Journal articles: 'People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)'

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Oji, R. O., Okechukwu Innocent Eme, and Hyacinth A. Nwoba. "Political Party Funding in Nigeria : A Case of Peoples Democratic Party." Nigerian Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review 2, no. 11 (November 2014): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0011636.

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Innocent, Alfa Patrick, and Otaida Eikojonwa. "Candidate Selection and the Electoral Prospects of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) In Nigeria: 1999-2015." Review of Politics and Public Policy in Emerging Economies 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/rope.v1i2.1136.

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Objective: The essence of this article is to examine the centrality of candidate selection in the changes in the electoral fortunes of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015.Methodology: This paper is qualitative and conceptual in nature. The issues were analysed under various related themes. The data were gathered through the secondary method such as textbooks, journal articles, reports of election observer teams, party constitutions, workshop papers, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) documents, the Electoral Acts and the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The analysis of the information gathered helped to manifest the factors that were responsible for the electoral setbacks suffered by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which led to the triumph of the hitherto opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the 2015 general elections.Results: The paper discovered that interferences and manipulation in the candidate selection procedures in particular and gross disregard for internal party democracy in the Peoples' Democratic Party led to its electoral misfortunes in the 2015 elections.Implication: The paper avers that political parties are fundamental elements in any democratic setting, but for them to retain and boost their electoral chances they must adopt a transparent candidate selection process and adhere to the other tenets of internal party democracy.

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Katsina, Aliyu Mukhtar. "Peoples Democratic Party in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria." SAGE Open 6, no. 2 (April 20, 2016): 215824401665191. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244016651910.

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Sule, Babayo. "Effects of Money Politics on Party Primaries in Nigerian 2019 General Election: Reflections on All Progressives Congress (APC) and People's Democratic Party (PDP)." Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik 4, no. 2 (August 24, 2022): 261–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/politicon.v4i2.18574.

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Money politics has become an acceptable norm and a part of Nigerian political culture before and after the conduct of general elections since the resurgence of the democratic rule in the Fourth Republic (1999). The nature and dimension of money politics have taken a new picture in Nigerian politics during the party primaries in preparation for the 2019 General Election, particularly between the two major contending parties; the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who were involved in excessive use of money unprecedented in the history of Nigerian politics during the party primaries in September and October 2018. This work investigated the role of money in determining the outcome of party primaries in Nigeria in the ruling APC and the major opposition PDP and how it will affect the General Election in 2019. The research used a quantitative method of data collection and analysis. Both the primary and secondary sources were used during the conduct of the research. The data obtained were grouped in a thematic form where a simple tabular percentage was used for interpretations and results. The research discovered that there was an extraordinary deployment of money from the state-owned resources by politicians to arrest their campaign expenses and political ambition. In the process, vote-buying and excessive spending violated the electoral process and deprived the electorates of getting credible candidates in the parties' primaries. The research recommends that there is a need for a more aggressive and severe sanction on all politicians that are found in this evil act. The work also realized the serious need for massive public enlightenment on the evil of money politics.

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Osumah, Oarhe, and Augustine Ikelegbe. "The Peoples Democratic Party and Governance in Nigeria, 1999- 2007." Journal of Social Sciences 19, no. 3 (June 2009): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2009.11892708.

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Ihonvbere, Julius O. "The 1999 Presidential Elections in Nigeria: The Unresolved Issues." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503151.

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One can say with certainty that all the contradictions that had bedeviled previous democratic experiments in Nigeria were present and magnified in the February 27, 1999 election: divided loyalties, manipulation of primordial identities and loyalties, corruption and other election malpractices, lack of political discipline, and limited attention to serious structural questions.Why did Chief Olu Falae lose the election to General Olusegun Obasanjo? Several reasons can be advanced. First, Obasanjo’s People’s Democratic Party (PDP) clearly had more money. Obasanjo was able to donate N 130 million and several cars to his party.

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Azeez, Ademola. "Ethnicity, Party Politics and Democracy in Nigeria: Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as Agent of Consolidation?" Studies of Tribes and Tribals 7, no. 1 (July 2009): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0972639x.2009.11886588.

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Adefeso, Hammed A., and Tunde A. Abioro. "Fiscal Decentralisation and Economic Development in Nigeria: The Role of Democratic Institution." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n1p1.

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<p>It is a time series analysis that investigates on the role of democratic institution in the relationship between fiscal decentralisation and economic development in Nigeria. The trend analysis clearly showed that sub-national expenditure is higher than sub-national revenue in Nigeria. The federally allocated expenditures to sub-national is far more than its corresponding allocated revenue in Nigeria and this becomes manifest from the year 1999 when the nation returned to civil rule up till 2014 under the administration of a dominant political party known as the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Using multiple regression analysis, the empirical results revealed 1% increase in expenditure decentralisation and revenue decentralisation would retard economic performance by 11% and 21% respectively when democratic institution index is included as explanatory variable. The impact of democratic institution in the relationship between fiscal decentralisation and economic performance in Nigeria is however, weak, positive and statistically insignificant in Nigeria as 100% increase in expenditure decentralisation and revenue decentralisation only yield 4% and 5% economic performance respectively in Nigeria. This has resulted to a wide spread level of corruption in Nigeria among bureaucrats and politicians. The study therefore advocates for a strong government institution that will be transparent, accountable and also respect the rule of law for sustainability, effectiveness and timely service delivery.</p>

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Sambo, Usman, Abacha Umar Deribe, Babayo Sule, Umar Adamu, and Ahmad Musa. "The Implications of Party Leadership Crises on Nigerian Democracy: A Comparative Analysis of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Congress (APC)." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 3, no. 3 (July 31, 2022): 513–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v3i3.490.

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Political parties are the engine wheel and the machinery on which the vehicle of democracy thrives. Democracies require sound parties with focused leadership and a clear ideology for national development on the assumption of power. In Nigeria, the two dominant ruling parties of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which ruled for sixteen years and the All Progressives Congress (APC) which is currently in its fifth year of ruling are pre-occupied with internal leadership crises which collapsed the former and are threatening to tear the latter today. The inability of the country’s political leaders to establish parties with a dedicated and pragmatic party leadership is affecting the democratic governance in the country despite having the experience of the longest experiment in the history of the country. The research utilised both primary and secondary sources of data. The primary sources of data consist of an in-depth personal interview with some selected stakeholders in the subject matter of study and direct participant observation. The secondary sources are documented materials such as books, journals, internet sources and other related documents. A suitable framework; Game Theory was adopted to support the views presented in the work. The data obtained were discussed, analysed and interpreted using thematic content analysis and statistical modules. The work discovered that the leadership crises in the two dominant parties in Nigeria are affecting democratic delivery and good governance because of the power tussle. The work recommends among others that the parties must develop a culture of internal democracy and ideological focus with a frame for national interest and development.

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Thurston, Alexander. "The Politics of Technocracy in Fourth Republic Nigeria." African Studies Review 61, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.99.

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Abstract:The technocrat, a supposedly apolitical figure who joins government on the basis of technical expertise, looms large in discussions of governance. The empowerment of technocrats has sometimes been taken as a barometer for Africa’s economic and democratic progress. Rejecting this conventional wisdom, this article argues that technocrats are inevitably trapped in a web of politics—politicians leverage the apolitical image of technocrats for political gain, and public debates implicate technocrats as targets of protest. This article pursues this argument through a case study of Nigeria, where technocrats were both politicized and politicizing figures during the rule of the People’s Democratic Party between 1999 and 2015.

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Aniche, Ernest Toochi. "The ‘David and Goliath’ and 2015 Election Outcomes in Nigeria: From the Opposition to the Ruling Party." Insight on Africa 10, no. 1 (November 13, 2017): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817735385.

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Generally, Nigerian political parties in the present republic have been hampered by crisis of internal democracy thus undermining their political leadership recruitment function. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is a good example of one of these Nigerian political parties that lacks internal democracy. In fact, PDP was a leviathan. The 2015 Election symbolised a contest between David and Goliath. The electoral outcome is that PDP has transformed from a ruling party to an opposition party. The study, by relying on the theory of relative autonomy of the state and secondary sources, concludes that lack of internal democracy was a necessary condition for PDP’s poor performance in the 2015 General Elections, and thus, there is a relationship between crisis of internal democracy and 2015 electoral outcomes. Also, the article noted that PDP authoritarianism deepened crisis of internal democracy in Nigeria and that this authoritarian character of the former ruling PDP was a reflection of the authoritarian character of the Nigerian state, which is currently shaping the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). The study is essentially qualitative, historical and inductive.

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Ashindorbe, Kelvin, and Danjibo Nathaniel D. "Intra-Elite Factionalism and the Quest for Sustainable Political Platforms in Nigeria." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 5 (February 25, 2019): 746–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619831033.

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The People’s Democratic Party was the governing party for 16 years until it was defeated in the 2015 general elections. The dominance of the party over the Nigerian political landscape masked the deep internal schism that has bedevilled the party since its formation. This paper traced the origin of the protracted internal conflicts in the party to its formation process, accentuated by the prebendal character of the Nigerian state. A collection of political grandees assembled in the party without a well-articulated vision for governance other than take hold of political power and the resultant patronage accruable from occupying public office. Conflicts in the party manifest in several dimensions, namely: suspension or expulsion of party members, protracted litigation, formation of parallel party structure, defections to rival parties, verbal and physical assault of members. This pattern of conflicts weakened internal cohesion and distracted those elected from the task of actualizing their campaign promises. The methodology is qualitative, primary data sourced from party members is complemented with data from secondary sources. The paper concluded that the ultimate losers from the internal fights in the party are the citizens who suffered the effects in the form of unfulfilled electoral promises.

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Okpanachi, Eyene. "The Limits of Federation-wide Political Parties in Ensuring Federal Stability: Nigeria under the Peoples Democratic Party." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 49, no. 4 (2019): 617–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjy045.

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Abstract Since Nigeria’s return to electoral rule in 1999, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) ruled the country as the majority party at both levels of its federal system until 2015. However, despite this dominance, the relationship between presidents and governors was often so divisive that the instability within the party threatened the stability of not only the ruling governments, but also the federation as a whole and undermined its productivity. This article examines this anomaly against the background of scholarship emphasizing the crucial role of federation-wide parties in fostering smooth intergovernmental bargains and in facilitating federal stability. It argues that Nigeria’s recent experience provides counterevidence of this theory and discusses the mutually reinforcing contextual factors that might have influenced this development, focusing on the PDP’s norms and the country’s intergovernmental fiscal structure.

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Hoffmann, Leena. "Fairy godfathers and magical elections: understanding the 2003 electoral crisis in Anambra State, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 2 (May 19, 2010): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1000025x.

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ABSTRACTOn 10 July 2003, a civilian coup was attempted in Anambra state in South-east Nigeria. Barely two months after Chris Ngige was sworn in as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governor of Anambra, a team of armed policemen disarmed his security detail and took him into custody. The governor's attempted ousting made public the breakdown of his relationship with his political godfather, Chief Chris Uba, and sparked a debate on godfather politics in Nigeria. Using the case of Anambra, this article investigates the complex network of personalised relationships that holders of state power maintain with their national and local clientelistic constituencies. It explores the political underpinnings of the crisis and its links to national-level power dynamics, particularly within the ruling party and the Obasanjo presidency.

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Ugbudu, Martin Iorgbir, and Wandoo Buter. "The State, Farmers/Herders’ Clashes and Voter Mobilization in the 2019 General Elections in Nigeria: Interrogating Electioneering Campaign Rhetoric in Benue State." Journal of Global Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgss.v1i1.81.

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The internecine farmers/herders’ clashes that became pervasive in Nigeria in recent times took the centre stage in electioneering campaign in the 2019 general elections in the country. The opposition parties used the bloody clashes that aggravated inter-ethnic disharmony, undermined the country’s security and unleashed socio-economic losses as a main campaign issue. Hence, campaign slogans, jingles and songs that harped on the farmers/herders’ clashes were used during electioneering campaigns to mobilize votes. This study, therefore, examines the campaign slogans, songs and messages by the main opposition party, the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) candidates and its supporters at political rallies in the 2019 elections in Benue State that dwell on the armed herdsmen attacks to dissuade voters from voting the ruling party, the All Progressive Congress (APC) headed by Muhammadu Buhari a Fulani. The study adopts Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony as its theoretical frame of analysis. The study which made use of content analysis and is analytically revealed that political language has become an instrument of hegemonic control meant to divert peoples’ attention from socio-economic realities. In as much as party songs, slogans and jingles tend to convey symbolic aspects of genuine concern for the people’s plight, they fail to offer alternative solutions to prevailing socio-economic realities in Benue State. Amongst other recommendations, it suggests that political debates should be institutionalized in the country’s electoral process.

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Bashir, Muktar. "Authoritarian Nature of the People’s Democratic Party on Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria in the Fourth Republic (1999-2015)." Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v5i1.553.

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This article empirically discusses the Authoritarian nature of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic between 1999-2015. It employed qualitative method as a means of data collection and analysis. The primary data was generated via in-depth Interviews with relevant stakeholders who were purposively selected. Secondary data was also utilized to compliment the interviews. The article is written within the purview of the Authoritarian theory of communication and it was found that FRCN between the period under study has been dominated, controlled and dictated by the ruling PDP, reporting issues unethically. The outfit was mostly dancing to the tune of the party in power (PDP). It is recommended that FRCN should not be directly controlled by the government or party in power. Also, a law should be put in place to make it discharge its responsibility of communicating vital, truthful and objective information fairly for the people to be equipped with factual information capable of bringing the needed informed decision particularly during elections.

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Ogundare, Yemi Daniel. "Assessment of Bukola Saraki Administration in Kwara State of Nigeria (2003-2011)." INTERDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL ON LAW, SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES 3, no. 2 (November 30, 2022): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/idj.v3i2.35064.

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Abstract The paper examines the assessment of the Bukola Saraki Administration 2003-2011. The administration is an act of getting things achieved through the people; it requires leadership quality, ideology, and value. The historical analysis of Kwara State administrations in the fourth republic is not complete without considering the political dynastic transfer of Olusola Saraki to a biological son Bukola Saraki in the political process of Kwara State as a governor. The objective of this paper is to assess the success and failure of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Kwara State during the Abubakar Bukola Saraki administrations. The theory employed in this paper is the Stakeholders theory, which is relevant to this work. The research methodology is a secondary source and analytical. The findings of the paper identify the successes and limitations of PDP administrations from 2003-2011. The paper recommends democratic lifestyle leadership with transparency and accountability government to the citizen as the best set of administration to be practiced in any polity.

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Omidiora, Oluwasegun, Esther Ajiboye, and Taiwo Abioye. "Political Communication and Popular Literature: An Analysis of Political Jingles in Nigerian Electoral Discourse." Journal of Creative Communications 15, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 194–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973258619886161.

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To win the support of the electorates, Nigerian politicians engage diverse resources during electoral campaigns. Some of these resources include political jingles. This study examines political discursive practices and their socio-cognitive functions in the political jingles of the 2015 general elections in Nigeria. This is to illuminate the politicians’ sociopolitical evaluations of the electorates. The data for this study comprise 50 political jingles of the presidential campaigns of the two major political parties in the country, the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the main opposition party, the All Progressive Congress (APC). This study is anchored on linguistic and literary theoretical perspectives using Critical Discourse Analysis and Sociology of Literature, respectively, to reveal the inherent meanings in, and socio-cultural implications of, the discourse of the sampled political jingles. Data analysis identifies political jingles as face-saving, assertive and educative acts. It also notes that implicatures, names, lexemes, religious allusions, evidentiality and code-switching are ideologically employed in the political jingles to enhance the politicians’ personalities and acceptance among the electorates.

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Obadare, Ebenezer. "The Press and Democratic Transition in Nigeria: Comparative Notes on the Abacha and Abubakar Transition Programs." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 38–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503102.

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In only four years, Nigeria has experienced two successive transition-to-civil-rule programs. The first, implemented with shocking inconsistency by the regime of General Sani Abacha, came to an abrupt anticlimax with the late despot’s unexpected death. The second appears to have been, judging by the country’s recent political history, unusually successful, culminating in the election of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) aspirant, General Olusegun Obasanjo, as presidentelect. While various reasons have been adduced for the apparent failure of one and the relative success of the other, political analysts in the country seem to agree that the main reason has to do with the fact that the programs differed profoundly in terms of motives, methodologies, and even ends.

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Oseni, Tunde. "PEACE BY PEACEFUL MEANS? A POST-HOC ANALYSIS OF THE ‘ABUJA PEACE ACCORD’ ON ELECTION VIOLENCE PREVENTION IN NIGERIA." Caleb International Journal of Development Studies 3, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 257–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cijds-2020-03-02-016.

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The signing on Wednesday, 14 January, 2015 of the celebrated Abuja Peace Accord by the presidential candidates of the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and eleven others, including the major opposition party, All Progressives Congress (APC) signaled for the first time a conscious effort by Nigerian political gladiators to give peace a chance. Although unique in the sense that two retired foremost international diplomats were deeply involved in drafting and moderating the signing of the Peace Accord, a critical-analytical dissection of the spirit and content as well as the practical benefits and weaknesses of the agreement reveal a thin success in a post-hoc mode. This paper teases out the forces and factors that were responsible for the semi-success and semi-failure of the stated goals of the Accord.

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Kupolati, Oluwateniola Oluwabukola, and Eniola Boluwaduro. "Gubernatorial debate sessions in Nigeria: A socio-cognitive analysis." Discourse & Communication 12, no. 1 (November 14, 2017): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481317735710.

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This article adopts Benoit’s functional theory of campaign discourse and Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive theory (context models) in discussing two gubernatorial debate sessions in Nigeria. The selected debate sessions (Ondo Governorship Debate and Lagos Governorship Debate) are recovered from YouTube files and transcribed. However, only utterances from candidates in the two major political parties in Nigeria, namely, Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) (now renamed All Progressives Congress (APC)) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), are subjected to content analysis. Context models in the aspects of discourse meaning and argumentation are also considered. Findings reveal that first, candidates’ utterances range from acclaims to attacks and defenses. Second, topics help to derive candidates’ ideologies which are further exemplified within the ambience of shared background knowledge (presupposition). Finally, candidates adopt legal/illegal jargons, explanations, statements of evidence, examples and illustrations to explicitly exemplify their mental dispositions and beliefs. We conclude by stating that candidates’ utterances were found to be relevant within the context of the debates and, by extension, the prevalent socio-political problems in Nigeria.

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Adigun, Olalekan Waheed. "The Factors Determining Voter Turnouts in Presidential Elections in Nigeria: Multivariate Correlation Analysis of the 2019 Presidential Election." Open Political Science 3, no. 1 (April 22, 2020): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2020-0002.

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AbstractPeople’s active participation in elections is one of the key measures of electoral democracy. The people’s lack of interests or apathy in elections tends to undervalue the democratic process, engender mistrust in political institutions, and enthrone unaccountable leadership. This is why voter turnout is a crucial aspect of electoral studies. Even though Nigeria has successfully undergone two decades of uninterrupted democracy, she may not be too fast in imbibing the tenets of electoral democracy which presupposes active people’s participation in the electoral process. This is because there has been a conspicuous decline in voter turnouts in presidential elections since 2003. There are several factors responsible for this decline. This paper analysed three key variables – violence, socioeconomic factors, and candidate’s popularity - with the use of Multivariate Correlation Analysis (a statistical procedure that calculates correlation coefficients of two or more variables to determine the strengths of their relationships). The study, therefore, finds that of the three variables, candidate’s popularity as indicated by voters’ preferences for candidate’s/running mate’s tribe, political party, and trust in candidate’s abilities provide stronger evidence of the declining turnouts in Nigerian presidential elections.

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Yunusa, Mohammed Hashimu. "Political Parties and Chief Executives as Threats to Democracy in Nigeria : A Study of Peoples Democratic Party ( 1999 to 2007 )." NG-Journal of Social Development 5, no. 5 (October 2016): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0033201.

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John, Fredrick Friday, Mathew Kayode Akano, and Adegbembo Toluwanimi Oyinlola. "Aggression and Banter as (de)legitimisation Strategies in Political Debate." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 3, no. 3 (July 31, 2022): 492–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v3i3.418.

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Political debate is an emerging culture in Nigerian politics, aimed at fostering popular democracy, and presenting candidates to electorates to make their choice. But it is likewise a platform for exchanging cynic comments and banters, especially between the contestants, most of the two dominant political parties in Nigeria, the All-Progressive Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). This has not been sufficiently researched in studies on political discourse. Extant studies have focused on campaign speeches, acceptance, and concession speeches, among others, using speech acts, socio-stylistics, and critical discourse analysis. This study investigates the comments and rebuttals of Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu of the APC, and Governor Godwin Obaseki of the PDP, in the 2020 Edo Governorship Debate. It adopts implicature, explicature and pragmatic acts as theories to, qualitatively, analyse the downloaded and transcribed excerpts from Channels Television’s website, where they were televised to reach millions of people, both in local and international spaces. The results show that both conventional and conversational implicature, and explicature were employed by both aspirants to achieve party and self legitimisation, supremacism, cynicism, and criticism. These are used as campaign strategies. The study concludes that the contestants in the Edo 2020 political debate made it about themselves and their parties. Aggression is initiated and managed as a debate-campaign strategy to canvas for the electorates’ votes.

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Albert, Okorie, Ifeanyichukwu Abada, and Raymond Adibe. "Crony capitalism in Nigeria: the case of patronage funding of the Peoples Democratic Party and the power sector reform, 1999–2015." Review of African Political Economy 48, no. 170 (October 2, 2021): 581–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2021.1958309.

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Omilusi, Mike. "Campaign communication in Nigeria’s 2019 General Elections: unfulfilled party pledges and voter engagement without a social contract." Journal of African Elections 19, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2020/v19i2a6.

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Broken campaign promises challenge the sanctity of the electoral process in Nigeria. Six decades after political independence and six electoral cycles in the last two decades of the Fourth Republic, there are inadequate legal frameworks and a lack of political will to change the narrative. Ambushing the voters with plans of action on the eve of every election remains a constant ritual to legitimise party campaigns in both digital media and at heavily mobilised rallies, often with limited substance. The general purpose of this study is twofold. First, to provide analysis of campaign communication and the extent to which it influences the participation of citizens in the electoral process. Second, to investigate the electorate’s understanding of policy issues inherent in the 2019 election manifestos of the two dominant political parties, All Progressive Congress (APC) and People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and how other elements shape perception and trust in elected representatives/ government. The research design relies on sample surveys and indepth interviews, and seeks to identify, within the context of an electoral cycle, why conversations between public office seekers and voters do not translate into a concrete social contract or generate timebound inclusive policies.

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Kendhammer, Brandon. "Talking ethnic but hearing multi-ethnic: the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) in Nigeria and durable multi-ethnic parties in the midst of violence." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 48, no. 1 (January 29, 2010): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040903444509.

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Obono, Koblowe, and Karimah Aminu Diyo. "Social media disinformation and voting decisions during 2019 presidential elections in Nigeria." EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts 8, no. 1-2 (March 10, 2022): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejotmas.v8i1-2.8.

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Social media spread disinformation due to their characteristic features of anonymity and ease of producing, accessing, forwarding, and replicating media contents. Although studies have analyzed the influence of disinformation on voter choices, little is known about the false information that went viral on social media during the 2019 Nigerian presidential elections and its influence on voting decisions. Accordingly, the study identified social media disinformation about Muhammadu Buhari (All Progressives Congress) and Atiku Abubakar (Peoples Democratic Party), and its influence on voting decisions. Content analysis of Twitter, Facebook and YouTube posts revealed 10 viral pieces of disinformation about the contestants. Although the messages looked authentic because of their attribution, they were tagged false by independent fact checkers and disclaimers. They were also ascribed as false by survey respondents. Despite their presence, the information had little influence on voting decisions. While Facebook is the most used social media platform (48.6%), Twitter (60%) is the core channel of political disinformation. Posts used multiple story formats and information sources to make claims appear real. A combination of text, video, and picture was used for the political messaging, with pictures accompanying most stories for emphasis and message authentication. Each news story had more than 2000 likes and shares, which has implications for the continuous spread of false information.

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OJENAMAH, FORTUNE OGECHI. "PARTY POLITICS AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 8, no. 1 (January 5, 2023): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/2202.80.0110.

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While considering the democratic debate in Nigeria, we understand that the nexus between party politics and democratic governance lacks comprehensive analysis. This paper seeks to answer the question of whether party politics fosters or hinders democratic governance in Nigeria. It is intended to draw a nexus between internal party dynamics and poor governance in a democratic system of government using the theoretical tool of Group Theory. The methodology adopted is qualitative, and descriptive research design is used to guide the study. The study unveils the transactional nature of party politics as adversative and dysfunctional to democratic governance at all levels of government in Nigeria. Embedded within the drama of partisan politics, is a regime of patronage politics that is essentially opposed to all norms, values, and prevailing tenets of democratic governance. The paper recommends the accentuation of the purpose, and functions of political parties; it should be well defined and deeply rooted in the people with the hope of improving the system.

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주민혜. "Analysis of people's party supporters : Focused on saenuri party and democratic party of Korea's defectors." Journal of Social Science 44, no. 2 (August 2018): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15820/khjss.2018.44.2.011.

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Jehlička, Petr, and Luděk Sýkora. "The Stability of Regional Suffrage for Traditional Parties in the Czech Lands (1920-1990)." Geografie 96, no. 2 (1991): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1991096020081.

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The paper deals with the appraisal of the space and time suffrage stability of four traditional political parties - the People's Party, the Socialist Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Communist Party. The evaluation demonstrates connections between voting patterns in 1920-1946 and the spatial differentiation of 1990 election results.

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SUBRAHMANYAN, ARJUN. "Education, Propaganda, and the People: Democratic paternalism in 1930s Siam." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (April 13, 2015): 1122–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000523.

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AbstractOn the morning of 24 June 1932 the ‘People's Party’, a small group of civil and military bureaucrats, toppled the Thai absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy. This article discusses the establishment of democracy as an endeavour in ‘democratic paternalism,’ by which is meant the Party's attempt to establish a new moral and intellectual leadership that had as its main goal the creation of a depoliticized democratic citizenry. To implement their programme for democracy, the Party embarked on an ambitious plan to modernize education and explain popular sovereignty through countrywide lectures and radio programmes. The democratic paternalist effort had mixed results. State weakness limited the reach of the educational and propaganda campaigns, and further the ‘people’ in whose name the revolution was staged, constituted two different groups: a largely illiterate peasantry and a small, incipient new intelligentsia. Because of its limited capacity, the People's Party tasked the second group with assisting in democratic mentorship of the masses, but many in this second category of people had a broader conception of democracy than the Party's ‘top-down’ model and criticized the Party for its paternalist constraints on popular sovereignty. Democratic paternalism and frustration with the limits imposed on popular democracy are two central aspects of this period of history that have endured in Thai society.

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OGODU, Ogochukwu Jasmine. "POLITICAL PARTY, PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA." Journal of Public Administration, Finance and Law, no. 24 (2022): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/jopafl-2022-24-02.

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Pate, Umaru A., Danjuma Gambo, and Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim. "The Impact of Fake News and the Emerging Post-Truth Political Era on Nigerian Polity: A Review of Literature." Studies in Media and Communication 7, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v7i1.4238.

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Since the rising to notoriety of the present ‘genre’ of malicious content peddled as ‘fake news’ (mostly over social media) in 2016 during the United States’ presidential election, barely three years until Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, fake news has made dangerously damaging impacts on the Nigerian society socially, politically and economically. Notably, the escalating herder-farmer communal clashes in the northern parts of the country, ethno-religious crises in Taraba, Plateau and Benue states and the furiously burning fire of the thug-of-war between the ruling party (All Progressives Congress, APC) and the opposition, particularly the main opposition party (People’s Democratic Party, PDP) have all been attributed to fake news, untruth and political propaganda. This paper aims to provide further understanding about the evolving issues regarding fake news and its demonic impact on the Nigerian polity. To make that contribution toward building the literature, extant literature and verifiable online news content on fake news and its attributes were critically reviewed. This paper concludes that fake news and its associated notion of post-truth may continue to pose threat to the Nigerian polity unless strong measures are taken. For the effects of fake news and post-truth phenomena to be suppressed substantially, a tripartite participation involving these key stakeholders – the government, legislators and the public should be modelled and implemented to the letter.

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Basuki, Udiyo. "Parpol, Pemilu dan Demokrasi: Dinamika Partai Politik dalam Sistem Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia Perspektif Demokrasi." Kosmik Hukum 20, no. 2 (July 22, 2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30595/kosmikhukum.v20i2.8321.

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In a democratic country the relationship between the state and the people must be a reflection of a mutualistic symbiosis. This means that these relationships must be mutually dependent and mutually beneficial. This relationship will be evident when the political system developed by a country provides sufficient space for political activities in the community. This space for political activity will give color to democratic life in a country. The principle of democracy and people's sovereignty requires people's participation in the life of the state administration. People or citizens are not only objects, but subjects and play an important role in the life of the state. For this reason, the existence of a representative institution is an absolute that must be fulfilled in a democratic country with people's sovereignty. According to modern democracy, political parties, general elections and representative institutions are three institutions that cannot be separated from one another. That every political party will always strive to gain large popular support during general elections so that the representative institution can be dominated by the political party concerned.Keywords: political parties, general elections, democracy.

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Mansbridge, Jane, and Stephen Macedo. "Populism and Democratic Theory." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 15, no. 1 (October 13, 2019): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042843.

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Commentators routinely describe “populism” as vague. Some argue that the early US populists, who coined the modern usage, were not populists. We disagree and identify this common conceptual core: the “people” in a moral battle against “elites.” The core definition fits all cases of populism: those on the left and right, those in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere. In addition to this minimal common core, we identify strongly suggested and frequently correlated non-core characteristics. These include the people's homogeneity and exclusivity, direct rule, and nationalism, as well as a single leader, vilification of vulnerable out-groups, and impatience with deliberation. The US Populist Party and Spain's Podemos Party fit the core definition but have few of the other characteristics. The core can be good for democracy, we argue, while the associated characteristics are often dangerous. Populism in opposition can be good for democracy, while populism in power carries great risks.

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Xiaoyi, Huang. "Eight Democratic Parties in China." International Journal of English and Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (March 11, 2021): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijecs.v4i1.5187.

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China has eight democratic parties which established cooperative relations with the CPC. All the democratic parties earnestly performed the functions of participating in and deliberating on state affairs and exercising democratic supervision in China’s political life. Their participation in state affairs under the leadership of the CPC is a major indication of people's democracy. They are of great importance to enhance and develop the multi-party cooperation and political consultation system under the leadership of the CPC. This paper introduces the establishing time, the mainly component members, the founding background, the history evolution and the outstanding contributions of China’s eight democratic parties.

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Awotokun, Kunle, and Olu Okotoni. "Governance and the Executive – Legislative Relations since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999 – 2019) and Beyond." Public Administration Research 9, no. 2 (October 13, 2020): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/par.v9n2p28.

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The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nigeria? How has political elites responded to the issue of governance since the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic? How can the Nigerian state build and improve on the current political climate? These and other issues are what the paper has addressed. The work relied contextually on secondary data for appropriate information germane to the work. The findings and analyses will benefit from prognosis that would be of immense value only not to Nigeria, but further implications for other African countries faced with similar political scenario.

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Krisagbedo, Ebere Celina, Jacinta Ukamaka Eze, and Jacinta Ginika Mamah. "Language and Manipulation: A Critical Discourse Analysis of All Progressive Congress (APC) and People’s Democratic Party’s (PDP) War of Words." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 11, no. 7 (July 1, 2021): 842–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1107.11.

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This paper examines the crucial role language plays in manipulating the act of discourse comprehension as a means of constructing mental models meant to effect mind control against the people’s best interests. To achieve this, the study utilises the rich resources of critical discourse analysis (CDA) precisely, the socio-cognitive framework, to analyse media political discourse within the Nigerian context. A number of discourses that hinge on the APC and PDP’s war of words over the issue of corruption extracted from the online editions of Nigerian newspapers constitute the data used for the study. The result of the data analysis indicates that Nigerian politicians consciously indulge in positive self-presentation and negative-other presentation by making use of the ideological square in the portrayal of self for the sole purpose of imposing their ideological designs on the entire populace in order to gain political dominance. Through the ideological square, each of the political parties aims at emphasizing the positive sides of its actions and the negative aspects of the other party while de-emphasizing its negative activities and the positive sides of the other through the use of manipulative language. Such manipulative use of language disables the people’s critical thinking for the manipulators’ benefit.

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SLOCOMB, MARGARET. "Commune Elections in Cambodia: 1981 Foundations and 2002 Reformulations." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 2 (April 21, 2004): 447–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03001215.

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In February 2002, Cambodians voted in a multi-party contest for commune councils to govern at the sub-district level in accordance with the Law on Commune/Sangkat Administrative Management promulgated in March 2001. Foreign observers regarded this election as a crucial stage in democratic consolidation. Communes, however, were elected in 1981 and much consolidation of their function occurred during the regime of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. Whether the commune council will differ radically from the commune People's Revolutionary Committee is debatable.

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Awofeso, Olu, and Paul A. Irabor. "Principle of Loyal Opposition: The Case of Political Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (November 16, 2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p17.

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Modern understandings of democracy not only suggest a regime in which those who govern are selected through contested elections, but more fundamentally, a system of government in which parties lose elections. Yet, the mechanism of vertical accountability whereby the people can hold the ruling government responsible depends on parties in opposition providing choices for voters while remaining loyal to the idea of governmental power. Adopting the principle of loyal opposition as the basis of this study in the Nigerian context, we try to interrogate whether the duty to serve as “government in-waiting’’ equally affects how the duty to critique the actions of the government is performed. The study further probed; can a ruling party cope with the criticism of the opposition party? To answer these questions, the study argued that it is tempting not to assume that, the institution of political party is still at its lowest ebb despite the successful democratic transition in Nigeria since 1999, and the alternation of political power resulting in the change of party in government from the People’s Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress in 2015. These issues have consequences for the principle of loyal opposition and democratic stability in Nigeria.

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Clark, Terry D. "A House Divided: A Roll-call Analysis of the First Session of the Moscow City Soviet." Slavic Review 51, no. 4 (1992): 674–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500131.

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The March 1990 elections to republican and local Soviets in the USSR resulted in the transfer of power from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to the nascent democratic movement in a number of republics and localities. Among these was the Moscow City Soviet (Mossoviet). Of the 472 people's deputies elected to the Mossoviet, the clear majority were elected under the umbrella of the political bloc Democratic Russia. Running on a platform calling for the rejection of continued CPSU control of political life in the Soviet Union and Moscow, Democratic Russia's candidates won decisively in a majority of the electoral districts.

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Takougang, Joseph. "The 2002 legislative election in Cameroon: a retrospective on Cameroon's stalled democracy movement." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 3 (August 26, 2003): 421–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004300.

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This paper examines the impressive victory by President Paul Biya and his ruling Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) in the 2002 Cameroon legislative election, especially in the light of the near collapse of the regime and the party in 1992, when it almost lost its parliamentary majority. It argues that several factors contributed to this turn of events including the president's skilful use of his power of incumbency to forestall the democratic process, the ineffectiveness of the opposition parties, and the lack of sustained support for genuine democratic change in Cameroon by France and other Western industrialised nations.

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Udris, Linards, Mark Eisenegger, and Jörg Schneider. "News Coverage about Direct-Democratic Campaigns in a Period of Structural Crisis." Journal of Information Policy 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 68–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.6.2016.68.

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Abstract This article examines whether money talks in political campaign coverage. Analyzing news coverage about twenty-nine recent direct-democratic campaigns in Switzerland, it shows that votes involving expensive campaigns and populist proposals—and ideally both—correlate with high media attention. This favors especially Switzerland's largest party with the most resources, the right-wing populist Swiss People's Party (SVP). A case study of one vote on media policy confirms these patterns and shows that news coverage is also shaped by the vested (self-)interests of media organizations. The results imply that news media, affected by the crisis in journalism, fail to cover a truly wide diversity of actors and topics.

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Okolie, Ugo Chuks. "Cross Carpeting and the Challenges to Democratic Culture and Political Stability in Nigeria's Fourth Republic." Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 301–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijicle.v3i3.48270.

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Cross carpeting is an act of swapping political parties. It is an act of changing party allegiance or moving from one party to another. Cross carpeting in known by different nomenclature such as party hopping, party switching, party crossover, party defection, party decamping, floor crossing, canoe-jumping, political party prostitution and political nomadism. The spate of cross carpeting at all the levels of government in Nigeria is beginning to cause serious political tension, hostility and a source of worry to Nigerians. It is against this backdrop that this study seeks to examine the effect of cross carpeting on democratic culture and political stability in Nigeria’s fourth republic. Cross - sectional research method was adopted and data was collected via a survey of 300 respondents in south – south geopolitical zone of Nigeria. Data collected were analyzed using correlation and linear regression analysis with the aid of Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) version 23. The findings of the study revealed that cross carpeting negatively and significantly impacts on democratic culture and political stability in Nigeria’s fourth republic. On the basis of these findings, the study recommends among others that every political party should have ideologies, programme and policies which will serve as a compass to their members and discourage them from defecting to another party.

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Dike, Ego E., and M. H. C. Madubueze. "Internal Party Democracy and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria : Problems and Prospects." NG-Journal of Social Development 7, no. 1 (February 2018): 111–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0046777.

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Sipress, Joel. "A Narrowing of Vision: Hardy L. Brian and the Fate of Louisiana Populism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (January 2008): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001729.

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In the 1890s, Hardy L. Brian was among Louisiana's leading Populists. He was a key founder of the Louisiana People's Party and served as state party secretary and editor of the organization's weekly newspaper. Son of a prominent agrarian dissident from the Louisiana piney woods, Brian believed deeply in the power of an aroused populace to bring fundamental changes to American political and economic life. Over time, however, he abandoned social movement organizing in favor of conventional party politics. The climax of this journey came in 1896, when Brian joined fellow delegates to the Populist national convention to give the People's Party presidential nomination to Democratic candidate William Jennings Bryan. The Bryan nomination cost the Populists their independent political identity and precipitated a collapse of their party organization. Hardy L. Brian's journey from agrarian rebel to conventional reform politician reflects a loss of faith in the power of the Populist vision. While he never abandoned the goal of fundamental change, Brian lost faith in the power of this goal to inspire and arouse. Instead, he embraced the logic of conventional party politics, and upon that logic the Populist vision foundered.

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Belov, Vladislav. "The new chairman of the CDU F. Merz – new possibilities and prospects for the Christian Democrats?" Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 1 (2022): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics1120220513.

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On January 22, Friedrich Merz was elected the new chairman of the Christian Democratic Union, which, together with its partner, the Bavarian Christian Social Union, has been the leading opposition force in the Bundestag since autumn 2021. The author analyzes prospects of the new CDU leader to drive the people's party out of the deep crisis.

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MATTESINI, Maria CHIARA. "La pensée des femmes catholiques en Europe. Les combats de Maria Paola Colombo Svevo." Journal of European Integration History 27, no. 2 (2021): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-243.

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‘Equal pay for equal work’, ‘Action against trafficking in human beings’ and the ‘Role of cooperatives in the growth of women's employment’ are those three important battles carried out by the women at the European Parliament in the 1990s. They represent greater justice, more dignity, increased democracy. In particular, the article wants to remember the figure of Maria Paola Colombo Svevo, senator of the Italian Christian-Democratic Party, member of the European People's Party and member of the European Parliament between 1995 and 1999.

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Ong, Elvin. "Complementary Institutions in Authoritarian Regimes: The Everyday Politics of Constituency Service in Singapore." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 3 (December 2015): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800009115.

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Recent political science research has suggested that autocrats adopt a variety of institutions such as nominally democratic elections and ruling parties to buttress authoritarian durability. In this article I investigate the role of constituency service in an authoritarian regime. I argue that Singapore's Meet-the-People Sessions (MPS) is a complementary institution that can serve to mitigate the weaknesses of other authoritarian institutions, thereby entrenching authoritarianism, rather than serve as a form of democratic representation. First, it is a mechanism to gain valuable everyday information about grievances within the population, thereby allowing the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) to formulate policies and effectively target its response. Second, it is a convenient venue to recruit and socialize ordinary party members, thus helping the PAP forestall potential party decay. Symbolically, conducting MPS is a material performance of the hegemonic ideology of elitism between PAP politicians and ordinary Singaporeans.

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Journal articles on the topic 'People's Democratic Party (Nigeria)'

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