Relevant bibliographies by topics / People's Party of the United States. Nebraska

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Academic literature on the topic 'People's Party of the United States. Nebraska'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "People's Party of the United States. Nebraska"

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MANCALL, PETER C. "‘THE ONES WHO HOLD UP THE WORLD’: NATIVE AMERICAN HISTORY SINCE THE COLUMBIAN QUINCENTENNIAL An unsettled conquest: the British campaign against the peoples of Acadia. By Geoffrey Plank. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001. Pp. 239. ISBN 0-8122-3571-1. £21.00. Blue Jacket: warrior of the Shawnees. By John Sugden. Lincoln, NB: University of Nebraska Press, 2000. Pp. xvi+250. ISBN 0-8032-4288-3. £19.95. The Cambridge history of the native peoples of the Americas, II: Mesoamerica. Edited by Richard E. W. Adams and Murdo J. MacLeod. Two parts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Pp.xv+571, xv+455. ISBN 0-521-652905-7. £90.00 (complete set)." Historical Journal 47, no. 2 (May 24, 2004): 477–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04213814.

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The quincentennial of Christopher Columbus's first voyage in 1992 generated an enormous outpouring of both emotion and scholarship. At times, it seemed that the emotional issues prevailed. Unlike earlier generations of scholars who had celebrated Columbus's achievements, the cohort of 1992 mostly attacked the Admiral of the Ocean Sea. As the historian Kenneth Maxwell put it, ‘Columbus was mugged on the way to his own party.’ By the time many commentators got through with him, Columbus had become responsible for precipitating centuries of slavery, environmental degradation, and ethnic cleansing in the Americas. He became the antichrist of a secular United States.
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Di, He. "The Most Respected Enemy: Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003407x.

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Mao Zedong's key concern in his analysis of the United States was always how to estimate American influence on the survival and security of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and, after 1 October 1949, of the People's Republic of China (PRC). But on 21 February 1972, Richard Nixon, the first American president ever to set foot on Chinese soil, began what he called “the week that changed the world.” This was also perhaps the most significant day in the 200-year history of Sino-U.S. relations. To prepare for it Nixon read extensive background materials on China, listened to specialists' advice on how to deal with his Chinese counterparts, and even practised eating with chopsticks. Nevertheless, he still felt nervous, fearing that he might be subjected to the humiliation previously encountered by Western barbarians who had journeyed to the court of the Chinese Emperor in an earlier age.
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Winger, Gregory. "The Nixon Doctrine and U.S. Relations with the Republic of Afghanistan, 1973–1978: Stuck in the Middle with Daoud." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2017): 4–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00763.

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The overthrow of the monarchy in Afghanistan in 1973 was a seminal moment in the country's history and in U.S. policy in Central Asia. The return of Mohamed Daoud Khan to power was aided by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA, the Communist party) and military officers trained in the Soviet Union. Even as Communism was making its first substantive gains in Afghanistan, the United States was wrestling with how best to pursue its strategy of containment. Stung by the experience of Vietnam, President Richard Nixon concluded that the United States could not unilaterally respond to every instance of Communist expansion. In the turbulent years that followed, U.S. diplomacy and Daoud's desire for nonalignment combined to mitigate Soviet influence in Afghanistan. However, the U.S. triumph was fleeting insofar as Daoud's shift toward nonalignment triggered the erosion of Soviet-Afghan relations, culminating in the overthrow of his government and the final ascension of the PDPA.
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Huebner, Jon W. "The Abortive Liberation of Taiwan." China Quarterly 110 (June 1987): 256–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019901.

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On 1 October 1949 the People's Republic of China was formally established in Beijing. On 7 December Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi), who had earlier moved to Taiwan to secure a final base of resistance in the civil war, ordered the Kuomintang (KMT) regime to withdraw to the island from Chengdu, Sichuan, its last seat on the mainland. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared its commitment to the goal of unifying the nation under the People's Republic, and thus called for the “liberation” of Taiwan. Although Taiwan represented the final phase of the still unfinished civil war, it was the strategic significance of the island that became of paramount concern to the CCP, the KMT and the United States.
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Železný, Jan. "Bill Gertz: Deceiving The Sky: Inside Communist Chinaʼs Drive for Global Supremacy." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 3 (July 28, 2021): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1762.

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The United States' approach to China since the Communist regime in Beijing began the period of reform and opening in the 1980s was based on a promise that trade and engagement with China would result in a peaceful, democratic state. Forty years later the hope of producing a benign People's Republic of China utterly failed. The Communist Party of China deceived the West into believing that the its system and the Party-ruled People's Liberation Army were peaceful and posed no threat. In fact, these misguided policies produced the emergence of a 21st Century Evil Empire even more dangerous than a Cold War version in the Soviet Union. Successive American presidential administrations were fooled by ill-advised pro-China policymakers, intelligence analysts and business leaders who facilitated the rise not of a peaceful China but a threatening and expansionist nuclear-armed communist dictatorship not focused on a single overriding strategic objective: Weakening and destroying the United States of America. Defeating the United States is the first step for China's current rulers in achieving global supremacy under a new world order based an ideology of Communism with Chinese characteristics. The process included technology theft of American companies that took place on a massive scale through cyber theft and unfair trade practices. The losses directly supported in the largest and most significant buildup of the Chinese military that now directly threatens American and allied interests around the world. The military threat is only half the danger as China aggressively pursues regional and international control using a variety of non-military forces, including economic, cyber and space warfare and large-scale influence operations.
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Barrett, Gordon. "China's “People's Diplomacy” and the Pugwash Conferences, 1957–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 1 (April 2018): 140–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00803.

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Newly available archival sources in China illuminate how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used transnational initiatives to advance its aims. This article explores Chinese interaction with the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs from 1957 to 1964 and discusses how the People's Republic of China (PRC) made deliberate use of transnational initiatives to further its own Cold War strategy and foreign policy. High-ranking CCP officials were directly involved in selecting China's scientific participants, shaping their message, and determining their objectives at the conferences, including winning over potentially sympathetic foreign scientists, demonstrating Sino-Soviet solidarity and, in 1960, potentially establishing back-channel communications with the incoming Kennedy administration in the United States. Chinese scientists’ involvement in Pugwash shows that transnational relations mattered to the PRC during the Cold War and, more broadly, underscores the importance of governments in transnational relations.
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Yu, Miin-ling. "From Two Camps to Three Worlds: The Party Worldview in PRC Textbooks (1949–1966)." China Quarterly 215 (September 2013): 682–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013001021.

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AbstractThe worldview as reflected in the textbooks of the People's Republic of China during 1949–1966 centred on Party-led nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism. This article emphasizes both the continuities and changes in nationalist ideology during the Republican and Maoist periods. First, textbooks in Maoist China presented the imperialist powers as shifting away from Britain, Russia and Japan under the KMT government and towards the United States (since 1949) and the Soviet Union (since the 1960s), and emphasized class struggle. Second, the CCP had far greater control over the production of textbooks than the KMT. In this sense, the CCP truly carried out “partified” (danghua) education, a goal shared by the KMT which it never had the ability to achieve. In addition, “the language of Cultural Revolution” appeared with the outbreak of the Korean War. In other words, the education that cultivated revolutionary successors began in the early 1950s.
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Mansbridge, Jane, and Stephen Macedo. "Populism and Democratic Theory." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 15, no. 1 (October 13, 2019): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042843.

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Commentators routinely describe “populism” as vague. Some argue that the early US populists, who coined the modern usage, were not populists. We disagree and identify this common conceptual core: the “people” in a moral battle against “elites.” The core definition fits all cases of populism: those on the left and right, those in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere. In addition to this minimal common core, we identify strongly suggested and frequently correlated non-core characteristics. These include the people's homogeneity and exclusivity, direct rule, and nationalism, as well as a single leader, vilification of vulnerable out-groups, and impatience with deliberation. The US Populist Party and Spain's Podemos Party fit the core definition but have few of the other characteristics. The core can be good for democracy, we argue, while the associated characteristics are often dangerous. Populism in opposition can be good for democracy, while populism in power carries great risks.
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Hameleers, Michael. "On the Ordinary People's Enemies: How Politicians in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands Communicate Populist Boundaries via Twitter and the Effects on Party Preferences." Political Science Quarterly 136, no. 3 (August 2021): 487–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.13235.

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Stock, Catherine McNicol. "Making War Their Business: The Short History of Populist Anti-Militarism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 13, no. 3 (July 2014): 387–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781414000255.

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Several historians have recently demonstrated that ideas generated initially by the Populists found their way into Progressive Era reform, New Deal/Great Society liberalism, and even today's Democratic Party politics. The only trouble is that the vast majority of the Populists themselves did not make the journey. Once a bastion of anti-corporatism, support for labor, “women's improvement,” the graduated income tax, and government regulation of the economy, the rural states of the Great Plains and American South became fortresses of what Bethany Moreton has called “Christian Free Enterprise,” with strong anti-statist and socially conservative agendas. A decade ago Thomas Frank noticed this remarkable shift on the Great Plains and wondered “What's the Matter with Kansas?” Despite many new works on the economic impact of the Cold War in rural America, we still do not have a comprehensive answer to his question. In this essay, I examine a contrast that other historians of rural politics have overlooked in large part because it goes beyond economic policy, strictly defined: what Kansans (and residents of other rural, Great Plains states that supported the People's Party) once thought about the role of the United States military and what many believe now. Understanding this striking contrast will lead to understanding more fully the origins of today's “red” state politics. Furthermore, it can highlight more subtle signs that some aspects of Populist anti-militarism may have survived this otherwise fervent shift to the right.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "People's Party of the United States. Nebraska"

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Zachary, Lauren E. "Henry S. Lane and the birth of the Indiana Republican Party, 1854-1861." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4668.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Although the main emphasis of this study is Lane and his part in the Republican Party, another important part to this thesis is the examination of Indiana and national politics in the 1850s. This thesis studies the development of the Hoosier Republican Party and the obstacles the young organization experienced as it transformed into a major political party. Party leaders generally focused on states like New York and Pennsylvania in national elections but Indiana became increasingly significant leading up to the 1860 election. Though Hoosier names like George Julian and Schuyler Colfax might be more recognizable nationally for their role in the Republican Party, this thesis argues that Lane played a guiding role in the development of the new third party in Indiana. Through the study of primary sources, it is clear that Hoosiers turned to Lane to lead the organization of the Republican Party and to lead it to its success in elections. Historians have long acknowledged Lane’s involvement in the 1860 Republican National Convention but fail to fully realize his significance in Indiana throughout the 1850s. This thesis argues that Lane was a vital leader in Hoosier politics and helped transform the Republican Party in Indiana from a grassroots movement into a powerful political party by 1860.
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Books on the topic "People's Party of the United States. Nebraska"

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Peffer, William A. Populism, its rise and fall. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992.

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Peffer, William Alfred. Populism, its rise and fall. Lawrence, Kan: University Press of Kansas, 1992.

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3

Warren, Rogers William. The one-gallused rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865-1896. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2001.

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4

Barnes, Donna A. Farmers in rebellion: The rise and fall of the Southern Farmers Alliance and People's Party in Texas. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985.

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5

Alent'eva, Tat'yana. Public opinion in the United States on the eve of the Civil war (1850-1861), was. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1068789.

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The monograph first examines American public opinion as a major factor of social and political life in the period of the maturing of the Civil war (1861-1865 gg.). Special value it is given by the study of the struggle in the South and in the North, consideration of the process of formation of two socio-cultural models. On the wide canvas of the socio-economic and political history in the monograph analyses the state and development of public opinion in the United States, sequentially from the compromise of 1850, a small civil war in Kansas, the uprising of John brown, of the maturing of "inevitable conflict," the secession of the southern States to the formation of the southern Confederacy and the Civil war. Reveals a fierce struggle, which was accompanied by the adoption of the compromise Kansas-Nebraska and the Supreme court decision in the Dred Scott case of 1857, which annulled the action of the famous Missouri compromise. Special attention is paid to the formation of the Republican party and the presidential elections of 1856 and 1860 Shown, as were incitement to hatred between citizens of the same country, which were used propaganda and manipulative techniques. The totality of facts gleaned from primary sources, especially the materials about these manipulations give an opportunity to look behind the scenes politics that led to the outbreak of the Civil war in the United States, a deeper understanding of its causes. For students of historical faculties and departments of sociology and political Sciences, and anyone interested in American history.
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Argersinger, Peter H. Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party. University Press of Kentucky, 2014.

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Argersinger, Peter H. Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party. University Press of Kentucky, 2014.

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8

Ross, Carl, and Richard Hudelson. By The Ore Docks: A Working People'S History Of Duluth. Univ Of Minnesota Press, 2006.

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The Climax of Populism: The Election of 1896. University Press of Kentucky, 2014.

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Durden, Robert F. Climax of Populism: The Election Of 1896. University Press of Kentucky, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "People's Party of the United States. Nebraska"

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Christensen, Thomas J. "The Sino-Soviet Split and Problems for the United States in Asia, Europe, and the Americas, 1956–64." In Worse Than a Monolith. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691142609.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the Sino-Soviet split and its implications for the United States' policies in Asia, Europe, and the Americas during the period 1956–1964. Coordination and comity in the communist camp peaked between 1953 and 1957, but alliance between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC) was relatively short-lived. This was caused by ideological differences, distrust, and jealous rivalries for international leadership between Nikita Khrushchev and Mao Zedong. The chapter explains what caused the strain in Sino-Soviet relations, and especially the collapse of Sino-Soviet military and economic cooperation. It also considers the effects of the Sino-Soviet disputes on third-party communists in Asia, China's foreign policy activism, and the catalytic effect of the Sino-Soviet split on Soviet foreign policy.
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Lieberman, Robbie. "‘Put My Name Down’." In Red Strains. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265390.003.0010.

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At the height of the McCarthy era, a period that marked the low point of both communism and peace activism in the United States, the communist left continued to promote its ideas about peace through song. Beginning with the Progressive party campaign of 1948, communists and their supporters sang their opposition to U.S. Cold War policies and promoted brotherhood among men, usually in those (male) terms. Intense anticommunism limited the impact of songs written and disseminated by ‘people's artists’ in the early Cold War years. Nonetheless, their work had an impact in the long run despite the repressive era in which they sang. Through hootenannies and records, and in the pages of publications such as Sing Out!they kept alive a movement culture that influenced the next generation of musicians, whose peace songs reached a popular audience in the 1960s.
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