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Journal articles on the topic 'Peasant resistance'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 May 2022

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1

Anderson, Leslie. "Alternative Action in Costa Rica: Peasants as Positive Participants." Journal of Latin American Studies 22, no. 1-2 (March 1990): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015121.

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As the developing world modernises and traditionally excluded groups seek to take part in their societies, the political activity of the peasantry assumes an ever-increasing importance. Yet most scholarship has focused on the more spectacular forms of political action such as rebellion. In recent years some scholars have turned their attention to the other extreme of everyday resistance,1 but such contributions are still limited in number. This paper utilises an inclusive view of peasant politics and takes the position that all kinds of peasant political action are different parts of one whole, such that a similarity of motivation lies behind them all. It concentrates upon a category of political action that falls between rebellion and everyday resistance: organised, non-violent peasant protest. It studies these alternative forms of political action within a political system which is relatively open to such tactics. The story which emerges reveals that by resorting to non-violent protest, peasants can make a positive contribution to their societies and improve their own welfare. In developing this argument the paper links the study of non-violent protest to existing theories and research on peasant violence and everyday resistance. In doing so it argues that the explanations for riot and rebellion given in the moral economy theory, and which underlie acts of everyday resistance, also help to account for collective, non-violent peasant political activity.

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2

Lichbach, Mark I. "What Makes Rational Peasants Revolutionary? Dilemma, Paradox, and Irony in Peasant Collective Action." World Politics 46, no. 3 (April 1994): 383–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950687.

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Peasant upheavals are studied from the perspective offered by the selective incentives solution to Olson's collective action problem. This article presents much evidence from three different forms of peasant struggles—everyday forms of peasant resistance, unorganized rural movements, and organized peasant rebellions—that demonstrates the widespread existence of selective incentives. Questions about the causes and consequences of selective incentives are then examined. First, what are the conditions under which peasant struggles emphasize material selective incentives rather than nonmaterial altruistic appeals? The level of selective incentives in any peasant upheaval is a function of demand and supply considerations. Peasants demand selective incentives. The suppliers include one or more dissident peasant organizations, the authorities, and the allies of both. A political struggle ensues as the suppliers compete and attempt to monopolize the market. Second, what are the conditions under which the pursuit of material self-interest hurts rather than helps the peasantry's collective cause? Selective incentives supplemented by ideology can be effective; selective incentives alone are counterproductive.These questions and answers lead to the conclusion that the selective incentives solution reveals much more about peasant upheavals than simply that peasants will often be concerned with their own material self-interest. It is therefore important to study the following three aspects of peasant collective action: the dilemma peasants face, or how peasant resistance is in the interest of all peasants but in the self-interest of none; the paradox peasants face, or that rational peasants do solve their dilemma (for example, with selective incentives) and participate in collective action; and the irony peasants face, or that self-interest is both at the root of their dilemma and at the foundation of a solution to their paradox.

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3

Cai, Yongshun. "Community Elites and Collective Action: The State and the Starved during the Chinese Famine (1959–61)." Politics & Society 48, no. 1 (December 9, 2019): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329219893798.

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Tens of millions of peasants died during the Great Famine in China from 1959 to 1961. Numerous Chinese peasants remained silent during the famine while others staged resistance. This article explores how peasant resistance was possible in a communist regime and how the government contained such resistance. It finds that resistance was considerably affected by the availability of protest leaders. Chinese peasants were organized into rural collectives controlled by the party-state through local cadres. Sympathetic rural cadres played crucial roles in facilitating peasant resistance. However, government control generally deprived rural communities of protest leaders. When collective resistance did occur, the government contained its influence through accommodation and repression. Effective control rendered the government insensitive to the famine suffered by the vast rural population of the country.

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4

Li, Huaiyin. "The First Encounter: Peasant Resistance to State Control of Grain in East China in the Mid-1950s." China Quarterly 185 (March 2006): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006000099.

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Focusing on Dongtai and Songjiang counties in east China, this report examines peasant resistance to the “unified purchase and sale” programme in the 1950s. The heavy procurement burden on most households in the prosperous Songjiang county led to various forms of resistance from peasants that culminated in collective violence. In sharp contrast, the low procurement quota on a limited number of households in the impoverished Dongtai county only caused moderate resistance. In both counties, however, local government leaders faced the increasing inapplicability of the prevailing notion of “class line” to the new realities of rural disgruntlement. As this report demonstrates, in both counties, resistance to the state's grain programme came primarily from ordinary peasants rather than their class enemies of landlords and rich peasants. For the first time, the CCP felt the need to redefine peasant discontent under the socialist state as a new category, later known as “contradictions within the people,” which remains valid to date in official representations of rural disturbances.

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5

Singh, Shailendra Kumar. "Disintegration of the Moral Economy in Gopinath Mohanty’s Paraja." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (April 11, 2017): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517696550.

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This article suggests that the concept of the moral economy of the peasant, as defined by James C. Scott, in the context of Southeast Asia, provides a compelling theoretical framework through which one can examine Gopinath Mohanty’s novel Paraja (1945), 2 2 This article takes its cue from a brilliant article written by Shashi Bhushan Upadhyay in which he usefully employs the concept of moral economy to analyse the peasant narratives of Premchand. See Shashi Bhushan Upadhyay, ‘Premchand and the Moral Economy of Peasantry in Colonial North India’, Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 5 (2011): 1227–59. However, while Upadhyay equates the idea of moral economy with the traditional Indian concept of dharma, in order to explain the passivity of Premchand’s peasant protagonists, I have endeavoured to demonstrate, in this article, the disintegration of the moral economy in Gopinath Mohanty’s novel Paraja, and how such disintegration may precipitate resistance and a strong sense of moral outrage. an unparalleled achievement in Oriya literature that narrates the predicament of the tribal peasants of the Koraput region. It demonstrates how the encroachment of the colonial state on the invaluable resources of the tribal peasants in Mohanty’s novel results in an escalating disintegration of the moral economy which in turn precipitates resistance and a strong sense of moral outrage. However, instead of collective rebellion that Scott discusses about, in his groundbreaking work, in Mohanty’s novel, we find several instances of everyday forms of resistance, a concept that Scott formulates in his subsequent works. This not only helps us to understand and make sense of the motives and intentions of the tribal peasants in the novel but also underscores the abiding relevance and timeless appeal of Mohanty’s work, even in the post-Nehruvian nation-state, where the problems confronting the tribal peasants in the wake of globalisation are increasingly acute, virtually insurmountable and even more pronounced than ever before.

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6

Prasetyo Adi, Angga, Endriatmo Soetarto, and Martua Sihaloho. "The Paradox of Peasants Resistance in Wonogoro Malang South, East Java Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Social and Environmental Issues (IJSEI) 2, no. 2 (August 22, 2021): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47540/ijsei.v2i2.210.

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The resistance of the peasants is inseparable from the social class that is intertwined in it so that this resistance is only a tool of the interests of the actors to secure land. The resistance of Wonogoro farmers in opposing social forestry was due to the redistribution of 2 hectares of land. This study uses a theoretical analysis of class dynamics and agrarian change in rural areas. Seeing the social class of farmers who can mobilize farmers to oppose social forestry based on control over land tenure. This research uses a critical paradigm. The research location is in the Wonogoro area, Malang Regency, East Java, Indonesia. This study used purposive sampling with 20 respondents. The results of the research are the mystification of peasant resistance as shown by the mobilization of proletarian farmers by capital farmers. The mystification of peasants 'resistance shows the disparity of the peasants' social class with land management. Unbalanced land management is due to massive privatization. Unequal land tenure forms the social class of farmers. The capital peasant class by controlling the land can control the proletarian peasants as agricultural laborers. The resistance of farmers against social forestry shows that there is the mobilization of resistance by capital farmers to secure land with a 2-hectare land redistribution scheme.

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7

Upe, Ambo. "Mining and Peasant Societies Resistance: Political Ecology Perspective." International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation 24, no. 4 (April 30, 2020): 6609–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37200/ijpr/v24i4/pr2020472.

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8

Perry, Elizabeth J., and Forrest D. Colburn. "Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance." Pacific Affairs 64, no. 2 (1991): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759965.

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9

Scott, Jim. "Everyday forms of peasant resistance." Journal of Peasant Studies 13, no. 2 (January 1986): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066158608438289.

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10

Marker, Gary, and Lynne Viola. "Peasant Rebels under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance." Slavic and East European Journal 42, no. 1 (1998): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/310079.

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11

Ohr, Nellie H., and Lynne Viola. "Peasant Rebels under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance." Russian Review 56, no. 4 (October 1997): 606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131583.

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12

Manning, Robert T., and Lynne Viola. "Peasant Rebels under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance." American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 933. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650669.

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13

Scott, James C. "Resistance without Protest and without Organization: Peasant Opposition to the Islamic Zakat and the Christian Tithe." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 3 (July 1987): 417–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014663.

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This study presents an analysis of Malay peasant resistance to the Islamic zakat today and of French peasant resistance earlier to the Christian tithe, but it is offered with a larger argument in mind. Its purpose is to show that a vast range of what counts—or should count—as peasant resistance involves no overt protest and requires little or no organization.

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14

Barber, Pauline Gardiner, and Ligaya Lindio-McGovern. "Filipino Peasant Women: Exploitation and Resistance." Labour / Le Travail 44 (1999): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149017.

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15

Chant, Sylvia, and Ligaya Lindio-McGovern. "Filipino Peasant Women: Exploitation and Resistance." Contemporary Sociology 28, no. 5 (September 1999): 603. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2655044.

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16

Slamet, Ina. "Seminar: Everyday forms of peasant resistance." Journal of Peasant Studies 13, no. 2 (January 1986): 144–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066158608438296.

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17

Spieler, Miranda Frances. "Peasant Resistance in Post-Revolutionary Haiti." Reviews in American History 49, no. 3 (2021): 413–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2021.0039.

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18

Dal Lago, Enrico. "“States of Rebellion”: Civil War, Rural Unrest, and the Agrarian Question in the American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno, 1861–1865." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 2 (April 2005): 403–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000186.

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To date, only a handful of scholars, most notably C.L.R. James and Eugene Genovese, have seen slave rebellions and peasant revolts as having anything in common. Fewer scholars still would be prepared to accept the assumption that slaves and peasants were agrarian working classes that shared significant characteristics. Yet, the issues of rural unrest and class formation continue to haunt the historiography of both slave and peasant societies long after James' and Genovese's studies, and have forced several historians to revise and broaden their definitions of class conflict as a means to describe the social transformations of several rural regions. In this essay, I focus on the American South as a case study of a slave society and on the Italian South, or Mezzogiorno, as a case study of a peasant society. Notwithstanding the fundamental differences between the social structures of these two regions, in both cases debates on the class character of rural workers began when leftist historians raised the possibility of applying Marxist categories to their particular historical conditions. In both cases, they were dealing with a ‘south’ characterized by a preeminently agricultural economy and a persistent social and political conservatism. In both cases, too, the debate has moved from broad theoretical positions to the explanation of specific instances of class conflict in a rural setting—the slaves' resistance to their masters and the peasants' resistance to their landlords, respectively—and then on to a criticism of the Marxist approach to the problem.

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19

Melnychuk, Oleh, and Tetiana Melnychuk. "Establishment of the Bolshevik Totalitarian Regime in Podillia at the End of the 1920s – at the Beginning of the 1930s: Causes, Technologies And Consequences (on the Example of the Melnykivtsi Village in the Vinnytsia Region)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 35 (2021): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-35-56-68.

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The purpose of the article, based on the analysis of sources, taking into account the microhistorical approach, to trace the process of final establishment of the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the Podillia at the and of 1920s – at the beginning of the 1930s through analysis of causes, technologies and consequences. The methodology of the research is based on a combination of general scientific, special-historical and interdisciplinary methods of microhistorical research, taking into account the principles of historicism, systematics, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty lies in the author's attempt, based on the analysis of a wide representative source base, from the standpoint of a specific microhistorical study, to analyze the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in Podillia in the second military-communist assault. Conclusions. An analysis of various sources reflecting the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the village of Melnykivtsi in the Vinnytsia region suggests that the intensification of local authorities to socialize peasant farms in Podillya began in the spring of 1928. If at the beginning of the unification of peasants voluntarily, then with the party taking a course for continuous collectivization, in November 1929, forceful methods of involvement in collectives prevailed. Suppression of the resistance of wealthy peasants was proposed through the expropriation of their property and deportation outside their permanent residence. The response of the Podillia peasantry to the atrocities of the authorities was the intensification of open resistance, as a result of which in the spring of 1930th the Soviet authorities were even overthrown for a short time in some settlements of Podillya. The appearance of J. Stalin's article "Dizziness from Success" was perceived by some peasants as an outspoken criticism by the leader of the violent methods of the local authorities, so as a result of the so-called "bagpipes", by May 1930 almost 1/3 of all members of collective farms left the collectives. . During the second stage of continuous collectivization, which began in September 1930th, the main "argument" that was to persuade the peasants to join the collectives was tax pressure. Influence on the peasantry was carried out through the system of grain procurement. By setting unbearable norms for the delivery of bread for individual farms, the authorities thus forced them to join the collective farms. Forced collectivization, accompanied by the expropriation of wealthy peasants, unbearable grain procurement plans and the forced seizure of food supplies led to mass starvation of part of the Podolsk peasantry in the spring of 1932. As a result of the artificially planned Holodomor of 1932-1933th decreased by more than 1 million people. According to the authorities' plan, the genocide was to finally subdue the Ukrainian peasantry by starvation. By destroying the peasant owners, the Bolshevik government also deliberately and purposefully destroyed the social base of Ukrainian nationalism.

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20

Singh, Shailendra Kumar. "Premchand, nationalism and civil resistance in colonial North India." Indian Economic & Social History Review 56, no. 2 (April 2019): 171–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464619835663.

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The theme of nationalism in the works of Premchand, the pre-eminent Urdu–Hindi writer of the 1920s and 1930s, not only serves as an organising principle but also constitutes a protean and contentious field of study, which has resulted in conflicting interpretations. On the one hand, his nationalist narratives are categorically denounced for their apparent lack of radicalism, while on the other hand, they are unequivocally valorised for their so-called subversive content. Both these diametrically opposed schools of criticism, however, share a common lacuna, that is, both of them tend to conflate the writer’s nationalist narratives with his peasant discourse, thereby precluding the possibility of different themes yielding different interpretations. This article examines the theme of nationalism in Premchand’s works, in general, and the question of civil resistance in particular, in order to demonstrate how the writer’s politics of representation in his nationalist writings differs from the one that we find in his peasant narratives. It argues that as opposed to the authorial valorisation of the fictive peasant’s conformity to the exploitative status quo, civil resistance in Premchand’s nationalist narratives is not only necessary and desirable but also synonymous with dharma (moral duty) itself.

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21

Welch, Cliff. "Quebra-Quilos and Peasant Resistance: Peasants, Religion, and Politics in Nineteenth Century Brazil." Hispanic American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (August 1, 2012): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1600371.

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22

Horsley, Richard. "Jesus and the Politics of Roman Palestine." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 8, no. 2 (2010): 99–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174551910x504882.

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AbstractIn ancient Roman Palestine, politics and religion were inseparable in the power-relations between the Galilean and Judean peasants and their Roman, Herodian, and high priestly rulers. In contrast to the overly simple previous dichotomy between revolt and quiescence as the principal political options for Jesus, it may be possible to discern a range of forms in popular political-religious resistance on the basis of comparative studies of peasant politics. In order to appreciate how people under domination such as Jesus and his Galilean followers may have maneuvered politically, it is necessary to develop a more complex relational and contextual approach to 'Jesus-in-movement'. Special attention to such historical realities as the fundamental social forms of peasant life and political-economic pressures on families and village communities can help us appreciate disguised forms of popular resistance that are rooted in the cultivation of popular tradition. Critical attention to the communicative forms of the Gospel sources as sustained narratives and speeches on matters of importance to struggling peasants—in contrast to the previously standard attempts to generate 'data' from text-fragments—can enable us to discern, in Gospel narratives and speeches, how Jesus catalyzed a movement of renewal of covenantal communities and resistance to the high priests, the Temple, and Roman tribute that took more subtle forms than revolt or acquiescence.

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23

Chen, An. "The Impact of Land Requisition on Peasant Life in China." Modern China 46, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 79–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700419839638.

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Since the late 1990s, land requisition has given rise to peasant protests in much of rural China. The literature is mostly focused on how local governments attempted to expropriate land for various purposes—at the expense of the peasants’ interests. This article goes beyond the exploitation/resistance binary and offers an in-depth analysis of the benefits and costs of land requisition to peasants through an examination of the requisition deals and peasants’ post-requisition lives. It argues that the extent to which peasants benefited or suffered from land requisition was determined by multiple factors which differed region by region, village by village, and household by household. These factors include the purposes of land requisition, the commercial potential of the land, the local government’s coffers and its land compensation package, the extent of the peasants’ reliance on farming to earn a living, their non-farming skills, social networks, and competitiveness in labor markets.

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24

Lima, Francisco Valdenir. "THE TERRITORIALIZATION OF AGRIBUSINESS AND PEASANT RESISTANCE." MERCATOR 15, no. 01 (March 26, 2016): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4215/rm2016.1501.0006.

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25

Sharman, Jason C. "New Conceptions of Peasant Resistance To Collectivization." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 27, no. 1-3 (2000): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633200x00208.

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26

Engels, Bettina. "Peasant Resistance in Burkina Faso's Cotton Sector." International Review of Social History 66, S29 (March 9, 2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859021000122.

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AbstractThis article examines how and why smallholder peasants mobilize for collective action to put forward their claims. Taking the resistance by cotton farmers in Burkina Faso as a case study, it demonstrates that institutions of neoliberal governance – which are presented by their proponents as making governance more “effective” by improving the participation of various public and private stakeholders in different degrees – nevertheless fail to represent the interests of the large population of agrarian poor. In the 2010s, the cotton sector in Burkina Faso became a field of contention, with smallholder cotton producers mobilizing on a massive scale to take collective action. It is argued that the mobilization of cotton farmers can be explained through the effects of the sector's liberalization. Economic liberalization, which has been promoted by the World Bank since the mid-1990s, has changed the institutional setting of the sector and has significantly impacted the ways and means of collective claim-making available to farmers. Building on primary data (qualitative interviews, focus group discussions, observations) collected during several months of field research between 2018 and 2020, and analyses of press reports and a variety of documents, recent protests by cotton farmers are examined and related to these liberalization policies.

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27

MÜLLER, MIRIAM. "The Aims and Organisation of a Peasant Revolt in Early Fourteenth-Century Wiltshire." Rural History 14, no. 1 (March 10, 2003): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793303000013.

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In 1348 a group of villein tenants of the manor of Badbury of the Abbey of Glastonbury in Wiltshire attempted to go to court in order to prove that their manor was of ancient demesne status. Although the peasants were unsuccessful in their claim, they tried again in 1377. Their case is entered and explained in unusual detail in the court records of the manor, and therefore allows us valuable insights in this particular, and far from uncommon, form of peasant resistance. This paper explores the motives and aims of the peasants who planned the action, the organisation of their revolt, and the individuals involved, whose background and histories can be traced through the court records.

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28

Bose, Sayoni. "Attachment to place and territoriality in Nandigram land struggle, India." Human Geography 13, no. 2 (July 2020): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1942778620944383.

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The Nandigram peasant struggle against land acquisition for special economic zones (SEZs) in West Bengal, India, in 2006–2007, highlights the importance of attachment to place and territorialization in resistance. Analyzing the Nandigram land struggle, I underscore the importance of place-based attachment. I argue that land is a social relation. The land acquisition was a threat of breakage in that place-based relation, which led to negative perceptions of industrialization. This threat pronounced the existing attachment to place, which led to the spatialization of the muktanchal or liberated zone. I conceptualize the muktanchal as an act of territoriality, where militant peasant identities emerged that facilitated their claim-making. This paper uses content analysis of existing primary data from heterogeneous sources, to illuminate how the peasants strategically created the muktanchal to contest top-down attempts by the state to create a SEZ enclave.

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Liu, Qing, and Raymond Yu Wang. "Peasant Resistance beyond the State: Peasant–NGO Interactions in Post Wenchuan Earthquake Reconstruction, China." Journal of Contemporary China 28, no. 115 (July 24, 2018): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2018.1497917.

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30

Федорова, Марина, and Райхан Абдыльманова. "Peasant resistance to the state reforms – 1905–1964." Europa Orientalis. Studia z Dziejów Europy Wschodniej i Państw Bałtyckich, no. 6 (July 6, 2016): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/eo.2015.006.

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Wang, Juan. "Shifting Boundaries between the State and Society: Village Cadres as New Activists in Collective Petition." China Quarterly 211 (September 2012): 697–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012000872.

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AbstractDespite the central government's efforts in reducing fiscal burdens on peasants through fiscal reforms in the early 2000s, collective petitions in rural China remain. Complementary to the arbitrary and weak government explanations of state–society conflict, this article reveals the role of village cadres as activists in collective petition. Drawn from extensive fieldwork, I argue that by reducing local government revenues and recentralizing fiscal autonomy to the county level, central fiscal reforms have unintentionally induced a new force of resistance: village cadres. Being disenfranchised from previous privileges, village cadres are now allies rather than adversaries of peasant petitions. This article advances existing literature on China's contentious politics in two ways. First, it recognizes a new group of activists whose savoir-faire improves peasant knowledge of the state capacity in containing state–society conflict. Second, it proposes a dynamic understanding of contentious politics by highlighting the shifting boundaries between the state and society.

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Kula, Marcin. "Leszczyński zaryzykował syntezę historiograficzną – proludową, antyelitarną, daleką od „polityki historycznej”." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 64, no. 4 (December 29, 2020): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2020.64.4.8.

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Adam Leszczyński’s book Ludowa historia Polski. Historia wyzysku i oporu. Mitologia panowania (2020) [A People’s History of Poland: A Story of Exploitation and Resistance – the Mythology of Ruling] contains a historiosophical vision and covers the entire history of Poland in a manner that has not been seen in academic Polish historiography for years. Leszczyński focuses on analyzing the history of the popular classes. He describes this peasant nation and its work, status, and living conditions, along with the poor state of the countryside; he writes of the humiliating treatment of the peasants in the interwar period, and about popular behavior and revolts, first, for example, in the form of flight from the manor, then in the development of socialist, national, or peasant movements, and later as revolts in rural areas in the interwar period and opposition to collectivization in the People’s Republic of Poland. Leszczyński shows that in the past the peasants had no interest in working well. He presents the working conditions in factories in the early period of industrialization and the emerging conflicts. The author of the essay considers that the facts and phenomena in the history of the peasants presented by Leszczyński may be a good starting and reference point for analyses of very different matters in historiography and in contemporary research. He appreciates Leszczyński’s wide-ranging, anti-elite, and pro-people synthesis.

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33

UPADHYAY, SHASHI BHUSHAN. "Premchand and the Moral Economy of Peasantry in Colonial North India." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 5 (June 29, 2010): 1227–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09000055.

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AbstractThis paper argues that the concept of moral economy, formulated by E.P. Thompson and developed in Asian contexts by James Scott and Paul Greenough can be usefully employed to analyse the peasant narratives of Premchand, one of the greatest writers in Hindi-Urdu literatures. But such an application is possible only if the concept is expanded further. In Premchand's works related to peasantry we find several ideological currents. However, the idea of peasantry's own cultural resources in opposition to other social groups appears to be predominant in his later works. There is a sense of centrality of peasant culture which Premchand and some others among the Hindi literary intelligentsia came to acquire, and deployed for various purposes—against colonial regime, against the products of colonial modernity (e.g., factories, English schools, courts, medical profession), against the new urban middle classes and their culture, against urbanism as a whole and, sometimes, even against the Congress, the representative of organized nationalism. Distinct from both the everyday forms of resistance and open rebellion, Premchand visualizes a comprehensive peasant paradigm in opposition to colonialism, and urban middle-class perspectives.

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34

Dasgupta, Atis. "Early Trends of Anti-Colonial Peasant Resistance in Bengal." Social Scientist 14, no. 4 (April 1986): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517178.

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35

Williams, Michael. "Weapons of the weak: everyday forms of peasant resistance." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620323.

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Horton, Lynn R. "The Real Contra War: Highlander Peasant Resistance in Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 84, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-84-1-163.

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Bailey, F. G., and James C. Scott. "Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 2 (1987): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758183.

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Serrano‐Álvarez, José A. "Forestry conflict in Spain: Rethinking peasant protest and resistance." Journal of Agrarian Change 19, no. 4 (August 23, 2018): 579–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joac.12293.

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Amin, Shahid. "Everyday forms of peasant resistance in South–East Asia." Asian Studies Association of Australia. Review 11, no. 3 (April 1988): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147538808712527.

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Shutzer, Matthew Barton. "A rogue and peasant slave: adivasi resistance 1800–2000." Contemporary South Asia 21, no. 2 (June 2013): 180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2013.805938.

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Gran, Guy. "Everyday forms of peasant resistance in South-east Asia." World Development 15, no. 9 (September 1987): 1247. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-750x(87)90221-x.

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Tadem, Eduardo Climaco. "The Filipino Peasant in the Modern World: Tradition, Change and Resilience." Philippine Political Science Journal 30, no. 1 (December 16, 2009): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-03001001.

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This article examines a traditional upland peasant community subjected to change-oriented interventions from external state and nonstate forces. As a result, various modifications took place in the villages with the introduction of new technologies, crop diversification, market contacts, social differentiation, formal governmental structures, decline in the number of farmers, growth of a working class, increased contacts with and knowledge of the non-peasant external world, and physical separation of families. Using various analytical frameworks on the nature of peasant society via a modified peasant essentialist approach, agrarian change, rural development, social movements, everyday resistance, moral economy, and a history from below approach, this article depicts and analyzes how traditional peasant society is able to withstand the changes brought about by external factors and essentially retain its household-based small farm economy, socially-determined norms and practices, and feelings of community and solidarity.

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Tirmizey, Kasim Ali. "Learning from and Translating Peasant Struggles as Anti-Colonial Praxis: The Ghadar Party in Punjab." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13, no. 2 (October 18, 2018): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/ss27243.

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The Ghadar Party introduced a radical anticolonial praxis to Punjab, British India, in the early 1910s. Much of the literature on the Ghadar Party situates the birth of the movement among Punjabi peasants along the Pacific coast of North America who returned to their homeland intent on waging an anticolonial mutiny. One strand of argumentation locates the failure of the Ghadar Party in a problem of incompatibility between their migrant political consciousness and the conditions and experiences of their co-patriots in Punjab. I use Antonio Gramsci's concept of “translation,” a semi-metaphorical means to describe political practices that transform existing political struggles, to demonstrate how the Ghadar Party's work of political education was not unidirectional, but rather consisted of learning from peasant experiences and histories of struggle, as well as transforming extant forms of peasant resistance – such as, banditry – for building a radical anticolonial movement. Translation is an anticolonial practice that works on subaltern experiences and struggles. The Ghadar Party's praxis of translating subaltern struggles into anticolonialism is demonstrative of how movements learn from and transform existing movements.

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MacMaster, Neil. "The Roots of Insurrection: The Role of the Algerian Village Assembly (Djemâa) in Peasant Resistance, 1863–1962." Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no. 2 (April 2013): 419–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751300008x.

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AbstractInterpretations of the origins of the Algerian war of independence have tended to emphasize either discontinuity—the radical dislocation of precolonial social and political structures following the French conquest—or the continuity of a culture of peasant resistance between 1871 and 1954. Little investigation has been carried out into the latter, or how, if at all, socio-political institutions enabled rural society to sustain an unbroken “tradition” of resistance over nearly a century of unprecedented crisis. Most debate has focused on the role of the tribe, a largely moribund institution, and this has obscured the importance of the village assembly, ordjemâa, a micro-level organization that historians have largely neglected. Thedjemâa, in both its official and covert forms, enabled village elders to regulate the internal affairs of the community, such as land disputes, as well as to present a unified face against external threats. This article shows how emerging nationalist movements starting in the 1920s penetrated isolated rural communities by adapting to the preexisting structure of thedjemâa, a tactic that was also followed after 1954 as independence fighters established a guerrilla support base among the mountain peasants. While Pierre Bourdieu and other scholars have emphasized the devastating impacts that economic individualism had on peasant communalism, this study employs thedjemâaas a case study of a “traditional” institution that proved flexible and enduring as rural society confronted settler land appropriations and a savage war of decolonization.

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Fedotova, Anastasia, and Elena Korchmina. "Cattle pasturing as a traditional form of forest use and conflicts between peasants and forestry administration in the long nineteenth century (the case of Białowieza Primeval Forest)." Global Environment 13, no. 3 (October 1, 2020): 525–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2020.130302.

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The article deals with one of the key resources for peasants of Eastern Europe, wood pastures. Relying on new archival material, we demonstrate that peasant communities, in the spirit of James Scott, consistently sabotaged state efforts to ban livestock pasturing in the forests. The state, over the long nineteenth century, strengthened control over many aspects of the economic life of the village, which gradually made the conflicts of the peasants with the state forest administration more acute. We apply a case study approach to investigate the relations between peasants and the local and metropolitan administration in the Białowieża Forest. A unique feature of the Białowieża Forest is its long and continued history of effective protection measures, which facilitated finding sources on this topic. Our research reveals the motivation in the struggle for control over forest resources between the peasants and the administration, as experts in 'rational' forestry. Throughout the long nineteenth century, the peasants used all means of resistance available to them: petitions to the authorities at all levels, sabotage of administrative orders, bribes to forestry personnel and direct violations of orders. These conflicts, which lasted for many decades, demonstrate that peasant communities only partially followed the rules introduced by the state administration, which tried to change the principles of forestry management, making forests more profitable and 'rational' from the point of view of the experts of the time. The administration spent significant resources on the control of wood pasturing, but achieved very modest results, both in terms of reducing the number of livestock in the forest and in terms of collecting compensation for damage made by ungulates. The most important changes occurred in the second half of the nineteenth through the early twentieth century and were associated with more consistent and strict control over the traditional forest resources, especially during the final appanage period (1889–1915). If we consider the reaction of the administration to peasant petitions regarding wood pastures, we see sympathy and positive reactions both at the provincial and at the ministerial levels. Obviously, this tolerance was connected with both the shortage of pasture and fodder, and the general paternalistic sentiments of the Russian government. The administration tried not so much to increase the income from wood pasturing as to 'accustom' the peasants to the idea that the forests were not public, but rather private, state or appanage property.

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Ossome, Lyn. "Pedagogies of Feminist Resistance: Agrarian Movements in Africa." Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 10, no. 1 (April 2021): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22779760211000939.

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In the historical course of agrarian transformation in Africa, the reconstitution and fragmentation of the peasantry along the lines of gender, ethnic, class, and racial divisions which facilitate their exploitation remains a central concern in the analysis of the peasant path, of which the exploitation of gendered labor has been a particularly important concern for feminist agrarian theorizations. In contribution to these debates, this article examines the ways in which feminist concerns have shaped, driven, and defined the social and political parameters of agrarian movements in Africa. Even though agrarian movements articulating gender questions are not generalizable as feminist, their concern with social, political, and economic structures of oppression and their approach to gendered oppression as a political question lends them to characterization as being feminist. Through an examination of the changing forms of women-led agrarian struggles, the article shows how women’s responses to the dominant structures and conditions of colonial and post-colonial capitalist accumulation could be characterized as feminist due to their social and political imperatives behind women’s resistance.

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Bartmiński, Jerzy. "Two Profiles of the Polish HOMELAND Concept." Vilnius University Open Series, no. 2 (July 29, 2021): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/vllp.2021.2.

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The starting point for this study is the dynamic view of homeland formulated by e.g. Karol Wojtyła in his Thinking Homeland (“When I think homeland, I seek the road that cuts through mountainsides… it runs steeply up in each of us and does not allow to stand still”). The study focuses on two profiles of the Polish concept: the noble-intelligentsia profile and the folk-peasant profile. In the former, which continues the tradition of military legions, the relationship between people and homeland is modelled in accordance with the patriotic-heroic ethos, deriving from the Romantic tradition and focusing on active resistance and sacrifice. In the latter, the predominant mood is expiatory, connected with the responsibility for the collapase of the the 1st Polish (Nobility) Republic. This profile includes the all-national homeland, then the regional and European homeland – the ideas of the state, civic, and cultural homeland compete with one another. The folk profile of homeland derives from the tradition of Polish peasantry – peasants did not feel responsible for the collapse of the state, being de facto slaves in the Poland of nobility. The peasant ethos, based on the idea of joint work and social solidarity, is close to the positivistic spirit. It links the idea of duty (homeland can ask for sacrifice) with that of expectation (homeland should extend one’s care over people). The folk profile includes the homeland of family and home, the local homeland, the national homeland, as well as the world as people’s homeland. It is assumed that the two profiles of homeland are to a great extent complementary.

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Graziosi, Andrea. "Stalin’s and Mao’s Famines: Similarities and Differences." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 3, no. 2 (September 10, 2016): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2b59k.

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This essay addresses the similarities and differences between the cluster of Soviet famines in 1931-33 and the great Chinese famine of 1958-1962. The similarities include: Ideology; planning; the dynamics of the famines; the relationship among harvest, state procurements and peasant behaviour; the role of local cadres; life and death in the villages; the situation in the cities vis-à-vis the countryside, and the production of an official lie for the outside world. Differences involve the following: Dekulakization; peasant resistance and anti-peasant mass violence; communes versus sovkhozes and kolkhozes; common mess halls; small peasant holdings; famine and nationality; mortality peaks; the role of the party and that of Mao versus Stalin’s; the way out of the crises, and the legacies of these two famines; memory; sources and historiography.

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Chatterjee, Partha. "THE COLONIAL STATE AND PEASANT RESISTANCE IN BENGAL 1920‐1947." Past and Present 110, no. 1 (1986): 169–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/110.1.169.

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Drahmoune, Fabian. "Agrarian Transitions, Rural Resistance and Peasant Politics in Southeast Asia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 32, no. 1 (April 2013): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341303200105.

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In light of the recent revival of agrarian studies in the scholarship of Southeast Asia, this paper reviews three recent publications that are concerned with specific aspects of what has been framed as “agrarian transition”, “agrarian change” or “agrarian transformation”. It seeks to identify new perspectives and fresh approaches to the analytical challenges that arise from the multi-faceted and intertwined nature of agrarian change in the region. Further, it considers the implications of these processes – specifically in social, political and economic terms – for the rural population and examines their ways of embracing and resisting these changes. By emphasising the explanatory potential that linking approaches, theories and methodologies of different research traditions and disciplines in an integrative fashion has, it will be argued that – in order to enhance our understanding of people's responses to rural change – it is essential to recognise their agency and perceptions as interconnected across multiple scales within broader structural conditions.

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