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Journal articles on the topic 'People's Action Party (Singapore)'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Osman, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed, and Prashant Waikar. "The People’s Action Party and the Singapore Presidency in 2017." Asian Survey 59, no. 2 (2019): 382–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.2.382.

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While the Singapore government has sought to construct the elected presidency as an institution critical to Singapore’s political system, the result in fact forces the institution to contradict itself. This paradox has important implications for politics in a post–Lee Hsien Loong Singapore.
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2

Beng Huat, Chua. "Political Culturalism, Representation and the People's Action Party of Singapore." Democratization 14, no. 5 (2007): 911–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340701635720.

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3

Tan, Kenneth Paul. "Singapore in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (2012): 220–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.220.

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Abstract In 2011, Singaporeans voted in parliamentary and presidential elections. The social networking media, dominated by alternative reporting and commentary, played a significant role in generating political interest and mobilizing oppositional thinking and support. Faced with a stronger oppositional presence and a politically emboldened electorate, the People's Action Party government won the elections but achieved its worst results ever.
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Vasu, Norman, and Damien D. Cheong. "Immigration and the National Narrative: Rethinking Corporatism in Singapore." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (2014): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v31i1.4321.

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This article argues that the corporatist narrative of governance in Singapore is losing narrative rationality due primarily to large-scale immigration to Singapore. The real or perceived threat from such immigrants has galvanized Singaporeans
 from different ethnic groups such that a strong Singaporean identity has emerged. As a result, the once strict artificial differences required for the corporatist narrative to be believable, that is, its narrative rationality, are being gradually eroded. The People's Action Party (PAP) will have to either repair the narrative rationality of corporat
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5

Tan, Netina. "Minimal Factionalism in Singapore’s People’s Action Party." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (2020): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420932684.

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Singapore’s People’s Action Party (PAP) is one of the longest ruling parties in the world. The PAP’s ability to avoid overt factionalism over the years is exceptional, especially compared to the region’s personalistic or cadre parties. In recent years, the defection of former PAP cadre Dr. Tan Cheng Bock and the formation of the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) and PM Lee Hsien Loong’s family rivalry, which involved PAP elites, have challenged the cohesion of the PAP. This study examines a set of incentives and constraints institutionalised at the party and national levels to foster elite cohesi
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Beng-Huat, Chua. "Pragmatism of the People's Action Party Government in Singapore: A Critical Assessment." Asian Journal of Social Science 13, no. 1 (1985): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/080382485x00138.

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7

Oliver, Steven, and Kai Ostwald. "EXPLAINING ELECTIONS IN SINGAPORE: DOMINANT PARTY RESILIENCE AND VALENCE POLITICS." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (2018): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.15.

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AbstractThe People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore is one of the world's longest ruling dominant parties, having won every general election since the country's independence in 1965. Why do Singaporeans consistently vote for the PAP, contrary to the expectations of democratization theories? We argue that valence considerations—specifically, perceptions of party credibility—are the main factor in the voting behavior of Singapore's electorate, and are critical to explaining the PAP's resilience. Furthermore, we argue that the primacy of valence politics arose in part by design, as the PAP has u
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Rerceretnam, Marc. "The 1987 ISA Arrests and International Civil Society: Responses to Political Repression in Singapore." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (2006): 8–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v23i1.690.

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The penalizing of prominent opposition figures via the Singaporean legal system has made many weary of confronting the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) government on their own turf. Unwilling to take up this challenge, some Singaporeans appear more willing to push for change overseas – beyond the clutches of the PAP government. This article will trace the development of political dissent from abroad and how such actions played a formidable role during the so-called 'Marxist' conspiracy arrests in 1987 and how such alternative political viewpoints will continue to play a large role in shaping
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9

Er, Lam Peng. "Singapore in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.149.

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In July 2020, Singapore went to the polls amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Though the People’s Action Party remained the perennial party-in-power, the opposition Workers’ Party made modest electoral gains. The rise of the Workers’ Party may usher in a one-and-a-half-party system in the city-state within the next decade or two.
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Tan, Kenneth Paul. "Singapore in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (2016): 108–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.108.

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In 2015, Singaporeans voted in parliamentary elections. The incumbent People’s Action Party won a landslide victory, in contrast with its performance in the 2011 elections, which had been the worst since Singapore gained independence. The party successfully reinvented itself as a more left-leaning and responsive party in government. Its public image improved by its association with Lee Kuan Yew, who passed away in this jubilee year.
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11

Huat, Chua Beng. "Singapore in 2006: An Irritating and Irritated ASEAN Neighbor." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (2007): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.206.

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In the 2006 general election, the People's Action Party won 82 out of 84 parliamentary seats. The purchase by the government investment company Temasek Holdings of the Shin Corporation contributed to the coup that sent Thai Prime Minister Thaksin into exile. Lee Kuan Yew's remark on the marginalization of ethnic Chinese in neighboring countries caused offense, particularly in Malaysia.
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12

Cahayani, Ica, Sheila Shafira Mahsyar, and Oddie Bagus Saputra. "Societal Interest in The Policy Making Process: Study of Singapore’s Political Institutions Under Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 16, no. 1 (2023): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v16i1.37716.

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This study will discuss the mainstreaming of public interest in economic policy making under the government of Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP). Policy making, especially in making political-economic policies, is very unified and interesting, namely the public choice method, where the government or policy-making actors collect ideas that are used as national and international political economy policies based on the interests of the community through interaction with the political institutions of the People’s Action Party as a party that has been in powe
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13

Lim, C. L. "THE SINGAPORE CONSTITUTION AND ITS CRITICS." Denning Law Journal 17, no. 1 (2012): 63–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v17i1.304.

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The latest book about governance in Singapore takes a different tack from recent works in the area; Professor Ho Khai Leong’s The Politics of Policy-Making in Singapore and, more recently, Professor Mauzy’s and Professor Milne’s impressive Singapore Politics under the People’s Action Party. Even should the scholars themselves have rather different views, these latter scholarly works describe the workings of Government in Singapore through a keen and informed engagement with Singapore’s current policies and institutional aspirations. Despite claiming close knowledge of the inner workings of Gov
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14

S.T. Quah, Jon. "Curbing police corruption in Singapore: lessons for other Asian countries." Asian Education and Development Studies 3, no. 3 (2014): 186–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2014-0029.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explain why Singapore has succeeded in curbing the problem of police corruption and to identify the six lessons which other Asian countries can learn from Singapore's experience. Design/methodology/approach – The paper analyzes the causes of police corruption in Singapore during the British colonial period and describes the measures adopted by the People's Action Party government after assuming office in June 1959 to curb police corruption. The effectiveness of these measures is assessed by referring to Singapore's perceived extent of corruption accord
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Zulkarnain. "Hegemoni Ideologi Penguasa Terhadap Guru Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan." Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi 19, no. 02 (2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jimd.v19i02.4975.

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This paper wishes to conduct a critical analysis of Citizenship Education in Singapore. Citizenship education as one of the national agenda in Singapore has an important position in providing citizenship understanding in order to prepare young citizens for the future of Singapore. Singapore's centralized education system and strict controls lead to highly vulnerable citizenship education politicization and ideologization of citizens through education. In fact, many studies show that the government under the People's Action party (PAP) is using authoritarian ways to defend and perpetuate its po
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Wu, Wen Xia. "The Research of the Construction and Management of Housing in Singapore." Advanced Materials Research 962-965 (June 2014): 2545–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.962-965.2545.

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Housing problem is an important issue, which not only affects social stability, but also is the cardinal task of the city. The public housing of Singapore made great success, achieved the objective of "Home Ownership for the People Scheme", strengthen the national identity of the people, promote racial harmony and social stability, and consolidate the foundations of the People's Action Party.
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17

Goh, Wei Hao. "Appropriating the Founder: Raffles and Modern Singapore." Southeast of Now: Directions in Contemporary and Modern Art in Asia 7, no. 1 (2023): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.56159/sen.2023.a890222.

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Abstract: Since 2015, many prominent protest movements around the world have called for the removal of memorials commemorating colonisers, including the Rhodes Must Fall campaign which rallied for the removal of statues commemorating the British coloniser Cecil Rhodes who is known for being one of the architects of the apartheid in South Africa. Singapore, instead, held the Singapore Bicentennial in 2019 to commemorate 200 years since the 'founding' of modern Singapore by the British. One figure who was featured prominently in this act of national remembering is Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781–1
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18

Izzuddin, Mustafa. "The Rebounding of the People’s Action Party of Singapore in 2015: An Electoral Analysis of Three Hotly Contested Constituencies." International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (2016): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01702009.

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The 2015 Singapore General Elections (GE) produced a puzzling outcome. Although it was predicted by analysts that the People’s Action Party (PAP) would rebound, the depth of victory by way of popular vote of 69.9 percent was confoundding. Given also that the Workers’ Party of Singapore (WP) was expected to retain Aljunied Group Representation Constituency (GRC) as well as the Single Member Constituency (SMC) of Hougang and Punggol East, it further flummoxed analysts when the WP lost Punggol East to the PAP, and WP had its margin of victory reduced in both Aljunied and Hougang. Epitomising PAP’
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Huat, Chua Beng. "Singapore in 2007: High Wage Ministers and the Management of Gays and Elderly." Asian Survey 48, no. 1 (2008): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2008.48.1.55.

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In 2007, the People's Action Party government raised top officials' salaries, already among the highest in the world. Cultural liberalization has finally encouraged the gay community to invoke a seldom used parliamentary process to petition Parliament to repeal the Victorian law that criminalizes homosexuality. The government began to deal with some issues for an impending aging population.
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Tan, Kenneth Paul. "Singapore in 2014." Asian Survey 55, no. 1 (2015): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.1.157.

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In the “new normal” following the 2011 general election, Singapore seems poised for further development toward liberal democracy. However, the ruling People’s Action Party is attempting to reinvent itself and regain its hegemonic position, which requires finding credible solutions for very challenging problems to do with policy, communication, and public image.
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Khiun, Liew Kai. "The Anchor and the Voice of 10,000 Waterfront Workers: Jamit Singh in the Singapore Story (1954–63)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 35, no. 3 (2004): 459–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463404000232.

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Jamit Singh's legacy as a charismatic trade unionist and political activist on Singapore's waterfront coincided with its changing political developments. He was instrumental in bringing about this change by transforming the dock workers into an effective political force. His subsequent banishment by the People's Action Party government brought an end to a colourful episode in the history of Singapore's harbour.
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22

ASTAFIEVA, Ekaterina M. "SINGAPORE'S POLITICAL DILEMMAS: LEADER OF 4G." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 184–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-184-192.

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The article discusses the steps taken by the ruling People's Action Party of Singapore to determine the new leader of the so-called 4G team, who in the future may lead the country as prime minister, replacing Lee Hsien Loong in this post. The importance of this problem lies in the fact that in 2018 the leader of 4G, Heng Swee Keet, was already elected, but in 2021 he refused this position. This was followed by a rotation of personnel in the Singapore Cabinet. The election of a new leader took almost a year, and in April 2022, Lawrence Wong was approved as Li Hsien Loong's successor.
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23

Zhu, Rui. "The Secrets of Continuous Governance by the People's Action Party in Singapore: A Focus on Parliamentary System Design." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 23, no. 1 (2023): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/23/20230348.

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Since Singapore's independence in 1965, the People's Action Party (PAP) has consistently maintained its position as the ruling party, securing an overwhelming majority of seats in the parliament. This paper seeks to explore the historical continuity and refinement process of the PAP's parliamentary system within the context of Singapore's parliamentary structure and discuss the impacts of these designs on the party's governance. By analyzing the PAP's contributions to the composition of the parliament and the design of the electoral system, this study reveals that the parliamentary system is a
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Akinwale, Olusegun Emmanuel, Uche C. Onokala, and Olayombo Elizabeth Akinwale. "Leadership and power dynamics in crisis management: implication for brain-drain behaviour – Singaporean government experience during Covid-19." LBS Journal of Management & Research 21, no. 1 (2023): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lbsjmr-05-2022-0009.

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PurposeThis study explored how the Singaporean government responded to the Covid-19 pandemic crisis from early January 2020 to the end of May of the same year. It evaluated the capability of Singapore's leadership management in a crisis during the peak and ravaging period of the Covid-19 pandemic.Design/methodology/approachThe study utilised a systematic design analysis approach, analysing Singaporean cases on the Covid-19 crisis using a systematic and narrative approach to underscore the country's response to the pandemic attack from January 2020 to May 2020.FindingsAgainst the backdrop of Si
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Cheng, Yinghong. "The Chinese Cultural Revolution and the Decline of the Left in Singapore." Journal of Chinese Overseas 7, no. 2 (2011): 211–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325411x595413.

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Abstract Represented by the Barisan party and mainly participated in by ethnic Chinese, the leftist movement in Singapore was the thrust behind the island’s independence (1965) and the major political opposition to the ruling PAP (People’s Action Party). But within several years after independence, the movement disappeared as the PAP’s one-party regime grew in strength. Based on the leftist publications of that period, this article argues that Maoist China’s influence, the Cultural Revolution in particular, significantly contributed to the decline of the movement. The radicalization and dissol
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Ong, Elvin. "Complementary Institutions in Authoritarian Regimes: The Everyday Politics of Constituency Service in Singapore." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 3 (2015): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800009115.

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Recent political science research has suggested that autocrats adopt a variety of institutions such as nominally democratic elections and ruling parties to buttress authoritarian durability. In this article I investigate the role of constituency service in an authoritarian regime. I argue that Singapore's Meet-the-People Sessions (MPS) is a complementary institution that can serve to mitigate the weaknesses of other authoritarian institutions, thereby entrenching authoritarianism, rather than serve as a form of democratic representation. First, it is a mechanism to gain valuable everyday infor
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Victoria, Ong Argo. "A MALAYSIA OF CITIZENS: ETHNICITY, MEMBERSHIP AND POLITICS OF MERGER." International Journal of Law Reconstruction 2, no. 2 (2018): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/ijlr.v2i2.3152.

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This paper examines the political history of the relationship between Malaysia and Singapore, focusing on the notion of citizenship and its ethnic, civic and political dimensions. It analyses the extent to which the merger of Singapore with Malaysia redefined the citizenship boundaries of the Malaysian national political identity. The incorporation of Singaporean citizens into the Malaysian political community was controversial, as it was closely related to electoral stakes. The ruling People’s Action Party and the Alliance Party attempted to delineate the political sphere of the population of
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Oliver, Steven, and Kai Ostwald. "Singapore's Pandemic Election: Opposition Parties and Valence Politics in GE2020." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 4 (2020): 759–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2020934759.

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Singapore's 2020 general election was held amidst the most serious public health and economic crises in the country's history. Despite expectations that these parallel crises would precipitate a flight to safety and result in a strong performance by the dominant People's Action Party (PAP), the ruling party received its third-lowest popular vote share (61.2 percent) and lowest-ever seat share (89.2 percent) since independence. This article engages explanations for the unexpected results and argues that the vote swing against the PAP was enabled by a hitherto largely overlooked factor: the 2020
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HOLDEN, PHILIP. "Spaces of Autonomy, Spaces of Hope: The place of the university in post-colonial Singapore." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (2018): 451–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000178.

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AbstractThis article explores the background to and consequences of the resignation of B. R. Sreenivasan as the vice-chancellor of the University of Singapore in October 1963, after a public clash with the People's Action Party state government, led by Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew. Sreenivasan's resignation has been the subject of radically different historical interpretations. It has been celebrated by some nationalist historians as part of a process of cultural decolonization, but criticized by others as precipitating a two-decades long erosion of academic freedom in Singapore. Careful attent
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Abdullah, Walid Jumblatt, and Soojin Kim. "Singapore’s Responses to the COVID-19 Outbreak: A Critical Assessment." American Review of Public Administration 50, no. 6-7 (2020): 770–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074020942454.

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This article reviews how Singapore has responded to the COVID-19 pandemic, from late-January to early May, 2020, through the three-phase approach to “learning”: in-between learning, trial-and-error learning, and contingency learning. Given its unique political system dominated by the People’s Action Party (PAP) and bureaucratic culture, the Singapore government has progressively implemented numerous control measures including strict travel bans, contact tracing, “Circuit Breaker,” compulsory mask-wearing, and social distancing policies, along with financial relief to businesses and workers, in
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Tam, Waikeung. "Political representation of racial minorities in the parliament of Singapore." Japanese Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (2019): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109919000094.

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AbstractThis research note studies the political representation of racial minorities in Singapore. Specifically, it analyzes whether racial minority members of parliament (MPs) are more likely than Chinese MPs to represent the interests of racial minorities in the Parliament. I answer this question through conducting content analyses of the parliamentary questions raised during the plenary meetings of the 10th–12th Parliament of Singapore (2002–2015). In total, 6,678 questions were asked. Our results show that racial minority MPs were significantly more likely (21.79 times) than Chinese MPs to
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Lim, Jason. "“A Tolerant Society Is the Way Forward”: Exposing Chinese Chauvinism in Singapore, 1959–1979." Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 15, no. 1 (2021): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-15010004.

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Abstract Official narratives in Singapore have included the crackdown by the ruling People’s Action Party (pap) government under Lee Kuan Yew against the Chinese chauvinists on the city-state’s road to nationhood. From 1959 to 1976, the Lee government believed that Chinese chauvinism came from three sources: a population that was majority ethnic Chinese in Singapore, pro-communist organizations that exploited Chinese chauvinism for their own ends, and individuals or organizations that praised the People’s Republic of China at the expense of Singapore. Using newspaper articles, speeches by gove
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Gomez, James. "Politics and Ethnicity: Framing Racial Discrimination in Singapore." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (2012): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v28i2.3431.

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Racial discrimination is a global phenomenon that the United Nations seeks to eradicate. In contemporary Singapore, research shows that the basis for racial discrimination is anchored in the role of ethnic identity and how it frames the formulation of policies related to education, employment, housing, immigration and politics. These policies have been formulated and implemented by the People's Action Party (PAP) government that has been in power for over 50 years. When confronted with its racially based policies, the PAP government insists that it follows a tolerant approach towards different
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Sim, Joshua Dao Wei. "Compliant Singaporean Christians? State-Centred Christian Responses to COVID-19 in a Single-Party Dominant State." Studies in World Christianity 26, no. 3 (2020): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2020.0308.

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Since the political suppression and decline of liberal Christianity in Singapore during the 1980s, Christian groups in the city-state have striven to maintain subordinate relations with the government by largely supporting and not challenging the major socio-economic policies and discourses of the dominant People's Action Party (PAP). The COVID-19 pandemic supplies us with a unique window of opportunity to understand how Singaporean Christian groups have been compliant actors to the state's policies, even during this health crisis. By evaluating the differing responses of various churches and
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Woodier, Jonathan. "Securing Singapore/Managing Perceptions: From Shooting the Messenger to Dodging the Question." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (2006): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v23i1.692.

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The citizens of Singapore have been in thrall to the governing People's Action Party (PAP) and its senior figure Lee Kuan Yew for almost 45 years. Served by a pliant media brought to heel by a combination of legislative and ownership controls, the PAP has been effective in limiting the space for debate while successfully conveying its own internal messaging aimed at securing the state and its own political longevity. It has done this by creating the image of a Singapore as a fortress Chinese-led stability and prosperity, ever under threat from more restive neighbours. But, in the face of the e
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LIM, JASON. "Popular Nationalism in the Wake of the 2011 National Elections in Singapore." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 2 (2015): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810991500002x.

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AbstractThis article is about the contestation of two different forms of nationalism in Singapore during and after two elections in 2011. Manufactured nationalism is top-down, state-defined and economically driven, concerned mainly about accumulation of national wealth through globalization that would eventually ‘trickle down’ to the masses. This view is promoted by the ruling People's Action Party (PAP). The PAP projects Singapore as a state born out of the party's triumph over colonialism, racial violence, and communist insurgency. Popular nationalism, on the other hand, is bottom-up and peo
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Tey, Tsun Hang. "Singapore's electoral system: government by the people?" Legal Studies 28, no. 4 (2008): 610–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.2008.00106.x.

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Singapore's Westminster parliamentary system of government was adopted as a historical result of it being a British colony. In its post-independence constitutional development, the dominant People's Action Party political leadership had made a series of constitutional amendments to its original electoral system, introducing innovative schemes such as Group Representation Constituencies, Non-Constituency Members of Parliament, Nominated Members of Parliament and the Elected Presidency. These changes have resulted in an electoral system that is so different and divergent from the Westminster mod
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Tam, Waikeung. "Women’s Political Representation in a Hybrid and Patriarchal Regime: Evidence from Singapore." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 4 (2019): 759–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz019.

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AbstractThis article investigates women’s political representation in a hybrid and patriarchal regime—Singapore. Specifically, it examines whether female legislators in Singapore put more emphasis on women’s rights and traditional women’s concerns than male legislators. We answer this question through conducting content analyses of the questions raised by legislators at the plenary meetings during the 10th–12th Parliaments of Singapore (2002–2015). Our results demonstrate that female legislators in Singapore were more likely to provide substantive representation on women’s interests than male
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Lee, Howard, and Terence Lee. "From contempt of court to fake news: public legitimisation and governance in mediated Singapore." Media International Australia 173, no. 1 (2019): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x19853074.

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Common perceptions and literature on media in Singapore suggest an authoritarian government that either silences or co-opts public media, using repressive laws that are passed unopposed, given the People’s Action Party (PAP) government’s super majority in Parliament. In practice, laws in Singapore are not simply crafted to maximise their effects in silencing political criticism but are also carefully debated – at times with the PAP’s strongest opponents – in public, to rationalise their implementation even before such laws are applied. In studying public discourse surrounding four recent piece
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CURLESS, GARETH. "THE TRIUMPH OF THE STATE: SINGAPORE'S DOCKWORKERS AND THE LIMITS OF GLOBAL HISTORY, c. 1920–1965." Historical Journal 60, no. 4 (2017): 1097–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000571.

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AbstractLabour history has been revitalized by the global turn. It has encouraged historians to look beyond national frameworks to explore issues relating to mobility and inter-territorial connection. This article, while accepting the benefits of a global approach, argues that historians should not lose sight of the factors that constrain mobility or lead to the collapse of cross-border exchanges. Singapore's dockworkers were at the forefront of the island's anti-colonial campaigns of the 1940s and 1950s. Inspired by anti-colonial movements elsewhere in the world, dockworkers drew on internati
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Rappa, Antonio L., and Anna Mui-eng Ng. "Special Assistance Plan (SAP) schools in Singapore: building Chinese elitism or settling on meritocracy, Singapore style?" BOHR International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 2, no. 1 (2023): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54646/bijsshr.2023.37.

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Since the People’s Action Party (PAP) came into power in 1959, there has been a series of tensions and tussles between the Chinese educated in their vernacular and the western-trained Chinese, whose own mother tongue is Chinese but who embrace western values such as liberty and western religion. The Special Assistance Plan (SAP) schools in Singapore – for example, Hwa Chong Institution and Catholic High School – were introduced in 1979 and remain the result of an elite education system built to ensure that there remains a core of Chinese-educated elites in Singapore who are educated at the fir
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MUSTAFA IZZUDDIN. "The Rebounding of the People’s Action Party of Singapore in 2015: An Electoral Analysis of Three Hotly Contested Constituencies." Asian International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (2016): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.16934/isr.17.2.201612.177.

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Quah, Jon S. T. "Singapore’s success in combating corruption: lessons for policy makers." Asian Education and Development Studies 6, no. 3 (2017): 263–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-03-2017-0030.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain Singapore’s success in combating corruption and to identify the lessons for policy makers concerned with enhancing the anti-corruption measures in their countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper provides a brief literature review and analysis of Singapore’s policy context before explaining Singapore’s success in combating corruption and identifying the lessons for policy makers to enhance the effectiveness of the anti-corruption measures in their countries. Findings Singapore’s success in combating corruption can be attributed to the polit
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Wee, Lionel. "The party’s over?" Language & Citizenship 14, no. 3 (2015): 455–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.3.07wee.

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This paper highlights the dynamic nature of the relationship between government and society, drawing on as a case study the changing relationship between the Singapore government and the citizenry. I discuss the conditions under which the People’s Action Party is under pressure to change its style of government,. Following on from this discussion, I make two key points. One, concepts such as habitus and act (Isin 2008) have been employed to elucidate the nature of citizenship. But they are also relevant to our understanding of government. Two, the distinction between act and habitus, at least
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Ho, Chiew-Siang Bryan. "Youth activism, state-contained participation and democratic legitimacy in Singapore." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 4 (2019): 495–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2018-0132.

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Purpose This research is concerned with youth activism in Singapore historically and the importance of legitimacy for understanding the further development of youth activism and Singapore’s democratization process. It takes into account issues pertaining to good governance, economic performance and democratic participation (legitimacy). The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach The research adopts a historical approach, qualitative in nature with some quantitative analysis based on documentary research, press reports and content analysis. Findings Historically youth act
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RAHIM, LILY ZUBAIDAH. "Reclaiming Singapore's ‘Growth with Equity’ Social Compact." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 2 (2015): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000043.

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AbstractSingapore's long-serving People's Action Party (PAP) government suffered from a major electoral setback in the 2011 general election and subsequent by-elections. The high-growth population policy, underpinned by the influx of migrants and foreign workers, has strongly fuelled the groundswell of public discontent and is commonly perceived to have contributed to widening income disparities, wage stagnation, and cost of living pressures. This article attempts to make sense of the PAP leadership's dogged commitment to the high-growth population policy despite the electoral backlashes and p
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Matijasevich, David. "Populist hangover: Lessons from Southeast Asia." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 3 (2018): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118811953.

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This article explores the concept of “populist hangover” in the context of Southeast Asia. Its intention is to provide analysts of populism with a series of lessons derived from the Southeast Asian experience. “Populist hangover” is the notion that, though democrats bemoan the arrival of the populist due to the use of popular support to dismantle effective democratic institutions, the departure of the populist does not return the polity to its previous institutional standard. The primary reason for this is the fact that populism’s emergence is both a cause and symptom of social/political exclu
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Goh, Daniel P. S. "Family Justice, “Asian Values” and the Politics of Ambivalence in Singapore." Asian Journal of Social Science 46, no. 4-5 (2018): 467–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04604005.

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Abstract In recent years, Singapore made significant reforms towards the establishment of a dedicated family justice system, setting up the Family Justice Courts and enacting new laws to better manage the divorce process and the protection of children. Related policy changes have also been implemented to provide and support families that were previously considered non-traditional and even deviant. Rhetorically, the state, led by the long-ruling People’s Action Party, continues to champion the modern nuclear family with heterosexual marriage at its core as the normal “traditional” form of the f
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Tan, Eugene Kb. "From Third World to First World: Law and Policy in Singapore’s Urban Transformation & Integration." Vietnamese Journal of Legal Sciences 2, no. 1 (2020): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjls-2020-0012.

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AbstractThe physical transformation of a colonial backwater city, Singapore, in one generation has been described as a feat of urban planning, renewal, and development. Less studied is the political will of the government to create a thriving city fit for purpose. Even less studied is the role of law that provides the powerful levers for the rapid and deep-seated changes to the urban landscape in Singapore. In this regard, the mindset shift that accompanied the massive urban transformation has facilitated a national psyche that embraces the material dimension of progress, for which urban renew
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Kawanaka, Takeshi. "Status Quo or Pluralism? Dominant Party Rule and People's Preferences in Singapore." Developing Economies 57, no. 4 (2019): 311–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/deve.12197.

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