Relevant bibliographies by topics / People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)"

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Oji, R. O., Okechukwu Innocent Eme, and Hyacinth A. Nwoba. "Political Party Funding in Nigeria : A Case of Peoples Democratic Party." Nigerian Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review 2, no. 11 (November 2014): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0011636.

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Innocent, Alfa Patrick, and Otaida Eikojonwa. "Candidate Selection and the Electoral Prospects of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) In Nigeria: 1999-2015." Review of Politics and Public Policy in Emerging Economies 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/rope.v1i2.1136.

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Objective: The essence of this article is to examine the centrality of candidate selection in the changes in the electoral fortunes of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015.Methodology: This paper is qualitative and conceptual in nature. The issues were analysed under various related themes. The data were gathered through the secondary method such as textbooks, journal articles, reports of election observer teams, party constitutions, workshop papers, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) documents, the Electoral Acts and the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The analysis of the information gathered helped to manifest the factors that were responsible for the electoral setbacks suffered by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which led to the triumph of the hitherto opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the 2015 general elections.Results: The paper discovered that interferences and manipulation in the candidate selection procedures in particular and gross disregard for internal party democracy in the Peoples' Democratic Party led to its electoral misfortunes in the 2015 elections.Implication: The paper avers that political parties are fundamental elements in any democratic setting, but for them to retain and boost their electoral chances they must adopt a transparent candidate selection process and adhere to the other tenets of internal party democracy.
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Katsina, Aliyu Mukhtar. "Peoples Democratic Party in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria." SAGE Open 6, no. 2 (April 20, 2016): 215824401665191. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244016651910.

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Sule, Babayo. "Effects of Money Politics on Party Primaries in Nigerian 2019 General Election: Reflections on All Progressives Congress (APC) and People's Democratic Party (PDP)." Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik 4, no. 2 (August 24, 2022): 261–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/politicon.v4i2.18574.

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Money politics has become an acceptable norm and a part of Nigerian political culture before and after the conduct of general elections since the resurgence of the democratic rule in the Fourth Republic (1999). The nature and dimension of money politics have taken a new picture in Nigerian politics during the party primaries in preparation for the 2019 General Election, particularly between the two major contending parties; the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who were involved in excessive use of money unprecedented in the history of Nigerian politics during the party primaries in September and October 2018. This work investigated the role of money in determining the outcome of party primaries in Nigeria in the ruling APC and the major opposition PDP and how it will affect the General Election in 2019. The research used a quantitative method of data collection and analysis. Both the primary and secondary sources were used during the conduct of the research. The data obtained were grouped in a thematic form where a simple tabular percentage was used for interpretations and results. The research discovered that there was an extraordinary deployment of money from the state-owned resources by politicians to arrest their campaign expenses and political ambition. In the process, vote-buying and excessive spending violated the electoral process and deprived the electorates of getting credible candidates in the parties' primaries. The research recommends that there is a need for a more aggressive and severe sanction on all politicians that are found in this evil act. The work also realized the serious need for massive public enlightenment on the evil of money politics.
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Osumah, Oarhe, and Augustine Ikelegbe. "The Peoples Democratic Party and Governance in Nigeria, 1999- 2007." Journal of Social Sciences 19, no. 3 (June 2009): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2009.11892708.

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Ihonvbere, Julius O. "The 1999 Presidential Elections in Nigeria: The Unresolved Issues." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503151.

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One can say with certainty that all the contradictions that had bedeviled previous democratic experiments in Nigeria were present and magnified in the February 27, 1999 election: divided loyalties, manipulation of primordial identities and loyalties, corruption and other election malpractices, lack of political discipline, and limited attention to serious structural questions.Why did Chief Olu Falae lose the election to General Olusegun Obasanjo? Several reasons can be advanced. First, Obasanjo’s People’s Democratic Party (PDP) clearly had more money. Obasanjo was able to donate N 130 million and several cars to his party.
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Azeez, Ademola. "Ethnicity, Party Politics and Democracy in Nigeria: Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as Agent of Consolidation?" Studies of Tribes and Tribals 7, no. 1 (July 2009): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0972639x.2009.11886588.

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Adefeso, Hammed A., and Tunde A. Abioro. "Fiscal Decentralisation and Economic Development in Nigeria: The Role of Democratic Institution." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n1p1.

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<p>It is a time series analysis that investigates on the role of democratic institution in the relationship between fiscal decentralisation and economic development in Nigeria. The trend analysis clearly showed that sub-national expenditure is higher than sub-national revenue in Nigeria. The federally allocated expenditures to sub-national is far more than its corresponding allocated revenue in Nigeria and this becomes manifest from the year 1999 when the nation returned to civil rule up till 2014 under the administration of a dominant political party known as the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Using multiple regression analysis, the empirical results revealed 1% increase in expenditure decentralisation and revenue decentralisation would retard economic performance by 11% and 21% respectively when democratic institution index is included as explanatory variable. The impact of democratic institution in the relationship between fiscal decentralisation and economic performance in Nigeria is however, weak, positive and statistically insignificant in Nigeria as 100% increase in expenditure decentralisation and revenue decentralisation only yield 4% and 5% economic performance respectively in Nigeria. This has resulted to a wide spread level of corruption in Nigeria among bureaucrats and politicians. The study therefore advocates for a strong government institution that will be transparent, accountable and also respect the rule of law for sustainability, effectiveness and timely service delivery.</p>
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Sambo, Usman, Abacha Umar Deribe, Babayo Sule, Umar Adamu, and Ahmad Musa. "The Implications of Party Leadership Crises on Nigerian Democracy: A Comparative Analysis of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Congress (APC)." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 3, no. 3 (July 31, 2022): 513–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v3i3.490.

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Political parties are the engine wheel and the machinery on which the vehicle of democracy thrives. Democracies require sound parties with focused leadership and a clear ideology for national development on the assumption of power. In Nigeria, the two dominant ruling parties of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which ruled for sixteen years and the All Progressives Congress (APC) which is currently in its fifth year of ruling are pre-occupied with internal leadership crises which collapsed the former and are threatening to tear the latter today. The inability of the country’s political leaders to establish parties with a dedicated and pragmatic party leadership is affecting the democratic governance in the country despite having the experience of the longest experiment in the history of the country. The research utilised both primary and secondary sources of data. The primary sources of data consist of an in-depth personal interview with some selected stakeholders in the subject matter of study and direct participant observation. The secondary sources are documented materials such as books, journals, internet sources and other related documents. A suitable framework; Game Theory was adopted to support the views presented in the work. The data obtained were discussed, analysed and interpreted using thematic content analysis and statistical modules. The work discovered that the leadership crises in the two dominant parties in Nigeria are affecting democratic delivery and good governance because of the power tussle. The work recommends among others that the parties must develop a culture of internal democracy and ideological focus with a frame for national interest and development.
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Thurston, Alexander. "The Politics of Technocracy in Fourth Republic Nigeria." African Studies Review 61, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.99.

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Abstract:The technocrat, a supposedly apolitical figure who joins government on the basis of technical expertise, looms large in discussions of governance. The empowerment of technocrats has sometimes been taken as a barometer for Africa’s economic and democratic progress. Rejecting this conventional wisdom, this article argues that technocrats are inevitably trapped in a web of politics—politicians leverage the apolitical image of technocrats for political gain, and public debates implicate technocrats as targets of protest. This article pursues this argument through a case study of Nigeria, where technocrats were both politicized and politicizing figures during the rule of the People’s Democratic Party between 1999 and 2015.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)"

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Sandve, Oyvind. "Ethnic militias in Nigeria and their impact on democratic consolidation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2441.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.
As the ethnic militias increased in strength after the transition to democracy, voices were raised whether they could pose a threat to the consolidation of democracy. In order to understand the problems that ethnic militias pose for the consolidation of democracy we try to show how they were established and how they have influenced the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. Further, we ask if the ethnic militias have outplayed their role in Nigerian society. The main results show that the ethnic militias arose because of necessity, in an environment where ethno-nationalism was prevalent because of a repressive state’s inability to take care of its own people. The violent activities of the ethnic militias was not good for democracy in the short run, but as a counterweight to the state the ethnic militias played an important role in what can be described as civil society taken up arms. This militarising of society seems to have forced the state to take the ethnic militias more seriously. Hence, it can be claimed that the ethnic militias served as a midwife to the current Nigerian transitional democracy. However, as the state recognised the ethnic militias as a part of the political realm, and not just violent groups, the legitimacy for the ethnic militias eroded. The Oodua People’s Congress (OPC), which was the most influential ethnic militias in Nigeria, has now changed its agenda, and has not gone back to being the socio-cultural organisation as they were formed as. There is an important role for the OPC and the Niger Delta ethnic militias as a counterweight to the state, but dialogue should be the main way of communication, as violence will only foster violence. It seems clear that the state needs to take the first step in order to make this happen. The conclusion is that ethnic militias have had, and still have an effect on the consolidation of democracy by holding the state responsible for its actions, and by punishing the state when it does not act according to its people’s wishes. It can be claimed that they forced out democracy by highlighting the flaws of the Nigerian state even if the way they operated, was not democratic. By highlighting corruption, lack of law enforcement and unnecessary use of force, they were able to bring down the authoritarian rule and make way for the transition to democracy. However, they do not seem to pose a threat to consolidation in the short term, rather they can have a positive effect, as they can act a counterweight to the ruling elite and other forces obstructing democracy. As we show, ethnic militias are and have been a part of civil society, and the focus of the future should be how to incorporate them into civil society, especially the Niger Delta ethnic militias as they are still active. Ethnic militias (except for some ones in the Niger Delta) were a brief phenomena in Nigerian history, and the focus should be on understanding the reason for them coming into being, in order to avoid it happening again. This thesis tries to give a holistic view of the Nigerian political situation. This thesis fills a gap in the literature concerning ethnic militias, by incorporating the most important factors into a framework. This makes it easier to make an accurate conclusion on how they have affected democracy, and questions the opinion that militias were only harmful to Nigerian development. It is the author’s opinion that this thesis will give scholars a more nuanced perspective of the ethnic militias, and lead to more accurate research in the future.
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Blasing, John Konuk. "The games behind the game : the process of democratic deepening and identity formation in Turkey as seen through football clubs." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3490.

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The history of football clubs in Turkey is entwined with the political and economic development of Turkey in the twentieth century. This thesis focuses on the history of soccer clubs and the close involvement of the sport with the formation of modern Turkish identity during the late Ottoman period, the early republican period, the multi-party period, and finally the Cold War era. As this study also argues, in addition to their role in identity formation, football clubs were the building blocks of associational life in Turkish democracy and thus represent a major force in the process of democratic deepening in the country. The thesis addresses both the complex political functions and uses of soccer clubs and their economic relationship to the development of Turkish business. Through the twentieth century, the politics behind soccer clubs evolved from an affirmation of national identity to a reassertion of local identity as a challenge to the centralized state system. Increased localization—as evidenced by the rising fortunes of soccer clubs and businesses from Central Anatolia, Turkey’s Muslim heartland—also indicates the increased Islamicization of Turkish society accompanying the advent of the AKP (Justice and Development Party). The changing character of Turkish society and the challenge to traditional secular elites by a rising class of Islamic businessmen from outside of the metropolitan areas—developing businesses concentrated mainly in Central Anatolia—are presented through an analysis of Parliamentary election results since 1962 along with the concurrent change in the geographical transformation of the landscape of Turkish soccer through this period. The study examines the complex, multifaceted interrelationships and lines of mutual determinations between the changing conceptions of Turkish identity, democratic deepening, Islamicization, and the economic development of modern Turkey. This thesis demonstrates how these forces that shape social, political, and economic life are played out on the soccer field.
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Harzer, Filip. "Personalizace polských politických stran po roce 2005." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357631.

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The aim of this Master's thesis called "Personalisation of Polish political parties after 2005" is to examine the process of personalisation among selected Polish political parties between the parliamentary elections in 2005 and the parliamentary elections in 2015, and to determine whether personalisation of Polish political parties increased after 2005. The thesis is based around the most well-known theories of personalisation of politics and a number of assumptions articulated by Polish experts on the subject. Personalisation is examined predominantly at an institutional level. The theoretical part presents different approaches to research the phenomenon, and defines three main concepts: personalisation, presidentialisation, and celebritisation. Several important personalised projects carried out in Poland between 1989 and 2005 are also described. The empirical part of the thesis analyses the level and development of personalisation within and outside the selected Polish political parties. This thesis does not strive to extend the theoretical concepts of personalisation of politics; instead, it aims to enrich the research of Polish politics after 2005.
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Marek, Vojtěch. "Mediální obraz programů politických stran KDU-ČSL, SPOZ, Suverenity a Strany zelených po volbách do PS PČR 2010." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338800.

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This thesis presents and analyzes the media image of political programs of parties Christian and Democratic Union - Czechoslovak People's Party, Green Party, Party of Civic Rights - Zemanovci and Sovereignty after parliamentary elections in 2010 in Czech public service media - Czech Press Agency, Czech Television and Czech Radio. In the theoretical part of the thesis are presented political party programs in the period 2010-2013, and also briefly introduced Czech public service media, their historical development or their current position in the media world. The practical part contains an analysis of textual and audiovisual content of individual media in the selected time period and focuses on the search for mentions of individual program points. Minor, but for understanding the role of public service media is an important part that compares the situation of position Czech public service media with those from another countries. The practical part then also examines the situation in the Czech world media after parliamentary elections in 2013 and if there are any consequences based on these results. Hypothesis of work - proof unevenly provided media space by Czech Press Agency, Czech Television and Czech Radio to four non-parliamentary parties that based on the results of parliamentary elections in...
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Marek, Vojtěch. "Mediální obraz programů politických stran KDU-ČSL, SPOZ, Suverenity a Strany zelených po volbách do PS PČR 2010." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-336436.

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This thesis presents and analyzes the media image of political programs of parties Christian and Democratic Union - Czechoslovak People's Party, Green Party, Party of Civic Rights - Zemanovci and Sovereignty after parliamentary elections in 2010 in programs of publice service media Czech Television and Czech Radio Political Spectrum and Twenty Minutes of Radiojournal. The theoretical part is introduced by description of the relationship between public service media and political sphere together with the different approaches to the study and exploration of public service media. There is a description of concepts of news coverage in the media public service generally as well specifically in the Czech Republic. This thesis also includes a description of management concepts of broadcasting public service media. Further more ale explained ideas of impartiality, objectivity and balance in public service media. The last area of theoretical part presented political programs of examined parties and surveyed programs. After the introduction of a methodology practical section contains a description of the results of the author's research. The final part of the thesis contains the interpretation of results and recommendations for further research.
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Books on the topic "People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)"

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(Nigeria), People's Democratic Party. Constitution of the People's Democratic Party. [Nigeria?: s.n., 1998.

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(Nigeria), People's Democratic Party. The manifesto of the People's Democratic Party. [Nigeria: The Party, 1998.

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(Nigeria), People's Democratic Party. Manifesto. [Nigeria]: PDP, 1999.

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Abatan, Dayo. Ogun State PDP: The making of election winners 2003. Lagos: Performers Publishers, 2003.

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(Nigeria), People's Democratic Party, ed. Electoral guidelines for primary elections 2003 of the Peopls Democratic Party [PDP]. [Nigeria: People's Democratic Party, 2002.

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(Nigeria), People's Democratic Party. Guidelines for the conduct of ward, LGA, and state congresses and the National Convention of the Peoples Democratic Party. Nigeria: Peoples Democratic Party, 1999.

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Against the run of play: How an incumbent President was defeated in Nigeria. Lagos, Nigeria: Prestige, 2017.

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Politics of rotational presidency and the survival of Nigeria. Zaria, Nigeria: Ahmadu Bello University Press, 2010.

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Musings of a politician: (essays in intervention in public discourse). Enugu: Snaap Press Nigeria Ltd., 2012.

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Understanding the PDP mandate: The text of interviews with Chief Ojo Maduekwe, the Honourable Minister of Transport. Asaga-Ohafia, Abia State [Nigeria]: Mekaria Organisation, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)"

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Hamalai, Ladi, Samuel Egwu, and J. Shola Omotola. "Party System and the Dominance of the People’s Democratic Party." In Nigeria’s 2015 General Elections, 73–102. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-54096-2_4.

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Jansen, Thomas. "The Christian Democratic Group in the European Parliament, 1952–1978." In The European People's Party, 54–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333995297_6.

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Jansen, Thomas. "The International Secretariat of Democratic Parties Inspired by Christianity, 1925–1939." In The European People's Party, 31–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333995297_3.

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Obianyo, Nkolika, and Ikenna Mike Alumona. "Democratic Decay or Democratic Autocracy? Party Primaries and the Challenges of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria 1999–2019." In Anonymous Power, 291–325. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6058-0_14.

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Fewsmith, Joseph, and Nancy Hearst. "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship: In Commemoration of the Twenty-Eighth Anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party." In Mao's Road to Power, 696–707. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315719436-290.

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Tausch, Arno. "The Empirical Results of Our Empirical Study." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 45–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_5.

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AbstractThe study clearly shows that identification with Turkey and Iran, with a political Islam that also influences elections and results in a theocracy, promotes religious and gender discrimination and advocates an Islamist interpretation of Islam, are very much the most important, interrelated syndromes of political Islam, which together explain more than 50% of the total variance of the 24 model variables used. If the states of Europe want to win the fight against jihadism, they must work closely with the moderate Arab states, such as Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and other Arab Gulf states, and be aware that, on a population-weighted basis, 41% of all Arabs now view the Muslim Brotherhood, which is the strongest and most coherent force in political Islam today, negatively or very negatively. According to the data brought to light here, only 7% of people in the Arab world now have a high level of trust in their country's Islamist movement, while 14% have some trust, 19% have little trust, but 60% have no trust. Our overall index—Overcoming political Islam shows that Morocco and Tunisia are the top performers, while Iraq and Sudan bring up the rear. Following an important study by Falco and Rotondi (2016), we also explore the question of whether political Islam is more prevalent or less prevalent among the more than 20% of the Arab population who plan to emigrate in the coming years than among the population as a whole. Far from feeding alarmist horror scenarios, our evaluation shows firstly that Falco and Rotondi (2016) are correct in their thesis that among potential migrants to the West, political Islam is certainly less pronounced than among the Arab population as a whole. On a population-weighted basis, only 13.11% of potential migrants to the West openly state that they trust the country-specific Islamist movement. In the second part of our empirical evaluations, we explore religiously motivated political extremism (RMPE) by international comparison on the basis of the following items of the World Values Survey, which are sparse but nevertheless available on this topic: The proportion of the global population who favour religious authorities in interpreting the law while accepting political violence is alarmingly high in various parts of the world and is raising fears of numerous conflicts in the coming years in an increasingly unstable world system. It amounts to more than half of the adult population in Tajikistan (the international record holder), and Malaysia and some non-Muslim-majority countries. In many countries, including NATO and EU member states, it is an alarming 25–50%, and we mention here the Muslim-majority countries Iraq, Lebanon, Bangladesh, Kazakhstan, Nigeria and Indonesia. It is 15–25% even in core countries of the Western security architecture, but also in the Muslim-majority countries: Pakistan, Iran and Tunisia. Only in the best-ranked countries, among them the Muslim-majority countries Albania, Egypt, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kyrgyzstan, Azerbaijan and Jordan, the potentially fatal combination of mixing religion and law and accepting political violence has a relatively small following of less than 15%. In the sense of the theses of the late Harvard economist Alberto Alesina (1957–2020), social trust is an essential general production factor of any social order, and the institutions of national security of the democratic West would do well to make good use of this capital of trust that also exists among Muslims living in the West.
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Kamalu, Ikenna. "Politics and Promises." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 112–25. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0081-0.ch006.

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Working within the framework of Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) and critical metaphor analysis (CMA), this study examines the emblems and slogans of the four main political parties in Nigeria: the People's Democratic Party (PDP); the All Progressives Congress (APC); the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA); and the Labour Party (LP), which have become instruments of campaign and propaganda. While the emblems/logos are visual (iconic) representations of party ideology, the slogans are verbal rhetorical affirmations of what the emblems represent. Based on insights from the theory of multimodality, this study is an attempt to use a social semiotic approach in the interpretation of visual communication. Multimodality understands visual as representation and communication. The approach that this study adopts tries to interpret how the multiple modes in multimodal communication yield themselves to different levels of meaning realization.
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Aririguzoh, Stella Amara. "The Art of Deception in Political Advertising." In Advances in Media, Entertainment, and the Arts, 349–74. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-8535-0.ch019.

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Television advertising is a growing important aspect in presidential electoral campaigning. It accounts for a big part of the electioneering expenses. Presidential political advertisements are important sources of information to voters. Their messages may influence poll results. Using a content analytical method, this study examined 12 of the presidential campaign advertisements created for ex-president Goodluck Jonathan and his People's Democratic Party (PDP); and the opposition coalition flag bearer, Retired General Muhammadu Buhari and his All Progressives Congress during the 2015 Nigerian presidential election campaigns. The aim of this study was to identify the deceptions in these advertisements. This study found that both sides engaged in deceptive advertising. Buhari/APC engaged more in misinformation, lies, misrepresentation and spreading of unproven facts. Goodluck/PDP avoided misrepresentations and misinformation, but used lies, unproven assertions and pufferies. It is recommended that campaign advertisements be scrutinized before they are aired.
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Ogunde, Oluwafifehan. "Democracy and Child Rights Protection." In Defending Human Rights and Democracy in the Era of Globalization, 123–44. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0723-9.ch006.

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The doctrine of constitutional supremacy is well entrenched in Nigerian constitutional and administrative law. A plethora of cases exists to establish the constitution as the supreme law-making instrument in Nigeria. This principle derives strength from a presumption that the constitution is reflective of the will of the people, as is expected under a democratic system of government. The aim of this chapter is to consider the relationship between human rights and democracy in the context of the Nigerian constitution. The first part of this chapter will be a brief overview of the Nigerian constitutional history leading up to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended). The author will then proceed to examine the 1999 constitution in the context of child rights. The significance of constitutional peculiarities in the context of child rights protection will be considered with reform measures suggested to address any emergent complexities.
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Abubakar, Abdulmutallib A. "Mobile-Based Social Media Platforms and Women Mobilisation for Political Participation in Nigeria." In Civic Engagement and Politics, 449–59. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7669-3.ch022.

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There is volume of literature and growing studies on the roles and responsibilities of conventional mass media and to some extent computer-based social media in enhancing political engagement, mobilisation and participation in developed and emerging democracies such as Nigeria. However, a few studies exist that provide insight about the intersection between mobile-based social media platforms and political mobilisation and participation in various democracies (liberal and non-liberal, developed and developing). It is therefore pertinent to examine such relationship especially from Nigeria's perspective as emerging democracy that is struggling to mobilise and absorb people from all sectors and sections to ensure acceptance and institutionalisation of democratic ideals in the country. Thus, the focus of this chapter is to examine the roles, significance and application of mobile based social media platforms that can only be registered and used on mobile phones. The chapter also evaluated strategies and techniques required to enrich engagement, mobilisation and participation in democratic processes particularly in the Northern part of the country through these mobile-based social media. Thus political actors can use mobile based social media to engage and mobilise youth and women to participate keenly in political discourse, electioneering, policy formulation and implementation at various levels.
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Conference papers on the topic "People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)"

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Šturanović, Petar. "NARODNA SKUPŠTINA PO VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.221s.

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The author gives his view of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes of 1921, pointing out its importance at that time, but also its shortcomings. The choice of a centralist, unitary state system is recognized as one of the basic aspirations of the constitution-maker, that resulted in the king's dominant position as an integrative element, which made it impossible to establish (un)wanted balances between the king and parliament. In institutional terms, orleans parliamentarism is analyzed as an established type of parliamentary system of government, and also its functioning in practice. The author analyzed the constitutional position of the National assembly, emphasizing its weakness in relations with the king, explaining instruments such as the absolute legislative veto, through which the king exercised supremacy in the legislative sphere despite the constitutional proclamation to exercise legislative competence jointly. The unlimited right to dissolve the assembly, despite the undivided opinion of the constitutional theory on the prohibition of successive dissolution, further weakened the position of the National assembly, and established the king as an inviolable arbiter in resolving parliamentary crises, which may ultimately confront the people's will. The king's unrestricted right to dissolve parliament usurped the budgetary right of the National assembly, as one of the foundations of the parliamentary system, which further made it possible for the executive to rule without a budget. Constrained by the constitutional arrangement, insufficient representative functions, burdened by the democratic deficit, the National assembly proved to be weak in articulating various political interests, but was the scene of party and national tensions.
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Reports on the topic "People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)"

1

Kerchner, Scott E. The Six-Party Talks, The Right Solution to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea Nuclear Weapons Program. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432315.

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