Relevant bibliographies by topics / Peasants Philippines

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Academic literature on the topic 'Peasants Philippines'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 11 December 2022
Last updated: 25 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Peasants Philippines"

1

Franco, Jennifer C., and Patricio N. Abinales. "Again, They're Killing Peasants in the Philippines." Critical Asian Studies 39, no. 2 (June 2007): 315–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672710701339501.

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Hayami, Y., M. Kikuchi, and E. B. Marciano. "Middlemen and peasants in rice marketing in the Philippines." Agricultural Economics 20, no. 2 (March 1999): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1574-0862.1999.tb00555.x.

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Hayami, Y. "Middlemen and peasants in rice marketing in the Philippines." Agricultural Economics 20, no. 2 (March 1, 1999): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0169-5150(98)00082-6.

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Portera, Eric F., and Antonio C. Hila. "Liberating Farmers from Tenancy Bondage: The Land and Agrarian Reform Programs of Ramon Magsaysay (1954-1957)." Philippine Social Science Journal 3, no. 1 (June 22, 2020): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52006/main.v3i1.118.

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The past economic colonial policies in the Philippines created severe issues for land tenancy and distribution patterns. When Magsaysay won the presidency in 1953, his administration carried the banner of land and agrarian reform as its core policy. The paper investigated how Magsaysay Administration’s agrarian reform policies addressed the needs of the peasants. Further, the study presents the land and agrarian reform programs enacted by the Magsaysay Administration, from conceptualization to implementation, their results, and efficacy in easing the tenancy problem of farmers. Using the historical method, the study showed that Magsaysay's land and agrarian reform program provided security of tenure to the farmers. It enabled them to become more independent, self-reliant, and responsible citizens. Ultimately, the program succeeded in protecting the farmers from the uncertainty and threat of land deprivation and, in effect, curtailed insurgency. Magsaysay's program also proved influential to succeeding administrations in the design and construction of their land and agrarian reform laws.
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Lawless, Robert, Violeta Lopez-Gonzaga, and Jesucita L. Sodusta. "Peasants in the Hills. A Study of the Dynamics of Social Change Among the Buhid Swidden Cultivators in the Philippines." Pacific Affairs 58, no. 2 (1985): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758313.

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Ludovice, Nicolo Paolo P. "The Carabao and the Encounter of the Law in Nineteenth-Century Philippines." Society & Animals 27, no. 3 (June 13, 2019): 307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341557.

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AbstractThe place of the non-human animal in the legal world has been questioned. Animals’ legal status as property has been probed on how to best protect their welfare. While this is significant for animals who are not on the farm, it might not be effective when considering animals raised for food. The case of the carabao, or the water buffalo, in the Philippines is seen as a hybrid. This article traces the development of the carabao in Philippine history during the nineteenth century. Through historical, archival, and legal research on animals, the carabao is situated as private property. Colonial instruments of control were introduced to protect the carabao from criminals. In its proper historical context, the classification of carabaos as property indeed highlighted the animal’s status as legally owned, which did not necessarily demean the animal’s relationship with the human peasant nor the carabao’s quality as an animal.
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Lindio-Mcgovern, Ligaya. "The Philippines: counter-insurgency and peasant women." Race & Class 34, no. 4 (April 1993): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689303400401.

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8

Tsuji, Takashi. "The Conventional and Modern Uses of Water Buffalo Milk in the Philippines." Southeastern Philippines Journal of Research and Development 26, no. 2 (September 30, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53899/spjrd.v26i2.152.

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In Southeast Asia, milking of livestock is not common. In the Philippines, water buffalo (carabao) milk has been used since the Spanish colonial period of the 16th century. Milk is processed into cheese (kesong puti) or candy (pastillas). These customs are found in a few areas on the Islands of Luzon and Visayas. However, in 1996, following the launch of the Philippine Carabao Center (PCC), the uses of modern milk have been practiced nationwide using Murrah (buffalo), which produces more milk than a carabao. This paper analyzes the dairy transition currently occurring in the Philippines from the conventional uses of carabao milk to the modern uses of Murrah milk. Intensive fieldwork was broadly conducted in conventional and modern milk use areas of the country, with water buffalo management and milk use systems researched using participatory observation and interview methods. This study delves into how the conventional uses of water buffalo milk have helped support the livelihood of special farmers and whether recent government-backed projects, such as enhancing the ability of water buffaloes to produce milk, have made carabaos dispensable. The shift to modern milk uses, which relies on buffalo milk, has become a national project, in order to improve the subsistence of peasant farmers. This paper concludes that the modern dairy farming of Murrah is becoming popular in farming societies close to the PCC and that the dairy culture has changed from being a minor conventional regional system to a major industrial farming and business system to sustain the lives of local small-scale farmers.
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9

Hidayatullah, Putra. "COLONIALISM AND PEASANT RESISTANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA." Indonesian Journal of Islamic History and Culture 3, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/ijihc.v3i1.1668.

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Colonialism in Southeast Asia was marked by the response of local communities, especially farmers, in various forms of protest. The protests were rooted in problems with the economic system. The colonial rulers brought a different economic logic with a new mode of production for traditional farmers. In response to these protests, the colonial government was assisted by the presence of local elites. This article will describe peasant resistance in Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines with the argument that although local elites were involved, they had different ways of dealing with resistance. In addition to the problems of the economic system, colonialism also brought modernity which had an impact on the disintegration of the social system.
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10

Mergos, George J. "The Economic Contribution of Children in Peasant Agriculture and the Effect of Education: Evidence from the Philippines." Pakistan Development Review 31, no. 2 (June 1, 1992): 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v31i2pp.189-201.

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Issues of consumption-leisure choice and of the effect of education are at the centte of the debate on labour supply and on the economic value of children in peasant agriculture. This paper provides empirical evidence on how education affects child labour supply in an extended commodity demand-labour supply framework, using farmhousehold survey data from the Philippines. The empirical results of this paper point out that adult and child labour respond normally to changes in wages, that a complementarity exists between adult and child labour in farm operations, that children have a positive economic conttibution to farm households in peasant agriculture, and that education may have a limited impact in reducing fertility in rural households.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Peasants Philippines"

1

Furlong, Matthew J. "Peasants, Servants, and Sojourners: Itinerant Asians in Colonial New Spain, 1571-1720." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/333213.

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This dissertation charts the social interactions, work experiences, and routes traveled by Asian workers within and between the colonial Philippines and Mexico between 1571 and 1720. Residents of early colonial Mexico called these workers chinos. Most free chinos were Filipinos, but enslaved chinos had origins all over Asia. Chinos crossed the Pacific on the Manila galleons, which sailed between the Philippines and Mexico. These ships facilitated the exchange of American products, mostly silver, for Asian products, primarily textiles. This study explores the social and spatial mobility of chinos to show how trade between and within the Americas and Asia opened a new chapter in the social history of the early modern world. This project expands the study of Latin American history in three ways. First, it analyzes the ways in which chinos, especially Filipinos, created and sustained colonial Mexico as part of a Pacific world, advancing scholarship that already celebrates Mexico as part of an Atlantic world. Next, this work develops the study of economic history by comparing the ways that chinos shaped and connected different regions of colonial Mexico by employing Southeast Asian labor organization and technology. Thirdly, this dissertation refines studies of ethnicity by considering the ways that chinos, especially free laborers, represented themselves as members of a new corporate group in colonial Mexico, and appropriated the ethnic category of "indio," originally established for indigenous people in the Americas. They used these categories to claim resources from the colonial state, to form social networks, and to create bases for collective action. This work advances the field of early modern global and world history. It analyzes the Philippines and Pacific New Spain as arenas of cross-cultural interaction, labor, migration, and production in their own right, rather than as mere commercial intermediaries mediating between East Asia and the Americas. Finally, this work considers the ways that the long history of interactions between Island Southeast Asia and the rest of Asia shaped the mobility of chinos, while also situating their trans-Pacific interactions within the institutions of the global tributary empire of the Spanish Habsburgs.
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2

Côté, Denis J. "Successful strategies for the implementation of land reform : a peasants’ account from the Philippines." Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3888.

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Entre 1988 et 2008, les Philippines ont mis en oeuvre le Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) qui visait à redistribuer 9 million d‟hectares de terres agricoles aux paysans sans terre. En dépit des échappatoires du programme et d‟une structure sociale très inégale qui freinent sa mise en oeuvre, ce modèle de réforme agraire présente des résultats surprenants alors que 82% des terres ont été redistribuées. Concernant les terres plus litigieuses appartenant à des intérêts privés, Borras soutient que le succès surprenant de plusieurs cas de luttes agraires s‟explique par l‟utilisation de la stratégie bibingka qui consiste à appliquer de la pression par le bas et par le haut afin de forcer la redistribution. Sa théorie cependant ne donne que peu de détails concernant les éléments qui rendent un cas plus ou moins litigieux. Elle ne traite pas non plus de la manière dont les éléments structurels et l‟action collective interagissent pour influencer le résultat des luttes agraires. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous attardons d‟abord à la manière dont certains éléments structurels – le type de récolte et le type de relation de production - influencent le degré de résistance des propriétaires terriens face aux processus du CARP, contribuant ainsi à rendre les cas plus ou moins litigieux. Ensuite nous analysons l‟influence du contexte structurel et des stratégies paysannes sur le résultat de la mise en oeuvre du programme de réforme agraire. Pour répondre à nos deux questions de recherche, nous présentons quatre études de cas situés dans la province de Cebu.
Between 1988 and 2008, the Philippines have been implementing the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) which aimed at redistributing 9 million hectares of agricultural land to landless peasants. Despite the loopholes of the program and the highly unequal social structure which constrain the implementation, this land reform program shows a positively surprising rate of accomplishment of 82% after 20 years. On the more contentious private agricultural land, Borras has argued that the unexpected successful outcome of various land struggles can be explained by the peasants reliance on the bibingka strategy which consists in applying pressure from below and from above to push for land redistribution. His theory however does not go into details about what makes a case more or less contentious, and on how agency and structure interact to influence the outcome of particular land struggles. In this thesis, we first look at how structural features – namely the type of crop produced and the tenurial status of farmers – influence the strength of landowner resistance to key CARP processes of land reform, thus contributing to make a case more or less contentious. Then we analyze the combined influence of the structural setting of the case and of the strategy used by peasants on the implementation outcome of land reform. To address our two main research questions, we present four case studies from the province of Cebu.
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3

Knudsen, Magne. "This is our place : fishing families and cosmopolitans on Negros Island, Philippines." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151511.

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4

Laroche, Martin. "La mobilisation sociopolitique paysanne et son impact sur le profil alimentaire : Chiapas, Mexique et Mindanao, Philippines comparés." Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/12405.

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Dans l’État mexicain du Chiapas et aux Philippines sur l’île de Mindanao, on retrouve des groupes paysans en révolte contre leurs gouvernements respectifs. À l’origine de ce conflit, on souligne une situation alimentaire difficile et des revendications concernant la terre, son partage et son usage. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comparer les différents résultats que peuvent avoir des mobilisations sociopolitiques de type belliqueux et pacifique sur la situation alimentaire de populations paysannes. Pour y parvenir, le concept original de profil alimentaire est élaboré, se situant entre les notions de sécurité et de souveraineté alimentaire. Les hypothèses de recherche sont qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique belliqueuse entraîne une amélioration forte du profil alimentaire, qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique pacifique entraîne une amélioration notable du profil alimentaire et que l’absence de mobilisation laisse le profil alimentaire dans un état statique. Ce mémoire, utilisant l’anthropologie politique comme méthode de recherche et d’analyse, réussit à asseoir le concept de profil alimentaire qui permet de souligner l’évolution de la qualité d’alimentation et des pratiques agricoles.
In the Mexican state of Chiapas and in the Philippines’ island of Mindanao, peasant groups are in rebellion against their respective governments. Directly linked to the nature of these two conflicts are precarious food situations, and claims about the way to use and to divide land. The main objective of this thesis is to compare the different results that can be provided by sociopolitical mobilisations of violent and peaceful nature. In order to reach that objective, the genuine concept of food profile is elaborated, merging both the food security and sovereignty concepts. The hypotheses of that thesis are that a violent mobilisation leads to a significant improvement of the food profile, that a peaceful mobilisation leads to an appreciable improvement of the food profile and that the absence of mobilisation leads to the stagnation of the food profile. Using political anthropology as a method of research and analysis, this thesis succeeds in using the concept of food profile to underline the evolution of the food quality and of the agricultural practices.
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Books on the topic "Peasants Philippines"

1

J, Connolly Michael. Church lands and peasant unrest in the Philippines: Agrarian conflict in 20th-century Luzon. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1992.

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2

Quitoriano, Eddie Ll. Agrarian reform in the Philippines: Ten years of Italian support. Manila, Philippines: Food and Agriculture Organization, Technical Support to Agrarian Reform and Rural Development, 2002.

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Quitoriano, Eddie Ll. Agrarian reform in the Philippines: Ten years of Italian support. Manila, Philippines: Food and Agriculture Organization, Technical Support to Agrarian Reform and Rural Development, 2002.

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AMIHAN, Pambansang Pederasyon ng Kababaihang Magbubukid, Kongreso ng Pagtatatag, Oktubre 25-27, 1986, Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Sta. Mesa, Manila: Tema, kababaihang magbubukid : tayo'y makibaka para sa lupa, katarungan at kalayaan. [Manila, Philippines: AMIHAN, 1986.

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5

Borras, Saturnino M. The bibingka strategy in land reform implementation: Autonomous peasant movements and state reformists in the Philippines. Quezon City, Philippines: Institute for Popular Democracy, 1998.

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Batara, John. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program: More misery for the Philippine peasantry. Sta. Mesa, Manila: IBON Philippines, Databank and Research Center, 1996.

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Ghimire, Krishna B. Peasants' pursuit of outside alliances in the process of land reform: A discussion of legal assistance programmes in Bangladesh and the Philippines. Geneva: UNRISD, 1999.

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8

Lindio-McGovern, Ligaya. Filipino peasant women: Exploitation and resistance. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997.

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9

Kohlmeyer, Ch. Bondoc-Halbinsel (Philippinen): Agrarsoziales System und integrierte ländliche Entwicklung. Hamburg: Verlag Weltarchiv, 1989.

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Franco, Jenny. Philippine electoral politics and the peasant-based civic movement in the 1980s. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Philippine Peasant Institute, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Peasants Philippines"

1

Tadem, Eduardo C. "The resilience of the peasantry." In Routledge handbook of the contemporary Philippines, 352–62. New York : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315709215-28.

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McCoy, Alfred W. "Sugar Barons: Formation of a Native Planter Class in the Colonial Philippines." In Plantations, Proletarians and Peasants in Colonial Asia, 106–41. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315827889-5.

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Sidel, John T. "From Bohemia to Balintawak." In Republicanism, Communism, Islam, 19–44. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501755613.003.0002.

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This chapter provides a seemingly unusual, but potentially illuminating, vantage point from which to approach the cosmopolitan dimensions of the Philippine Revolution of the late nineteenth century — the Bohemian town of Litoměřice. It recounts the visit of Dr. José Rizal, the great Filipino novelist and celebrated progenitor of Philippine nationalism, to Leitmeritz and his relationship with Ferdinand Blumentritt, a local gymnasium teacher and avid student and scholar of Philippine history and society. The chapter provides a coherent narrative account, one whose emplotment follows the nationalist logic so prevalent in the study of Southeast Asian history. On the one hand, the revolution is said to have been led from above by urban — and highly urbane — educated young men familiar from Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities, Filipino nationalists who emerged from Spanish colonial schools in the Philippines. On the other hand, the Philippine Revolution is also said to have been driven from below by a broader pool of the Filipino masses, by peasants and fishermen across the provinces of the archipelago, and by artisanal laborers in Manila and other port cities. The chapter argues that the struggles leading up to the Philippine Revolution can be understood in terms of what scholars have termed the “Culture Wars” of the late nineteenth century, a transcontinental if not global conflict pitting “anticlerical” scientists, Freemasons, liberals, and republicans against the Catholic Church in its ultramontane incarnation.
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Woods, Colleen. "The Anticommunist International." In Freedom Incorporated, 94–129. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749131.003.0004.

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This chapter outlines how, by the late 1940s, the Philippine state—with the support of U.S. military dollars, equipment, and advisers—launched a war against its own citizens in the name of global anticommunism. After World War II, peasant uprisings in Central Luzon, labor strikes on U.S. military bases in the islands, and the appeal of the Philippine Communist Party threatened to dissolve U.S. policymakers' efforts to promote Philippine independence as a testament to the benevolence and anti-imperial impulses of U.S. foreign aid and policies. In opposition, a multiyear counterinsurgency campaign brought millions of dollars of U.S. military aid into the country, resulting in the increased militarization of Philippine society as well as the near total defeat of peasant and working-class alternatives to Philippine elite control of the state. But while Filipino politicians affirmed decolonization in Southeast Asia, they also faced the challenge of explaining how Philippine independence could effectively coincide with the substantial U.S. political, economic, and military intervention needed to quell the violence in Central Luzon. Despite U.S. and Philippine pronouncements that the nation represented a “showcase of democracy,” the bloodletting in Central Luzon would eventually attract the attention of the international press, which also called into question the stability and legitimacy of the newly independent Philippine Republic. In response, Americans and Filipinos effectively collaborated to reinterpret peasant complaints against the state through the lens of a global war against communism.
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Woods, Colleen. "An Amazing Record of Red Plotting." In Freedom Incorporated, 20–58. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749131.003.0002.

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This chapter examines how anticommunist politics emerged alongside international socialist and communist anti-imperial movements during the late 1920s and early 1930s, when U.S. and Philippine political and military officials turned to anticommunism politics to explain the rise of labor and peasant protest, proscribe class-based anti-imperial critiques, and bolster the nationalism of the governing Filipino political elites. Indeed, even before the official formation of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) in 1930, U.S. and Philippine officials deployed “anti-red” politics to limit the acceptable range of political debate and protest in the archipelago. Throughout the 1930s, U.S. and Filipino policymakers attempted to eliminate socialist, communist, and peasant labor activists' ideas from the political sphere through state repression. Yet by 1939, with the rise of fascism in Europe and Japan and the subsequent embrace of the “popular front” by Western communist parties, Franklin D. Roosevelt pressured the Philippine Commonwealth to minimize its persecution of the political Left. Focusing on the economic, political, and social structures of the colonial state that gave rise to anticolonial critiques and movements, the chapter shows how a transnational political class of Americans and Filipinos anticipated independence by tightening their hold on social, economic, and political power within the islands.
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Woods, Colleen. "State Violence and the Problem of Political Legitimacy." In Freedom Incorporated, 59–93. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749131.003.0003.

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This chapter explores how the remobilization of colonial anticommunism in postwar politics was fundamentally connected to the legitimation of state violence and the strategic and symbolic value of the Philippines to U.S. empire in the age of decolonization. The upsurge and demand for social change in the postwar Philippines took many forms, from protests across barrios and villages of Central Luzon to large-scale labor strikes and the formation of new political parties. One particular group, the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon—the People's Army against the Japanese—had fought against the Japanese occupation but had no intention of welcoming colonial elites back into power. As a consequence, Filipino political elites and their U.S. allies, intent on rebuilding the social order constructed during the U.S. colonial period, deemed the Hukbalahaps, or Huks, as threats to national—and eventually international—security. In effect, postwar U.S. policies in the Philippines not only helped to recriminalize peasant, labor, and progressive social movements, but they also helped fuel a nearly six-year-long civil war that would have long-standing effects on how both Americans and Filipino politicians and policymakers conceived of the Cold War and the wars of decolonization in Southeast Asia.
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