeping operation is present in civil conflicts, if a quarter of its personnel come from proximate countries, then all things being equal, it would completely prevent civilians dying. The results show policymakers the importance of recruiting peacekeepers from countries near to conflicts.

AbstractWhile China has been portrayed as a reluctant supporter of UN peacekeeping in the past, it has voted in favour of every newly established UN peacekeeping operation since the beginning of the new millennium. Previous studies of China's behaviour in UN peacekeeping explained this phenomenon primarily with recent shifts in its foreign and security policy rather than with changes in UN peacekeeping itself. This article analyses China's voting behaviour in the UN Security Council on peacekeeping resolutions in the context of the evolving concepts of UN peacekeeping. It argues that China's recent enthusiasm for these missions is the result of two developments. On the one hand, Beijing was able to reinterpret its understanding of UN peacekeeping after its experience in the 1990s, especially with regard to the use of force; while on the other hand, the way UN peacekeeping missions are conducted was reformed after the Brahimi Report in 2000, which made UN peacekeeping more agreeable to the China.

This updated issue of the professional publication Bulletin of the Slovenian Armed Forces is dedicated to the question of the Slovenian commitment to finding peaceful solutions to conflicts. As Commander­in­Chief of the Defence Forces of the Republic of Slovenia, I find this subject not only necessary but also entirely essential. There are many reasons for this. The historical experience of the Slovenian people has not always been pleasant regarding the preservation of national identity, manifested in the language as well as in the cultural and national tradition. Despite different repressive and denationalising measures taken by many foreign authorities, our ancestors managed to preserve the Slovenian nation through much wisdom, deep national awareness and political skill. The importance of consistent compliance with the provisions of international law in crisis situations, including wars, was seen in 1991. Slovenia won the war, not only in a military sense but also by complying with all legal norms, thus soon becoming recognised as a young European democratic country founded on high legal and moral principles. The lessons of war in 1991 increased the resolve of the Slovenian people for clear rejection of the use of force in finding solutions to any kind of conflict. For this reason, my pleasure at being invited to write about the topic of Slovenian people in the service of peace is that much greater, in part also due to the fact that I spent a large part of my professional life, from 1992 to 2005, working in the United Nations, first as the ambassador of the Republic of Slovenia, later as UN Assistant Secretary­General. In both functions I dealt with peacekeeping operations to a considerable extent. United Nations peacekeeping operations were in full swing at that time and underwent great development on the one hand, but also bitter disappointment and moments of deep doubt on the other. However, they continued to develop to the current extent. The topic of the Bulletin is presented in truly deep, scientific, theoretical and practical ways, from strategic and tactical levels, considering the evolutionary and transformational characteristics of peacekeeping operations, and deriving from historical experience. The most respected authors in the Slovenian professional field have thrown light upon important conceptual changes in the area of peacekeeping operations, which result from numerous factors, in particular from important geopolitical changes in the world. We must not disregard the increasing cooperation of regional organisations in the implementation of peacekeeping operations, which has indirectly brought about a different understanding of the term “peacekeeping operation” and opened technical discussions in the area of terminology as well as in the technical fulfilment of obligations, all the way to the question of the necessity of a preliminary UN mandate. These deficiencies can also be seen in Slovenia and point to the need for conducting a deep technical discussion as soon as possible and unifying the understanding of both the structure of the Slovenian Armed Forces and the broader defence and security system. The introductory and in particular the more theoretical parts of the Bulletin may be taken as important contributions in this regard. Some of the articles offer interesting historical insight into the cooperation of Slovenian men, and later women, in various endeavours for peace launched by individual great powers and international organisations. Although it is difficult to understand the military intervention of European forces on the island Crete in 1897 as a peacekeeping operation, the objective which is still in the forefront of contemporary efforts of the international community in this area was achieved for at least some time. This intervention ensured an armistice between the parties involved in the conflict and enabled a diplomatic solution on the island without unnecessary victims. The confidence that the highest political and military authorities in the Austro­Hungarian Empire had in the 2nd Battalion of the 87th Infantry Regiment from Celje was truly special. This was particularly the case because the military unit was mainly composed of Slovenes, and at the time of deployment in Crete its commander was a Slovene as well. However, we need to emphasise that such thinking is unconventional. By studying the literature on peacekeeping operations we see that such operations were first mentioned around 1919 in connection with peace conferences after the end of World War I and with managing various border issues in Europe, different plebiscites and other situations which, besides political and other diplomatic action, also required the protection of security and were followed by military operations intended for this particular purpose. History tells us much about peacekeeping operations intended to maintain truces. In these operations, coalition forces were deployed to an area in which a truce already existed and had to be maintained among well organised and disciplined armed forces. Today, the status of armed forces is quite different. We have to look at all of history and every aspect of international military engagement which is not armed combat by nature but a military presence with various aspects of employment of military force and the constant readiness and capability of peace forces to defend themselves effectively and be prepared to use weapons to fulfil their mandate. If today we see peacekeeping operations as valid in this respect, it is clear that we have to be familiar with history and evaluate what we can learn from past experience and how we are obliged to consider the present. Of course, we must consider the present. If we look at the status of peacekeeping operations today, we see how important this military activity is for the modern world. I will only dwell upon the United Nations, which from the standpoint of peacekeeping operations is the most important organisation operating today. Approximately 140,000 soldiers participate in peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the United Nations. No other military force has that number of uniformed personnel operating abroad. These people are assigned to eighteen currently active peacekeeping operations, each costing the organisation about seven billion dollars. This is the largest component of the budget of the United Nations. However, this expenditure is small in comparison to other kinds of military deployment outside the UN, to operations which are not peacekeeping operations by nature. Peacekeeping operations have become very multidimensional. The latest such operations, established in Africa (Darfur, Chad, Central African Republic), have been among the most demanding from the very beginning. We can thus conclude that peacekeeping operations are becoming increasingly more complex, which also results in a higher degree of risk. In 2007, 67 members of UN peacekeeping operations lost their lives. Looking at individual operations we see that six people died in Lebanon alone that year. Ever since peacekeeping operations have been in existence, Lebanon has been one of the most dangerous areas. Today, however, it is somewhat outside the sphere of interest. This may be due to the fact that there is a peacekeeping operation active in the area, on account of which a state of relative peace can be better maintained. Peacekeeping operations are both dangerous and multidimensional, multidimensional because they are no longer focused merely on keeping belligerent parties apart. Modern peacekeeping operations include both standard and supplemental functions. Providing a secure environment for political normalisation, humanitarian activity and development is a comprehensive task, requiring the engagement of peacekeeping forces in operations that are far from being common types of military deployment. This raises different questions about the training and competence of peacekeeping forces. We also have to ask ourselves how we can fully consider the lessons learned from previous peacekeeping operations and organise a system of command, particularly in organisations such as the United Nations, while at the same time making sure that national contingents do not lose their identity. There are thus two lines of communication, one through channels established by international organisations and the other through those established by national systems of armed forces. How to balance this and achieve efficient functioning? How to ensure the operation of different cultures, members and levels of competence in a way that facilitates the success of peacekeeping operations? These are always important questions to consider. In recent years the question of interest has pointed to the complexity of modern peacekeeping operations. Peacekeeping operations are frequently required to facilitate an environment in which elections can be conducted and assist in the establishment of a legal order and institutions to maintain that order. Both tasks are extremely demanding. The establishment of a safe environment for conducting elections in a country with poor communications, with no tradition of elections and with violence linked to every political event, is an extremely difficult task. The establishment of a legal order in areas with no such tradition or adequate infrastructure is even harder. There is often a need to include the civilian police, whose tasks in peacekeeping operations are very demanding. Civilian police have a number of other particularities besides problems connected to the aforementioned multidimensionality. It is necessary to adapt to the local environment in order to facilitate effective police performance. How to facilitate this in an environment such as Haiti, for example, with its difficult past? How to facilitate this in linguistically demanding environments such as East Timor until recently and in other difficult circumstances? These are all extremely demanding tasks. However, there is not much understanding with regard to all the details and problems arising from their implementation. The international political community is often satisfied merely by defining the mandate of a peacekeeping operation. For many people this signifies the solution to the problem, considering that the mandate is defined and that the deployment of forces will occur. However, this is where real problem solving only begins. Only then does it become obvious what little meaning general resolutions of the United Nations Security Council and other acts by which mandates are defined have in the context of actual situations. Therefore, I am of the opinion that we have to take a detailed look at experience from the distant past as well as the present. When speaking of the civilian police we also have to consider the fully human aspects that characterise every peacekeeping operation. Once I spoke to a very experienced leader of civilian police operations about the need to send additional police officers to the mission in Kosovo in the spring, when winter is over and people become more active, which also results in a higher crime rate. He explained that this is not only a problem in the area of this mission but elsewhere in Europe. In spring, the crime rate rises everywhere. Therefore it is difficult to find police officers during this time who are willing to leave their homeland, where they are most needed, and go to a mission area which is just then facing increased needs. I mention this to broaden understanding of the fact that the deployment of peacekeeping forces, both military and civilian police, is not only a matter of mandates and military organisation, but sometimes of the purely elementary questions that accompany social development. I have already mentioned that memory of the past is a very important component of considering present peacekeeping operations. I would like to conclude with another thought. I believe the manner of organising the knowledge of peacekeeping operations is of great importance to all countries, especially those that are new to cooperating in peacekeeping operations. This knowledge cannot be gained from books written at universities, but only from monitoring and carefully analysing the previous experiences of others. It is very important that this knowledge be carefully organised, that these experiences be carefully gathered and analysed, and that a doctrine be developed gradually. This doctrine is required for a country like Slovenia, which is new at conducting peacekeeping operations, to be able to manage well and define its role in international peacekeeping operations properly. To achieve this objective, a new country must cooperate with those countries which have been conducting peacekeeping operations for a long time and therefore have a richer experience. The neighbouring Austria is known to have one of the longest and most interesting systems of experience in peacekeeping operations within the United Nations. Ever since it joined the UN, Austria has been active in numerous activities linked to peacekeeping operations. Its soldiers and the civilian police have participated in a number of peacekeeping operations. Experience gained in this way is of great value, and using this experience is necessary for successful planning of and operating in future peacekeeping operations. The future will be complicated! At one time, when the members of peacekeeping operations numbered approximately 80,000, the United Nations thought that nothing more could be done, and a larger number of members was unthinkable. Today the number of members is significantly larger, development will most likely still continue and conditions will become even more demanding. I do not wish to forecast events which have not yet taken place. However, I would like to strongly emphasise that the history of peacekeeping operations is not over yet and that the future will be full of risks and challenges. I would also again like to stress the importance of this issue of the Bulletin of the Slovenian Armed Forces, which is entering a new decade, and express my pleasure at being able to note down a few thoughts. Let me particularly emphasise that as Commander­in­Chief of the Slovenian Defence Forces I will continue to devote special attention to achievements in the area of cooperation in peacekeeping operations in the future, having a special interest in these experiences. I thank the authors of the articles of this important issue of the Bulletin for their scientific and professional contributions – and I greatly respect those who have already done important work in the name of the Republic of Slovenia with the Slovenian flag on their shoulders, with the hope that they continue to fulfil their obligations in accordance with the rules.

During the Harper years (2006–2015), Canada significantly reduced the training, preparation, and deployment of military personnel for United Nations (UN) peacekeeping. Now, despite the Trudeau government’s pledge to lead an international peacekeeping training effort, Canada’s capabilities have increased only marginally. A survey of the curricula in the country’s training institutions shows that the military provides less than a quarter of the peacekeeping training activities that it provided in 2005. The primary cause of these reductions was the central focus on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s Afghanistan operation and several lingering myths about peacekeeping, common to many Western militaries. As the Trudeau government has committed to reengaging Canada in UN operations, these misperceptions must be addressed, and a renewed training and education initiative is necessary. This paper describes the challenges of modern peace operations, addresses the limiting myths surrounding peacekeeping training, and makes recommendations so that military personnel in Canada and other nations can once again be prepared for peace.

Since 2003 language mandating civilian protection (POC) has increasingly appeared in Security Council resolutions, peace support doctrine, and humanitarian frameworks. Despite the frequency of its use, the term lacks a universal definition and a clear gap exists between military operations that attempt to establish, introduce, and/or enforce civilian protection and humanitarian approaches to POC concepts. This thesis posits three metrics that should be used to evaluate the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations which aim to establish POC rates of civilian massacres, rates of internally displaced persons, and incidents of sexual violence. These criteria share both military and humanitarian priorities. They also represent elements of conflict present in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo since at least 1998, and each must be reduced in order to establish a minimum standard for civilian protection in the country. The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Congo (MONUSCO) was charged with implementing POC in the eastern regions of the DRC beginning in 2008. This thesis considers the ability of MONUSCO to address each of the three POC metrics and shows that the mission has fallen short of achieving its mandate to instill minimum standards of civilian protection.

On December 1, 2000 a new administration took over the presidency of MeÌ xico. This event was especially anticipated because the new president, Vicente Fox, was coming from a different party than the PRI, the old official party. The arrival of President Fox brought important changes in the way of governing; with the moral obligation to be different, since the beginning of his administration one of the main goals was incline to pursue a more dynamic participation by Mexico in the political issues of the world. This was to be accomplished by taking up several measures that included enhancing economic trade with the United States and other nations, world summits in Mexico, improvement of human rights and others. Among those plans one attracted special attention when Mexico asked for a seat as a non-permanent member in the UN Security Council for the period 2002-2003 the third time in Mexican history. There were divided opinions on the subject because Mexico would be directly involved in UN decisions concerning internal situations of other countries, something that goes against the foreign policy principles of MeÌ xico. Eventually this discussion opened doors for other topics; one of them was the possibility of Mexico participating actively in peacekeeping operations by sending troops overseas; this initiated a biter debate in the political sphere. This study analyzes Mexican Foreign Policy and the historical perspective of the foreign principles stated in the Mexican Constitution[alpha]s article 89, followed by a discussion of their influence and interpretation in the politicalmilitary environment before and during the administration of President Fox. The study includes the analysis includes the new social and political scenario that MeÌ xico is facing in order to determine the odds and obstacles when dealing with military participation overseas. As MeÌ xico takes its place in the community of nations, the country[alpha]s leadership needs to search for possible options and test whether the new Mexican political apparatus has the flexibility to address current threats and requirements for international security. An analysis on the capabilities of the Mexican Armed Forces is also necessary in order to determine their capacity to execute multinational operations. Finally bring out the real benefits and/or risks from getting Mexico involved in these kinds of operations are identified.

The answer to if peacekeeping is successful or not is still debated. The focus has mostly been on internal characteristics of peacekeeping missions. While external factors, have been largely overlooked. This thesis aims to explore the effects external involvement in intrastate conflicts may have on the success of peacekeeping deployment. It poses the following research question: how does foreign state sponsorship to rebel groups affect the success of peacekeeping operations? The main argument made is that the causal mechanisms presented for why peacekeeping operations are effective, do not have an effect on the sponsors and their incentive to stop fighting. Hence, it is hypothesized that peacekeeping operations are less effective in decreasing the duration of intrastate armed conflict when rebel groups are sponsored by foreign states. The argument is tested using a discrete-time survival analysis and Cox proportional hazard models on all intrastate conflicts between 1970-2017, and foreign state sponsorship is treated as an interaction effect. The findings did not support the hypothesis but rather suggest that the presence of peacekeepers has a dominant positive conflict-intensity reducing effect. These results scratch the surface of what the effects external involvement may have on peacekeeping success and indicate that peacekeeping is successfully undermining sponsorship.

Mellan 2004 och 2006 deltog ett svenskt mekskyttekompani som en del i FN-insatsen i Liberia, UNMIL. Uppsatsen syftar till att utreda hur det svenska kompaniet bidrog till uppfyllandet av den strategiska målbilden inom UNMIL 2004-2006 med hänsyn tagen till svenska direktiv, ordrar och incitament till att bidra till insatsen, samt att dra lärdomar utifrån detta. En fallstudie har använts för att studera verksamhet och erfarenheter från insatsen som sedan analyseras utifrån de olika mål och framgångsfaktorer som låg till grund för insatsen. Fallstudien baseras i huvudsak på slutrapporter från de svenska kontingenterna som verkade i UNMIL. Resultatet visar att det svenska kompaniet bidrog positivt till uppfyllnaden av UNMIL:s strategiska målbild och Regeringens incitament för deltagande men att brister fanns inom Försvarsmaktens direktiv, främst avseende interoperabilitet. Författaren drar utifrån detta slutsatser att mekskytte hade en viktig roll att spela inom UNMIL och att svenska officerare bör utbildas inom FN-doktrin och FN som system. Slutligen kommer författaren fram till att framgång är svårt att mäta på taktisk nivå i fredsfrämjande operationer och att vidare forskning bör bedrivas på området.

Šiame magistriniame darbe autorė analizuoja Jungtinių Tautų taikos misijų teisinį reglamentavimą. Autorės iškeltas darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti taikos misijų rūšių teisinius pagrindus, pamatinius taikos principus ir atskleisti praktikai būdingas problemas. Darbą sudaro dvi dalys. Pirmosios dalies pirmame poskyryje pateikiamas Jungtinių Tautų taikos misijų istorinis vystymasis nuo Šaltojo karo iki šių dienų, išskiriamos skirtingos taikos misijų rūšys. Antrame poskyryje analizuojamas Jungtinių Tautų taikos misijų rūšių teisinis pagrindas, trečiajame ‒ atribojama pagrindinių Jungtinių Tautų organų kompetencija, vykdant saugumo politiką. Analizei naudojama Jungtinių Tautų Chartija, Tarptautinio Teisingumo Teismo praktika. Ketvirtajame poskyryje autorė pateikia trijų pamatinių taikos principų turinio analizę. Antroji dalis skirta praktinėms taikos misijų problemoms. Analizuojant Jungtinių Tautų Organizacijos oficialius dokumentus, pateikiamos tradicinių taikos misijų Konge, platesnio masto taikos misijų Bosnijoje ir Afganistane esminės teisinio pagrindo ir pamatinių taikos misijų principų taikymo problemos. Paskutiniame poskyryje analizuojamas Lietuvos valstybės dalyvavimas taikos misijose: a) pateikiama nacionalinių teisės aktų, susijusių su Lietuvos dalyvavimu taikos operacijose teisinė analizė; b) Lietuvos vadovavimas Afganistano Goro provincijos atkūrimui. Darbo pabaigoje autorė pateikia teisinio reglamentavimo ir praktinių problemų išvadas. Pagrindinės praktikoje sutinkamos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>In this paper the author performs analysis of United Nations peacekeeping legal regulation. The author’s goal ‒ to analyze legal basis of different kinds of peacekeeping operations, fundamental peacekeeping principles and disclose typical problems in practice. The work is divided in two parts. First part begins with section devoted to historical development of peacekeeping missions ‒ from the Cold War to the present, and classification of peacekeeping missions. In the second section the author analyses legal basis of different types of peacekeeping operations. The third section comprises separation of powers of the main United Nations organs, while conducting security policy. Furthermore, the author analyses The Charter of The United Nations and the practice of The International Court of Justice. The fourth section consists of content analysis of three substantial peacekeeping principles. In the second part the practical peacekeeping challenges are analysed. The author reviews Official United Nations documents and raises problems related to application of legal basis and fundamental principles of traditional peacekeeping in Congo and wider peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and Afghanistan. The second part is concluded by legal analysis of Lithuanian participation in peacekeeping operations: a) national legislation related to the participation in peacekeeping operations b) Lithuania’s leadership in one of Afghanistan province – Ghor ‒ reconstruction. At the end, the author... [to full text]

A partir da década de 1990, a abordagem das operações de paz sofreu transformações em campo, uma vez que passaram a se envolver com atividades de reconstrução de Estados (statebuilding), que haviam sido destruídos por conflitos internos. Dessa forma, o seu grau de intervenção em âmbito doméstico se ampliou, desafiando a noção de soberania territorial e o princípio de não intervenção. A UNMIK é uma operação de paz desse tipo, mas é a mais ousada por ter assumido uma administração interina em Kosovo, ex-província iugoslava. Essa intervenção internacional foi justificada pela proteção dos direitos humanos da comunidade albanesa, maioria da população de Kosovo, que havia sido massacrada por uma política de limpeza étnica entre 1998 e 1999, perpetrada por Slobodan Milosevic. Do momento de sua implementação (1999) à independência autodeclarada do território (2008), a UNMIK desempenhou papel de representante local ao ocupar espaços dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário de Kosovo e, ao mesmo tempo, foi emissária da comunidade internacional para manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional nessa zona de conflito. O seu principal objetivo era estabelecer um Estado de Direito por meio da democratização das estruturas de governo e da liberalização do mercado. Até hoje, a operação de paz não se desvencilhou de suas atribuições governamentais, permanecendo ali por tempo indeterminado.<br>From the 1990s, the approach of the peacekeeping operations have changed in the field, once they started undertaking state building activities in war-torn states. In this way, their intervention level in the local dimension increased, challenging the notion of territorial sovereignty and the non-intervention principle. UNMIK is one of this kind of peacekeeping operation, but this is the most audacious one, once it was in charge of an interim administration in Kosovo, the former Yugoslav province. This international intervention was justified by the human rights protection of the Albanian community, the majority of the Kosovo population, who was massacred due to an ethnic cleansing policy between 1998 and 1999, undertaken by Slobodan Milosevic. From its implementation (1999) to the self-declared independence of the territory (2008), UNMIK had played a local representative role exercising Executive, Legislative and Judiciary powers in Kosovo and, at the same time, it was an emissary of international community for the maintenance of peace and international security in this zone of conflict. Its main goal was to establish the Rule of Law through the democratization of government structures and market liberalization. So far, the peacekeeping operation has not been able to pull itself away from its governmental duties, remaining there indefinitely.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the early 1960s, when the majority of African countries gained independence from colonial powers, the continent has been in turmoil. Conflicts have been extensive, and detrimental to economic, political and above all, social development. Today, Africa is under more pressure than ever to find solutions for these conflicts. The situation is complicated by the complex and difficult challenges brought on by a rapidly globalising world. Also conflicts have often been characterised by internal, as well as regional proportions. Coupled with this, the threats facing Southern Africa are of such a nature that they transcend national boundaries, and have a tendency to effect entire regions as opposed to individual states. Thus threats no longer endanger states, but rather their people. fn view of this, conflict resolution requires a regional approach as well, in order to ensure a viable and lasting solution. This thesis attempts to evaluate the contribution of regional co-operation to conflict resolution in Southern Africa. Two concepts imperative to this evaluation are regionalism and security. Both are examined and juxtaposed. The author determines that the concepts have changed dramatically since the end of the Cold War period, and that new regionalism and new security approaches need to be considered in addressing conflicts, since traditional interpretations have become obsolete, particularly in the developing world. Furthermore, an examination of the international, regional and sub-regional organisations, concerned with conflict management on the continent, is carried out. The United Nations and the Southern African Development Community, together with their efforts in Southern Africa analysed. The author takes the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo as a case study, and concludes that the persisting conflict has ensued precisely because regional co-operation was inadequate. The states and leaders involved did not take into account the regional dimensions of the conflict, and also ignored threats to human security. Regional co-operation was at a minimal, and involvement has until now been predominantly unilateral and statist, marked by personal interests, and not those of the population.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die vroeë sestigerjare, toe die meerderheid Afrikalande onafhankliheid van koloniale magte verkry het, was die kontinent in onrus gehul. Dit was omvattende konflik - konflik wat nadelig was vir ekonomiese, politieke en veral sosiale ontwikkeling. Vandag, meer as ooit tevore, is Afrika onder druk om oplossings te vind vir hierdie konflikte. Die situasie word gekompliseer deur die uitdagings gestel deur 'n vinnig globaliserende wêreld. Die konflik word dikwels deur interne sowel as streeksafmetings gekenmerk. Hiermee saam is die bedreigings wat op Suidelike Afrika 'n invloed het van so 'n aard dat dit nasionale grense ignoreer en die geneigdheid het om totale streke, in teenstelling met individuele state, te beïnvloed. Hierdie bedreigings stel dus nie state in gevaar nie, maar eerder hul mense. Om 'n lewensvatbare en blywende effek te hê, benodig konflikoplossing dus ook 'n streeksbenadering aan te neem. Hierdie tesis poog om die bydrae van streekssamewerking, ten einde konflikoplossing in Suidelike Afrika te bewerkstellig, te evalueer. Beide word ondersoek en in verband gebring. Die skrywer bevind dat die konsepte drasties verander het sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog tydperk, en dat nuwe regionalisme en nuwe sekuriteit benaderings oorweeg moet word, aangesien tradisionele interpretasies verouderd, veral in die ontwikkelende wêreld, is. Verder word internasionale, regionale en sub-regionale organisasies wat gemoeid is met konflikhantering op die kontinent, ook ondersoek. Die Verenigde Nasies en die Suidelike Afrika Ontwikkelings Gemeenskap (SADe), tesame met hul pogings in Suidelike Africa, word geanaliseer. Die skrywer maak gebruik van die konflik in die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo as gevallestudie, en kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat konflik ontstaan het juis omdat regionale samewerking nooit werklik gerealiseer het nie. Die betrokke state en leiers het nie die streeksdimensies van die konflik in ag geneem nie, en ook menslike sekuriteit bedreigings ignoreer. Regionale samewerking was beperk tot In minimum, en betrokkenheid was tot nou toe oorwegend eensydig en staats georienteerd, en gekenmerk deur persoonlike belange, en nie dié van die bevolking nie.

A presente dissertação de mestrado analisa o papel da justiça de transição na busca pela paz na Guiné-Bissau, a partir do estudo dos mecanismos de justiça de transição existentes. Estudam-se os mecanismos existentes na busca pela paz e prestação de contas pelo passado de abusos e violações de direitos humanos e a escolha feita pela Guiné-Bissau pela operação de manutenção da paz, UNOGBIS constituída pela Organização das Nações Unidas. Nesses termos é apresentado o referêncial teórico necessário ao entendimento das questões propostas; é realizada a contextualização do país no continente africano e posteriormente é analisado o mecanismo das operações da paz, enquanto atividade de fortalecimento do processo de reconciliação nacional por meio da execução de projetos destinados a recompor as estruturas institucionais, a recuperar a infra-estrutura física e a ajudar na retomada da atividade econômica.<br>This dissertation examines the role of transitional justice in the search for peace in Guinea-Bissau, from the study of the mechanisms of transitional justice existent. It is studied the existing mechanisms in the search for peace and accountability for past abuses and violations of human rights. And also, the choice made by Guinea-Bissau for the peacekeeping operation, UNOGBIS formed by the United Nations. In these terms the theoretical reference is made to the understanding of the issues proposed; contextualization is held in the country on the African continent and it is later analyzed the mechanism of peace operations, while strengthening the activity of the national reconciliation process through the implementation of projects aimed recompose the institutional structures to regain physical infrastructure and help the recovery of economic activity.

AbstractIn this chapter, we will review the evolution of Japan’s peacekeeping policy from the immediate aftermath of Japan’s defeat in 1945 to the enactment of the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act in 1992. In the first section, we will look at the historical background during the postwar period (in this book, the term “postwar” denotes the period in Japan from its defeat in World War II in 1945 to the end of the Cold War in around 1990), including the rise of anti-militarism, the hidden rearmament, the establishment of the de facto ban on overseas military dispatch, the rejection of the UN’s request for the Self-Defense Forces’ (SDF’s) deployment to a United Nations Peacekeeping Operation (UNPKO) and the aborted plan to dispatch a minesweeper to the Persian Gulf. This section will also examine the Government of Japan’s legal standpoint about the possibility of SDF deployment to a UNPKO. In the second section, we will clarify how the Gulf Crisis/War in 1990–1991 made Japan abandon the taboo against overseas military dispatch. Then, we will review the course of the challenging lawmaking process of the PKO Act, which was finally passed in June 1992. Lastly, we will see the restrictions inserted into the PKO Act, such as the so-called Five Principles.

AbstractIn this chapter, we will examine Japan’s response to a complex crisis in Haiti, in which a natural disaster and civil unrest were compounded. Persistent insecurity and confusion in Haiti, albeit under the presence of an ongoing United Nations Peacekeeping Operation (UNPKO), further deteriorated after the great earthquake in 2010. This challenge unexpectedly propelled Japan’s move toward closer “integration,” since several layers of civil-military cooperation rapidly developed to cope with the complicated emergency in post-earthquake Haiti. First, the Government of Japan (GoJ) deployed a civilian medical team and the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) emergency medical assistance unit (hereafter, the SDF medical unit) under the Japan Disaster Relief (JDR) Act. Following the SDF medical unit’s JDR work, the Japanese Red Cross Society (JRCS) carried on with medical assistance. Second, once emergency medical support ended, an SDF contingent was dispatched under the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act. The Japan Engineering Groups’ (JEG’s) engagement in reconstruction served as a useful opportunity for the GoJ to refine the “All Japan” approach, further encouraging Japan’s inclination toward “integration.” Meanwhile, the experience in Haiti shed light on the gap in the legal assumptions between the JDR Act and the PKO Act, since neither of them anticipated the protection of civil JDR teams in insecurity.

Abstract Peacebuilding is less likely to succeed without the participation and consideration of women. In the last two decades, peace operations deployed on the African continent under the banner of the United Nations and the African Union have included mandates focused on strengthening women’s participation in peace processes, ensuring the protection of women and girls, and integrating gender considerations into the approach of missions at building sustainable peace. This chapter examines the approaches undertaken in two case study countries—Liberia (where a long-standing UN peace operation has recently departed) and South Sudan (where a UN peace operation continues to operate with significant constraints)—in order to examine some of the challenges and opportunities that UN engagement has offered in terms of advancing equality and women’s security in each country.

ABSTRACT In 2007, the United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) was established as the first joint peacekeeping operation (PKO) of the United Nations (UN), with the African Union (AU) in Darfur, Sudan, which became known as the first hybrid PKO, bringing together two of the largest international organizations and taking over AMIS (African Union Mission in Sudan). In this paper, we want to understand the purpose of this bilateral relationship, since this hybrid operation opened a window of opportunity for future operations to adopt this typology. Firstly, the responsibility of managing certain conflicts is distributed among other regional organizations, giving them more autonomy and responsibility. Secondly, the “burden” – human and financial – of the UN is somehow eased. To this end, we will gather and process the data relating to the strengths and weaknesses of this PKO typology, with the help of a SWOT analysis, to find clues and bring evidence to light that demonstrate the possibility of this model being replicated in future situations, while respecting the due differences inherent to each mission and each country and region. We concluded that the hybridization of more PKOs could be a reality, albeit dependent on a greater investment by regional organizations in adapting to UN procedures, namely through diverse types of training. In addition, it will always be necessary a prior and careful analysis regarding the implementation of a PKO of this typology, with a concrete and clear definition of the roles of each organization. KEYWORDS: hybrid peacekeeping; United Nations; peacekeeping operations; UNAMID; African Union.

The U.S. military conducts a full spectrum of contingency operations in which it provides humanitarian assistance, logistical support, peacekeeping stability functions, and reconstruction activities. It is becoming increasingly important to incorporate the concept of “sustainability” into these operations. Making contingency operations more sustainable will provide force multiplier aspects that increase operational efficiencies and reduce logistical burdens and costs. The military requires enormous energy resources to maintain its mission readiness, which contributes greatly to logistical burdens and costs. A wide range of sustainability considerations relate to the cross-functional use of energy in contingency operations, from the interface with a host nation’s infrastructure; temporary construction practices; fuel convoys; cascading material use; the handling and treatment of waste, water, and hazardous materials; logistics footprint, etc. This paper describes military issues that will affect deployed base mission requirements and future investment policies. It also describes the ongoing process to develop an Army vision for sustainable contingency operations. This vision will consider the integration of cross-functional energy uses and establish sustainable operational requirements and investment policies. These insights are also applicable to many international humanitarian situations.

Despite evidence of their positive impacts, United Nations peacekeeping operations continue to face budget cuts, cynicism in the political arena and concern over personnel physical safety. This context underpins the global and regional trends in multilateral peace operations in 2019. This SIPRI Fact Sheet gives a snapshot of multilateral peace operations in 2019, with statistics on personnel, country contributions and fatalities for operations conducted by the UN, regional organizations or alliances, and ad hoc coalitions of states. Global and regional trends in 2019 follow developments from recent years, including the downward trends associated with the reductions and closures of many UN peace operations since 2015. Sub-Saharan Africa continues to host the majority of operations and personnel, although these numbers have decreased, while the Middle East and North Africa is drawing attention for increasing numbers of operations and personnel. Hostile death rates for 2019 are largely attributed to the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali, the deadliest operation since its establishment in 2013, with all other operations demonstrating relatively low numbers of fatalities.