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Journal articles on the topic 'Pennsylvania, politics and government'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

ROSEN, CHARLOTTE E. "The Armed Career Criminal Act and the Puzzle of Federal Crime Control in the Reagan Era: “It’s at the state and local levels that problems exist”." Journal of Policy History 35, no. 2 (March 1, 2023): 161–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000288.

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AbstractThis article examines how Pennsylvania Senator Arlen Specter’s Armed Career Criminal Act attempted to respond to the 1980s crisis of state prison overcrowding while also maintaining a political commitment to get tough on crime. Although commonly thought of as a straightforward punitive sentencing bill, this article shows that the Armed Career Criminal Act was also a desperate attempt to navigate a national crisis of state prison overcrowding in the 1980s that threatened to undercut racialized “get tough” politics and the burgeoning carceral state. In doing so, this article reshapes scholarship on the history of the United States carceral state by demonstrating that the United States’ decentralized political structure and federal government hostility toward funding state correctional expansion created significant gaps between a national discourse of law and order and actual anticrime policy making in the Reagan era, suggesting a far more contested development of the United States prison nation.

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Walton, Hanes, Josephine A. V. Allen, Sherman C. Puckett, Donald R. Deskins, and Robert T. Starks. "FORECASTING AND PREDICTING THE ELECTION OF AN AFRICAN AMERICAN PRESIDENT." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, no. 1 (2010): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x10000135.

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AbstractBeginning with the 1972 presidential election and for each election thereafter Harvard University's Institute of Politics in the John F. Kennedy School of Government has held a post-election symposium where all of the campaign managers, pollsters, political consultants and media advisors for all of the primary and general election candidates come together with leading journalists, electronic and print, and political commentators and pundits to discuss and dialogue about what occurred during the election among the candidates, nominees, and the winner and losers. The symposia have allowed campaign managers to describe what happened and forecast for the forthcoming presidential election. After the multi-day symposium a book length transcript is published. In 1992 the Annenberg School of Communication at the University of Pennsylvania launched its own symposia where the campaign managers of the Democratic and Republican nominees in the general election are invited to discuss what happened and forecast for the next presidential election. The ten books in the Harvard series and the three books in the Pennsylvania series are used as data sources in this article to determine if any of the campaign managers forecasted and/or predicted an African American presidential candidate, even when such candidates had appeared in previous years. While our findings uncover some of the interests and concerns of presidential campaign managers and advisors since 1972, the overriding focus of the symposia has been on the nature, scope, and significance of the African American electorate.

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3

Reitano, Vincent. "An Open Systems Model of Local Government Forecasting." American Review of Public Administration 48, no. 5 (February 1, 2017): 476–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074017692876.

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Local governments use single source forecasts to inform decision making, which can constrain their ability to prepare for and respond to financial uncertainty. This unique context may have increased the challenges faced by governments at the local level through economic downturns such as the Great Recession. Given this concern, which has yet to be addressed in the literature, this article develops an open systems model of local government forecast accuracy, which can be tested across any type of local government. This article tests the model with a panel of special purpose governments at the local level, specifically school districts in Pennsylvania, from 2003 through 2013. Estimation of the model with longitudinal analysis shows that government forecasters at the local level consider internal and external factors when forecasting own-source and intergovernmental revenue streams. In particular, a mix of institutional, financial, and political factors are associated with forecast accuracy. Forecasters at the local level also considered the role of economic shocks, as evidenced by decreased expectations for own-source revenue through the Great Recession. Collectively, these findings demonstrate that they consider a complex and multifaceted information set, which includes both internal and external determinant factors of forecast accuracy at the local level. These factors can prove critical to increasing forecast accuracy in context of the financial uncertainty experienced through the Great Recession.

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Sholdice, Mark. "“It is the finest piece of government work that I know of anywhere”: The Influence of the Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario on the Giant Power Survey of Pennsylvania, 1923-1927." Scientia Canadensis 37, no. 1-2 (May 20, 2015): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1030641ar.

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Since its foundation in 1906, the Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario exerted a major influence on the politics of electricity in the United States. American supporters of publicly-owned utilities saw the Hydro as a model worth emulating south of the border. Reformers who sought lower electric prices for consumers also looked to the Hydro for evidence of the technically-feasible lowest cost of producing and transmitting this source of energy. This paper will examine a specific instance when American Progressives sought to use the Hydro as both a source of information and inspiration for electric policy reforms: the Giant Power Survey of 1923-1927, an attempt by Pennsylvania Governor Gifford Pinchot to bring about lower electricity costs for consumers and to extend access to rural areas, through a mix of greater regulation and government action. The individuals involved in Giant Power came into close contact with Hydro officials for the vital administrative and technical information with which to argue for their cause; the Ontarians, however, had their own reasons to be wary of getting involved in a controversial proposal.

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Shevchenko, K. V. "UKRAINIAN MOVEMENT AND CZECHOSLOVAK POLICY IN THE RUSIN QUESTION DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD AS REFLECTED BY AMERIKANSKY RUSSKY VIESTNIK." Rusin, no. 61 (2020): 132–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/61/8.

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The article analyzes the publications of a leading Rusin periodical in North America, Amerikansky russky viestnik, which during the interwar period was the official bulletin of the Greek Catholic Union of Rusin Brotherhoods based in Homestead, Pennsylvania. In its numerous publications, Amerikansky russky viestnik paid great attention to the genesis and further development of the Ukrainian movement and to different aspects of Czechoslovak policy towards Rusin population in Subcarpathian Rus and Eastern Slovakia. In particular, Amerikansky russky viestnik voiced criticism about different aspects of the Ukrainian movement emphasizing its totally artificial character, anti- Slavic and anti-Russian orientation as well as its total dependence on German and Austrian politics during the First World War. As Amerikansky russky viestnik pointed out, the Ukrainian movement played a role of a mere tool of the German anti-Slavic policy in Central Europe. As far as the Rusin politics of interwar Czechoslovakia is concerned, Amerikansky russky viestnik and other Rusin periodicals in the USA criticized the Czechoslovak authorities for their wide-scale and generous support of the Ukrainian movement in the Carpathian region pointing out that such attitude might endanger the stability of Czechoslovak state in future. Apart from that, Amerikansky russky viestnik was extremely critical of the language, educational, and cultural policy of Czechoslovak government, which supported the policy of the “soft ukrainization” of the indigenous Rusin population in the south of the Carpathian region. The American newspaper voiced concerns about the absence of the true autonomy of Subcarpathian Rus within Czechoslovakia, which violated international treaties and Czechoslovak Constitution.

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6

Bowman, Ann O’M, and James H. McKenzie. "Managing a Pandemic at a Less Than Global Scale: Governors Take the Lead." American Review of Public Administration 50, no. 6-7 (July 15, 2020): 551–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074020941700.

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This article explores the roles played by state governments, and particularly governors, in dealing with an extremely disruptive event—the coronavirus global pandemic. The inquiry focuses on March and April 2020, a period characterized by significant public health challenges and severe economic stress. The coronavirus pandemic did not affect states at the same time or with the same intensity and as a consequence, governors varied somewhat in terms of when they acted and which policies they adopted. As shown in the article, gubernatorial interactions with other states were at times cooperative, in other instances they were competitive. Two states—Texas and Pennsylvania—are singled out for an examination of within-state dynamics. The article ends with brief reflections on the lessons of the coronavirus for public sector management in a federal system of government.

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7

Jones, Helen. "Anthony Brundage, England's ‘Prussian Minister’: Edwin Chadwick and the Politics of Government Growth, 1832–1854, Pennsylvania State University Press, London, 1988. 208 pp. £20·25." Journal of Social Policy 20, no. 2 (April 1991): 288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940001881x.

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8

Pink-Harper, Stephanie A. "Does County Form of Government Impact Economic Growth and Development Trends? The Case of Four States." American Review of Public Administration 48, no. 3 (December 26, 2016): 245–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074016682314.

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Counties have expanded the scope of their activities in the economic development process. However, limited research exists of the factors that influence economic growth and development trends of these unique communities. The primary focus of this case study analysis is to determine whether form of government has an impact on county economic growth and development trends while controlling for environmental context and demographic characteristics in Alabama, Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Washington. To empirically test the impact that county form of government and environmental factors have on local economic growth and development trends, ordinary least squares regression is used. The results of this study show that form of government has only a marginal impact on county economic growth and development trends. County environmental factors are found to have a more substantive impact on the economic growth and development trends of counties across these four states.

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9

Newbould, Ian D. C. "Anthony Brundage. England's “Prussian Minister”: Edwin Chadwick and the Politics of Government Growth, 1832–1854. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. 1988. Pp. vii, 208. $22.50." Albion 22, no. 3 (1990): 527–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051217.

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10

Roy, Mark A. "U.S. Loyalty Program for Certain un Employees Declared Unconstitutional." American Journal of International Law 80, no. 4 (October 1986): 984–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202087.

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On April 8,1986, the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania held, in the case of Hinton v. Devine (Civ. No. 84-1130), that Executive Order No. 10422 of January 9, 1953, as amended, under which the International Organizations Employees Loyalty Program had been instituted, was unconstitutional in that it violated the First Amendment rights of American citizens. The district court also enjoined the United States Government “from publishing, communicating, or advising any third parties, including any international organizations, as to the loyalty of William H. Hinton or any other United States citizen.”

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11

Durey, Michael. "Anthony Brundage, England's “Prussian Minister”: Edwin Chadwick and the politics of government growth, 1832–1854, University Park and London, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. 208, £18.00." Medical History 34, no. 1 (January 1990): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300050456.

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12

Fallon, Stephen M. "Milton's Day Job - Robert Thomas Fallon: Milton in Government. (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993. Pp. xvi, 288. $42.50.)." Review of Politics 57, no. 2 (1995): 354–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500026991.

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13

Porter, Dorothy E. "Anthony Brundage. England's ‘Prussian Minister”: Edwin Chadwick and the Politics of Government Growth, 1832–1854. University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1988. Pp. 208, ISBN 0-271-00629-3 £20.25, $22.50." British Journal for the History of Science 24, no. 1 (March 1991): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400028557.

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14

Schnepel, Ellen M. "East Indians in the Caribbean." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 73, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1999): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002579.

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[First paragraph]Transients to Settlers: The Experience of Indians in Jamaica 1845-J950. VERENE SHEPHERD. Leeds, U.K.: Peepal Tree Books, 1993. 281 pp. (Paper £12.95)Survivors of Another Crossing: A History of East Indians in Trinidad, 1880-1946. MARIANNE D. SOARES RAMESAR. St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago: U.W.I. School of Continuing Education, 1994. xiii + 190 pp. (Paper n.p.)Les Indes Antillaises: Presence et situation des communautes indiennes en milieu caribeen. ROGER TOUMSON (ed.). Paris: L'Harmattan, 1994. 264 pp. (Paper 140.00 FF)Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora. PETER VAN DER VEER (ed.). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995. vi + 256 pp. (Cloth US$ 39.95, Paper US$ 17.95)In the decade since 1988, Caribbean nations with Indian communities have commemorated the 150th anniversary of the arrival of East Indians to the West Indies. These celebrations are part of local revitalization movements of Indian culture and identity stretching from the French departement of Guadeloupe in the Windward Islands to Trinidad and Guyana in the south. Political changes have mirrored the cultural revival in the region. While the debate so often in the past centered on the legitimacy of East Indian claims to local nationality in these societies where African or Creole cultures dominate, in the 1990s leaders of Indian descent were elected heads of government in the two Caribbean nations with the most populous East Indian communities: Cheddi Jagan as President of Guyana in October 1992 (after a 28-year hiatus) and Basdeo Panday as Prime Minister of Trinidad in November 1995. Both men have long been associated with their respective countries' struggles for economic, political, and social equality. Outside the region during the summer of 1997, fiftieth-anniversary celebrations marking the independence of India and Pakistan from Britain confirmed that Indo chic — or "Indofrenzy" as anthropologist Arjun Appadurai calls it (Sengupta 1997:13) - has captured the American imagination with the new popularity of literature, art, and film emanating from India and its diaspora.

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15

Buenker, John D. "Restoring Government and Politics to the History of a Midwestern City - Eric J Morser. Hinterland Dreams: The Political Economy of a Midwestern City. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011. xvi + 266 pp. $35.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8122-4276-8." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 11, no. 4 (October 2012): 625–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781412000461.

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16

Stein, Janice Gross. "From Pablo to Osama: Trafficking and Terrorist Networks, Government Bureaucracies, and Competitive Adaptation. By Michael Kenney. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. 293p. $45.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 3 (August 19, 2009): 715–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709990156.

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17

Thomas, Connie. ""If they send him off, I think I shall not long be safe myself": Contesting Early American Citizenship in the Longchamps Affair, 1784–1786." Journal of the Early Republic 43, no. 3 (September 2023): 399–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2023.a905095.

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Abstract: Through the little known Longchamps Affair, this article explores the interaction between state and national, and popular and legal, conceptions of American citizenship during the founding era. In 1784, French migrant Charles Julien de Longchamps attacked a French diplomat on the streets of Philadelphia, sparking a national debate on what it meant to be an American citizen. While the French government demanded his expatriation, in an unexpected turn of events, Longchamps alleged that he had been naturalised as a citizen of Pennsylvania the day before the attack, and consequently had the right to stand trial in the United States. The affair became a national referendum on the nature of American citizenship. Officials employed a state-centric, legal vision of membership inherited from the colonial period to argue that Longchamps was not an American citizen and advocate for his removal. These claims were disputed in newspaper coverage across the United States, which instead contended that Longchamps' commitment to revolutionary values proved his citizenship, invoking a broader national community. The public perceived Longchamps' fate as inherently tied to their own, demonstrating that a shared sense of belonging across the United States was equally as important as state membership in shaping how citizenship was understood in real terms. The Longchamps Affair provides a window into the ambiguous and contested nature of membership during the founding decades, both in determining what constituted American citizenship, and how the rights conferred by citizenship differed for native-born Americans and naturalized migrants.

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18

BARTON, MICHAEL. "TWENTIETH-CENTURY PENNSYLVANIA POLITICS." Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 74, no. 2 (2007): 224–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27778773.

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BARTON, MICHAEL. "TWENTIETH-CENTURY PENNSYLVANIA POLITICS." Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 74, no. 2 (2007): 224–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/pennhistory.74.2.0224.

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BENJAMIN DANSON. "Renewal, Reinvention, and Reform in Pennsylvania Politics." Pennsylvania Legacies 11, no. 2 (2011): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5215/pennlega.11.2.0034.

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Egler, Peter J. "An Introduction to Pennsylvania Legal Research for Academic Librarians and Researchers." Pennsylvania Libraries: Research & Practice 10, no. 2 (December 9, 2022): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/palrap.2022.273.

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This article reviews electronic Pennsylvania legal research resources available to academic librarians and researchers, the structure of the Pennsylvania state government, and the types of information published by each branch of the government. The executive branch publishes the Pennsylvania Bulletin (the state’s administrative register) and the Pennsylvania Code (the state’s administrative code). The laws passed by the Pennsylvania state legislature are codified in two separate statutory codes: Pennsylvania Consolidated Statutes and Pennsylvania Statutes. The legislature also publishes legislative history for statutes that can help to determine the intent of the legislature when the law was passed. The Pennsylvania courts consist of trial courts, two intermediate appellate courts, and a supreme court. All levels of courts publish case decisions and rules to govern court procedure. Citators help to determine whether a case decision is still valid.

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22

Platt, Jennifer. "Book Review: Sociology in Government: The Galpin-Taylor Years in the U.S. Department of Agriculture 1919-1953, by Olaf F. Larson and Julie N. Zimmerman. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003. 341 pp. $49.95 (cloth). ISBN: 0-271-02298-1." Critical Sociology 31, no. 1-2 (January 2005): 297–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569163053084397.

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23

Izak, Krzysztof. "Twentieth anniversary of September 11. The plot, the events and the aftermath of the terrorist attack on the USA." Przegląd Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego 13, no. 25 (2021): 341–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20801335pbw.21.033.14310.

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world, was carried out by 19 people. Among them were 15 Saudis, two UAE nationals, a Lebanese and an Egyptian. Three of the four formed the Hamburg cell, which was the backbone of the entire plot. It was led by the Egyptian Muhammad Atta el-Sayed. He flew Boeing 767 aircraft American Airlines Flight 11, which first struck the North Tower of the WTC. Marwan al-Shehhi was the pilot of Boeing 767 aircraft United Airlines Flight 175, which crashed into the South Tower of the WTC. Hani Hanjour sat at the controls of the Boeing 757 aircraft American Airlines flight 77. It was the third machine to target the Pentagon. The pilot of the fourth plane - Boeing 757 aircraft United Airlines Flight 93 - Ziad Jarrah failed to reach his destination, possibly the Capitol, because the passengers decided to take over the control of the plane from the terrorists. The machine crashed in Pennsylvania. In the events of 9/11, a total of 2,996 people were killed, including 19 terrorists, and 6,291 were injured . Six Poles were among the fatalities. 343 firefighters died in the rescue operation. The attacks caused enormous material losses. Particularly high costs were incurred by insurance and reinsurance companies, airlines and aircraft manufacturers, as well as the tourism industry. The huge losses related to the destruction of the New York City World Trade Center and the disruption of the financial system had to be covered by insurance companies involved in the operations on the American market. The terrorist attack on the USA was the impetus for the largest reform of the American secret services since 1947. Washington made a decision regarding the need to create a system that would effectively counteract terrorist threats and effectively warn in the event of their occurrence. This was related to the strengthening of structures with operational and reconnaissance powers, increasing the scope of their tasks and improving their ability to coordinate. Most of the legal regulations were expressed in the document commonly known as the USA Patriot Act of 26 October 2001. The most critical, however, were the international repercussions. By the attacks on the WTC and the Pentagon, al-Qaeda influenced world politics by prompting Washington to declare a “war on terror”. Within its framework, American forces, supporting the so-called Northern Alliance led to the collapse of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, and then entered Iraq, which in the long run turned out to be one of the most spectacular and deadly strategic mistakes in the history of the military. At the same time the September 11 attacks sparked many conspiracy theories. Their propagation in the media, in documentaries, as well as in articles, contributed to undermining trust in the American government. An organization called Architects and Engineers for 9/11 Truth which boasts 3.3 thousand architects and engineers from all over the United States, is still very active in researching the case of 7 WTC. Its mission is to establish the truth that the twin towers did not collapse due to the impact of terrorist-piloted planes, as well as the destruction of WTC 7 was not a result of the detachment of a fragment of the second plane. In the opinion of members of this organisation, the damage caused by the planes was far from sufficient to lead to such a catastrophe. They believe someone must have planted explosives.

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24

Van Dijk, Sara. "Courtly splendour Fashioning men and women." Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 29 (December 31, 2022): 216–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/virtus.29.216-221.

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Review of: Erin Griffey (ed.), Sartorial politics in early modern Europe. Fashioning women (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2019, 336 p., ill., index); and: Timothy McCall, Brilliant bodies. Fashioning courtly men in early Renaissance Italy (Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2022, 221 p., ill., index)

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25

Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray, and Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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Dougan, Michael B., Diane D. Blair, and Jay Barth. "Arkansas Politics and Government." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2006): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40028075.

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33

Marbach, James R. "A Resource Guide to the Study of Contemporary Pennsylvnia Politics and Government." Commonwealth 10, no. 1 (October 20, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.15367/com.v10i1.528.

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This resource guide is designed to guide and assist individuals researching contemporary Pennsylvania government and politics. It describes many of the primary and secondary sources available, as well as some of the more significant Internet sites. In addition to sections on the various branches of Pennsylvania government, this resource guide also reviews the information about campaigns and elections, the media, local government, and research centers in the Commonwealth.

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Jenkins, Nicholas R., Michelangelo Landgrave, and Gabriel E. Martinez. "Do political donors have greater access to government officials? Evidence from a FOIA field experiment with US municipalities." Journal of Behavioral Public Administration 3, no. 2 (July 12, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.30636/jbpa.32.111.

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Whether political donors have greater access to government officials is a perennial question in politics. Using a freedom of information act (FOIA) compliance field experiment with US municipalities in California, Texas, Florida, New York, and Pennsylvania, we fail to find evidence that political donors have greater access to government officials compared to engaged citizens. We contribute to the lobbying literature by testing for preferential treatment towards political donors in municipal government. Consistent with the extant FOIA literature, we do find that a formal FOIA request increases compliance rates and decreases wait time before an initial reply. This is an important contribution because, although many polities have FOIA laws, it cannot be taken for granted that FOIA laws will lead to transparency in practice. Testing the effectiveness of FOIA laws in the US is particularly important because state laws vary substantially.

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35

"Book Reviews." Journal of Economic Literature 51, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 552–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.51.2.544.r4.

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Pravin Krishna of Johns Hopkins University reviews, “Votes, Vetoes, and the Political Economy of International Trade Agreements” by Edward D. Mansfield and Helen V. Milner. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Explores the role of domestic politics in governments' decisions to enter trade pacts. Discusses a political economy theory of international trade agreements; systemic influences on preferential trade agreement formation; regime type, veto players, and preferential trade agreement formation; and auxiliary hypotheses about domestic politics and trade agreements. Mansfield is Hum Rosen Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania. Milner is B. C. Forbes Professor of Public Affairs at Princeton University.”

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Forsyth, Ann. "Active Living and the Politics of Implementation: A Review Article." Political Science Quarterly, July 13, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqad070.

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Abstract Drawing on five case studies, Lawrence D. Brown's Political Exercise: Active Living, Public Policy, and the Built Environment (2022) examines the complex path to fruition of comprehensive policy approaches. The health-promotion approach called active living, or modifying the built environment to encourage physical exercise in everyday life, experienced a peak of interest in parts of two decades. Looking at five very different places (Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania; Louisville, Kentucky; Albuquerque, New Mexico; Sacramento, California; and New York, New York), Brown explores how difficult it is to implement active living in practice. Brown argues that active living is perceived by many to be a good thing. However, few organizations or parts of government see it as their main focus. It requires substantial collaborative work, which is typically difficult. Implementing active living requires strategies beyond the typical public health toolkit, including those from urban planning. Brown introduces the term implementation sensitivity to explain policies that are susceptible to dissonance between policy aims and political realities. Obstacles faced by policy proponents include local particularities that make it hard to transfer or scale up solutions, intersectoral pluralism or multiple lines of authority, and the need for effective champions. The path from policy to implementation is not linear but iterative.

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Medeiros da Silva, Edgardo. "“Recognition of Cuban Independence”: Henry Adams and Empire Building." Left History: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Historical Inquiry and Debate 25, no. 1 (November 17, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1913-9632.39654.

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Drawing on the correspondence of Henry Adams (1838-1918), one of the keenest observers and commentators on US politics throughout the second half of the nineteenth-century, this paper examines a report he prepared on behalf of Senator James Donald Cameron (1833-1918) of Pennsylvania, a member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, entitled “Recognition of Cuban Independence” (1896), to try and justify the right of intervention of the United States in the cause of Cuban independence. Centered on two major arguments, national interest and the existence of a government already in place on the island of Cuba, the document in question, which hitherto has not been subject to any major scholarly examination, embodies many of the principles Adams felt should have guided American foreign policy at the time, bringing to light the extent to which he was a firm believer in the “manifest destiny” of the United States to help Latin American colonies break away from their European rulers within the framework of the Monroe Doctrine.

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Sharma, Yasoda, and John Vafeas. "Services Responding to Domestic Violence Survivors’ Needs: A Study of Pennsylvania Providers’ Perspective." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 22, no. 3 (April 25, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v22i3.1607.

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This research examined domestic violence services and programs provided in rural and urban Pennsylvania. It identified the potential gaps in services and assessed programs adequacies from the perspective of program leaders. The study examined the needs and characteristics of both agencies and their clients. In addition, barriers to effective delivery of domestic violence services in Pennsylvania was examined. A Structured questionnaire was used as a primary method of data collection and explored answers for research question on the challenges and opportunities Domestic Violence agencies’ leaderships experiences in providing services. Sampling frame included 60 service providers from Pennsylvania, of which 45 agencies serving the survivors of Domestic Violence participated. Funding for this research was provided by a University grant and the partnership with Pennsylvania Coalition Against Domestic Violence provided technical assistance and access to agencies. The agency leaders who agreed to participate were contacted and both in person and telephonic interviews were conducted. The interview lasted for about 45 -60 minutes. The study found that there is a wide consensus among leaders that transportation and transitional housing services are inadequate in their program service areas while services like crisis hotline, general advocacy and case management are exceptional. Over 50% of the agencies did not comment on the adequacies of the services such as Job Coaching, Immigrations services, Divorce/Custody representation, and Criminal Court representation. The results have several policy implications regarding federal and state government programs, specifically considerations to fund transportation, transitional housing and legal advocacy services.

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Sharma, Yasoda, and John Vafeas. "Services Responding to Domestic Violence Survivors’ Needs: A Study of Pennsylvania Providers’ Perspective." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 22, no. 3 (April 25, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v22i3.1607.

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This research examined domestic violence services and programs provided in rural and urban Pennsylvania. It identified the potential gaps in services and assessed programs adequacies from the perspective of program leaders. The study examined the needs and characteristics of both agencies and their clients. In addition, barriers to effective delivery of domestic violence services in Pennsylvania was examined. A Structured questionnaire was used as a primary method of data collection and explored answers for research question on the challenges and opportunities Domestic Violence agencies’ leaderships experiences in providing services. Sampling frame included 60 service providers from Pennsylvania, of which 45 agencies serving the survivors of Domestic Violence participated. Funding for this research was provided by a University grant and the partnership with Pennsylvania Coalition Against Domestic Violence provided technical assistance and access to agencies. The agency leaders who agreed to participate were contacted and both in person and telephonic interviews were conducted. The interview lasted for about 45 -60 minutes. The study found that there is a wide consensus among leaders that transportation and transitional housing services are inadequate in their program service areas while services like crisis hotline, general advocacy and case management are exceptional. Over 50% of the agencies did not comment on the adequacies of the services such as Job Coaching, Immigrations services, Divorce/Custody representation, and Criminal Court representation. The results have several policy implications regarding federal and state government programs, specifically considerations to fund transportation, transitional housing and legal advocacy services.

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Chizeck, Seth, Kelley Fong, Rebecca Goldstein, and Ariel R. White. "Political Underrepresentation Among Public Benefits Recipients: Evidence from Linked Administrative Data." Urban Affairs Review, August 16, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10780874231191703.

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People receiving government assistance have personal stakes in the political process and intimate knowledge of policy implementation. However, data limitations have made it hard to measure voting among those receiving assistance across various programs. Using linked administrative data from a large county in Pennsylvania, merged with the Pennsylvania voter file, we calculate voting rates among benefits recipients. We find that people receiving means-tested benefits (cash assistance, food assistance, health insurance, disability benefits, childcare, and housing) vote at just over half the rate of other county residents (45 percent compared with 84 percent in 2020). In the 2020 election, public benefits recipients comprised over 20 percent of the voting-eligible population but only 12 percent of voters. To the extent that benefits recipients are more supportive of generous welfare policy than nonrecipients and more familiar with administrative burdens programs impose, this underrepresentation may obscure popular preferences for social welfare provision and shape politicians’ attentiveness to program design.

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"anthony brundage. England's “Prussian Minister”: Edwin Chadwick and the Politics of Government Growth, 1832–1854. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. 1988. Pp. 208. $22.50." American Historical Review, October 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/95.4.1194.

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Koehm, Kristin, Joseph G. Rosen, Jesse L. Yedinak Gray, Jessica Tardif, Erin Thompson, and Ju Nyeong Park. "“Politics Versus Policy”: Qualitative Insights on Stigma and Overdose Prevention Center Policymaking in the United States." Substance Use & Addiction Journal, May 28, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/29767342241253663.

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Background: Federal, state, and municipal governments in the United States have been reluctant to authorize overdose prevention centers (OPCs), which are evidence-based approaches for preventing overdose deaths and blood-borne pathogen transmission. Methods: From July 2022 to February 2023, we explored how stigma manifests in OPC policymaking by conducting in-depth interviews with 17 advocates, legislators, service providers, and researchers involved with OPC advocacy and policymaking in Rhode Island, California, Pennsylvania, and New York. Results: We found that although jurisdictions differed in their OPC policymaking experiences, stigma manifested throughout the process, from planning to authorization. Participants described OPCs as a tool for destigmatizing overdose and substance use, yet confronted institutionalized stigma and discriminatory attitudes toward people who use drugs (PWUD) and harm reduction from multiple sources (eg, politicians, media, and members of the public). Opposition toward OPCs and harm reduction approaches more broadly intersected with public discourse on crime, homelessness, and public disorder. Employed stigma-mitigation strategies included humanizing PWUD, publicizing the benefits of OPCs to the wider community, and strategically engaging media. Conclusion: These findings illustrate the importance of understanding stigma at different stages of the policymaking process to better facilitate authorization and eventual implementation of OPCs in the United States.

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Pickard, Victor. "America’s Battle for Media Democracy: The Triumph of Corporate Libertarianism and the Future of Media Reform." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 12, no. 2 (November 19, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v12i2.651.

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This contribution is a recording of the CAMRI research seminar held at the University of Westminster on November 19, 2014, in which Victor Pickard presented his book "America’s Battle for Media Democracy: The Triumph of Corporate Libertarianism and the Future of Media Reform": http://www.cambridge.org/gb/academic/subjects/politics-international-relations/american-government-politics-and-policy/americas-battle-media-democracy-triumph-corporate-libertarianism-and-future-media-reformWhy do American media have so few public interest regulations? How did the American media system become dominated by a few corporations, and why are structural problems like market failures routinely avoided in media policy discourse? By tracing the answers to many of these questions back to media policy battles in the 1940s, Victor Pickard explains how this happened and why it matters today. Drawing from extensive archival research, the book uncovers the American media system’s historical roots and normative foundations. His book charts the rise and fall of a forgotten media reform movement to recover alternatives and paths not taken. As much about the present and future as it is about the past, the book proposes policies for remaking media based on democratic values for the digital age. Victor Pickard is an assistant professor at the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania. Previously he taught media studies at NYU and the University of Virginia, and he worked on media policy in Washington, D.C. as a Senior Research Fellow at the media reform organization Free Press, the public policy think tank the New America Foundation, and Congresswoman Diane Watson’s office. He has published numerous journal articles and book chapters on the history and political economy of media institutions and media reform activism. His op-eds on media policy debates and the future of journalism have appeared in news outlets like The Guardian, The Seattle Times, The Huffington Post, and The Philadelphia Inquirer. He is the editor (with Robert McChesney) of Will the Last Reporter Please Turn out the Lights, and the author of America’s Battle for Media Democracy. He tweets at @VWPickard.

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"D4. RALPH NADER, LETTER TO ANTI- DEFAMATION LEAGUE DIRECTOR ABRAHAM FOXMAN CONCERNING U.S. POLICY IN THE PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI CONFLICT, WASHINGTON, DC, 5 AUGUST 2004." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 1 (2004): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.34.1.171.

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In a 28 June 2004 talk on the Muslim vote in the 2004 elections, Ralph Nader stated, ““It is time for the U.S. government to stand up and think for itself. What has been happening over the years is a predicable routine from the head of the Israeli government. The Israeli puppeteer travels to Washington. The Israeli puppeteer meets with the puppet in the White House, then moves down Pennsylvania Avenue and meets with the puppets in Congress, and then takes back billions of taxpayer dollars. It is time for the Washington puppet show to be replaced by the Washington peace show. In that, we will enhance the freedom and security of the Palestinian and Israeli people, peoples around the world, and the American people here and abroad.”” These remarks, delivered at the Rayburn House Office Building, elicited a letter from Abraham Foxman, National Director of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which stated, ““[T]here is a line between thoughtful, reasoned, constructive disagreements and offensive hyperbole. Indeed, one may disagree with America's Middle East approach, but to assert that U.S. policy in such a complex and volatile region is the product of wholesale manipulation by a foreign government fails to take into account important U.S. interests that are involved. Moreover, the image of the Jewish state as a ““puppeteer”” controlling the powerful U.S. Congress feeds into many age-old stereotypes which have no place in legitimate public discourse.”” The following is Nader's reply to Mr. Foxman. It is available online at www.votenader.com.

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Hafer, Joseph A. "Developing the Theory of Pragmatic Public Management through Classic Grounded Theory Methodology." Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, December 2, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muab050.

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Abstract Public administration scholars argue that further research is needed to understand ordinary day-to-day behaviors of the traditional government agency in the era of inter-organization collaboration and governance, including reconciling traditional bureaucratic management theories with modern-day cross-sector governance theories. I answered this call by utilizing classic grounded theory methodology to discover and theorize the latent patterns of behavior of such an agency—the Pennsylvania Bureau of Forestry—via the perspective of public managers. The primary source of data was unstructured interviews with 55 district and assistant district managers from the Bureau, and two interviews with executive directors of statewide nonprofits that frequently engage with the districts. Following the systematic processes of classic grounded theory methodology, I developed a theory called the Theory of Pragmatic Public Management that consists of the core category of Mission-driven Management, its four sub-core categories (Balancing, Advocating Value, Adapting to Uncertainty, and Prudent Collaboration), and two contextual conditions in the form of organization dynamics that impact the system (Organizational Capacity and Organizational Discretion). The theory is a modifiable and transferable theory that entwines traditional intra-organization management and inter-organization collaborative public management behaviors and relies on pragmatist thought for additional conceptual integration. It informs existing public management research that focuses on the day-to-day behaviors of public managers and offers practical insights on public management in the contemporary era of governance.

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Battle, Andy. "On the Auction Block: The Garment Industry and the Deindustrialization of New York City." International Labor and Working-Class History, October 20, 2022, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547922000059.

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Abstract Several important studies of New York City's fiscal crisis of the 1970s identify the city's deindustrialization as a key component. The flight of manufacturers from New York fostered a racialized unemployment crisis while eroding the city's tax base, undermining its ability to meet increasing demands for social services, creating incentives for policymakers to focus on real estate development as the motor of the city's political economy, and weakening the institutions, especially labor unions, that had served as bulwarks of the city's unique (by American standards) brand of municipal social democracy. This article explores the roots of deindustrialization in one of New York City's most important industries, the manufacture of clothing. Capital flight, in the form of “runaway shops,” began as early as the teens, when the International Ladies' Garment Workers Union (ILG) established itself through a series of key battles. The handmaiden to runaway shops was the reemergence of contracting, whereby the assembly of garments was disaggregated in terms of time, space, and legal identity. The twin forces of contracting and runaways threatened the existence of the ILG by draining garment work out of its New York City stronghold. I trace efforts to combat it through their culmination in what I call the “New Deal settlement,” a stabilization of the industry across what contemporary analysts called the “New York Production Area.” This settlement, I argue, was at once geographical, political, cultural, and economic. Its goal was to limit competition and establish a new equilibrium in the garment industry, one that could permit manufacturers acceptable profits without resort to the sweatshop. I borrow the notion of a “regulating capital” from the economist Anwar Shaikh to describe these attempts to engineer a reproducible cost structure. As soon as the New Deal settlement emerged, manufacturers began working to collapse it. I trace the dispersion of garment work to places like northeastern Pennsylvania, where manufacturers enlisted the wives and daughters of unemployed anthracite miners to sew their garments. Factory owners, sometimes linked to organized crime, sought to establish a new regulating capital rooted in relationships of domination, protected by authoritarian local governments. When imported garments arrived in the 1950s, a new regulating capital rooted in a worldwide sweatshop economy forced manufacturers to leave Pennsylvania for the US South, the Caribbean, and beyond. In an attempt to link political economy with social history, I stress that the currency of regulating capitals, particularly in labor-intensive industries, is political domination. Throughout, I illustrate these processes with reference to Judy Bond, the blousemaker whose departure for the US South prompted a widely publicized but unsuccessful national boycott led by the ILG. In terms of the historiography of New York City's deindustrialization, this account offers an alternative emphasis to that of Robert Fitch, whose influential account emphasized “a conscious policy” to deindustrialize the city, overseen by the real estate industry. Instead, I show how deindustrialization was rooted in significant ways in the dynamics of competition themselves, shaped at each stage by particular social relationships, state policy, and world politics.

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Arapis, Theodore, and Vaswati Chatterjee. "Saving for Natural Disasters: Evidence From Pennsylvania Local Governments." State and Local Government Review, December 29, 2022, 0160323X2211459. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x221145920.

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For all governments—federal, state, or local—natural disasters impose significant costs. Among the three, local governments typically respond first using their own resources. Thus, a proactive fiscal mechanism providing resources for initiating disaster response (e.g., emergency debris removal, medical services, rescue) appears necessary, especially for governments vulnerable to disasters. This study explores the role of natural disasters on fiscal savings strategy using data collected by Pennsylvania municipal executives via our Pandemic Management Survey. Following our findings, Pennsylvania local governments appear to weigh both their experiences and preparedness level to face a disaster. While more disaster experiences motivated fiscal savings accumulation, lower savings were retained among prepared governments. As such, disaster learning and adaptation not only could limit loss of life and property, but also lead to an efficient fiscal savings strategy.

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Duda Holoviak, Paula A. "Local Government Mandates in Pennsylvania." Commonwealth 17, no. 1 (January 1, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.15367/com.v17i1.449.

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Although the issue of state mandates has been off the agenda in recent years, the fiscal constraints imposed by the “new normal” for state and local governments has brought the issue to the foreground once again at the state level. This article examines the impact of state mandates as perceived by local governments in Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania, as a Commonwealth, has a unique relationship with its many forms of local government, which results in policymaking by bargaining as well as by statute. This article is the result of a comprehensive 2010 survey of the types of state mandates and their impact and cost to local governments in Pennsylvania. This article focuses upon the different responses to state mandates generated by the varied types of local government in Pennsylvania. In particular, it focuses upon resource and administrative constraints for rural as opposed to urban municipalities.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 2 (June 1996): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693564.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693595.

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