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1
King, Victor T. "Book Review: Chinese Politics in Sarawak: A Study of the Sarawak United People's Party." South East Asia Research 6, no. 2 (July 1998): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9800600205.
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Kiyanka, Iryna. "American Populism in the Context of Political Discourse: History and Vodernity." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 13 (December 22, 2023): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2023.13.125-142.
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An important feature of populist political forces in the United States is the desire for widespread use of direct democracy mechanisms, such as referendums, local and national elections, direct elections, etc. It was mentioned above that the People's (Populist) Party already included relevant requirements in its program (in particular, the introduction of direct elections of senators, which was later implemented). In the political tradition of the United States, the roots of the plebiscitary, as opposed to representative, vision of democracy go back to the very founding of this country.
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Standerski, Dariusz. "Activity of the Regional Polish United Workers’ Party Apparatus in 1970–1989." Central European Economic Journal 8, no. 55 (January 1, 2021): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceej-2021-0006.
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Abstract The article aims to verify whether, in the 1980s, there was a significant decrease in the involvement of the regional communist party structures in charge of economic affairs in Poland. The analysis is made on the case of the Warsaw Committee (KW) of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP). Archival documents gathered in the State Archive in Warsaw were used to perform the analysis. The protocols of the meetings of the Executive and Secretariat 1970–1989 were collected, described and analysed. Moreover, the analysis was supplemented by the Statistical Yearbooks of Warsaw (GUS, 1957–1974), the Statistical Yearbooks of the Capital City of Warsaw (GUS, 1976–1981) and the Journal of Laws of the People's Republic of Poland 1970–1989. A statistical analysis of economic activity of the KW of the PUWP in the context of macroeconomic variables and economic activity of central authorities was performed. The correlation coefficient between macroeconomic performance and Party activity indicates the convergence of both trends in the 1970s and the lack of correlation in the 1980s. The decline in engagement after 1978 was unprecedented. In this period, there was a discrepancy between the activities of the central government and the Party apparatus, which remained in place until the end of the system. Institutional mechanisms in the Principal–Agent relation weakened significantly in 1980s.
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Subandi, Yeyen. "The Role of Women in Political Patronage and Political Alliance in the Joxzin Community Organization in the 2019 Election." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 1, no. 1 (July 24, 2024): 189–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v1i1.7809.189-199.
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The aim of this research is to look at the role of women in political patronage relationships which resulted in a political alliance between the community organization Joxzin (Jogjakarta Islamic Never Die) and the political party United Development Party (PPP) in the 2019 elections in 2019. Sleman Regency, Special Region of Yogyakarta , Indonesia. Joxzin is a community organization consisting of male and female members. This research uses a convergent method of mixing qualitative and quantitative data which is then analyzed using the NVivo 12 Plus application. The findings obtained in this research are that Joxzin has political patronage ties. Joxzin has resources and power compared to patrons because Joxzin as a client can appoint Ahmad Zahran to be Chairman of the Branch Leadership Council of the Yogyakarta City Development United Party. With Joxzin's strong political alliance, Muhammad Yazid from the Sleman Regency Pilkada became a legislative member of the Yogyakarta Special Region People's Representative Council for the 2019-2024 period. Keywords: Political patronage, political alliances, Woman, Joxzin, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP).
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Huebner, Jon W. "The Abortive Liberation of Taiwan." China Quarterly 110 (June 1987): 256–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019901.
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On 1 October 1949 the People's Republic of China was formally established in Beijing. On 7 December Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi), who had earlier moved to Taiwan to secure a final base of resistance in the civil war, ordered the Kuomintang (KMT) regime to withdraw to the island from Chengdu, Sichuan, its last seat on the mainland. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared its commitment to the goal of unifying the nation under the People's Republic, and thus called for the “liberation” of Taiwan. Although Taiwan represented the final phase of the still unfinished civil war, it was the strategic significance of the island that became of paramount concern to the CCP, the KMT and the United States.
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Kandeh, Jimmy D. "Sierra Leone's post-conflict elections of 2002." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 2 (May 20, 2003): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004221.
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The landslide victory by the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) in the 2002 elections was due not to any ideological or policy differences with opposition parties, but to the perception among a plurality of voters that the party delivered on its promise to end the war and therefore deserved re-election. The elections were in effect a referendum on the incumbent president and his ruling SLPP, with voters overwhelmingly concluding that Ahmad Tejan Kabba, the SLPP leader, was preferable to the legion of certified scoundrels seeking to replace him. Signs of the All Peoples Congress (APC), the party that was in power from 1968–92, making a political comeback galvanised otherwise unenthusiastic voters into supporting Kabba and the SLPP. In contrast to the APC, against whom the rebel war was launched, or the Revolutionary United Front Party (RUFP), which initiated and prosecuted the insurgency, or the People's Liberation Party (PLP), whose earlier incarnation prolonged the war by colluding with rebels, Kabba and the SLPP claimed to have ended a war that was caused, launched and sustained by assorted elements of the political opposition. The SLPP, however, can ill-afford to bask in electoral triumph or ignore the festering problems of rampant official corruption and mass poverty that led to armed conflict in the 1990s. Tackling the problem of corruption and mass deprivation may hold the key to democratic consolidation, but it is doubtful whether the SLPP, as presently constituted, is capable of leading the fight against these scourges. The SLPP may be reaching out to become a national party but it still remains an unreconstructed patronage outfit that is unresponsive to popular currents and mass aspirations.
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Fravel, M. Taylor. "Shifts in Warfare and Party Unity: Explaining China's Changes in Military Strategy." International Security 42, no. 3 (January 2018): 37–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00304.
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Since 1949, China has adopted nine national military strategies, known as “strategic guidelines.” The strategies adopted in 1956, 1980, and 1993 represent major changes in China's military strategy, or efforts by the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to wage war in a new way. Shifts in the conduct of warfare in the international system offer one explanation for why China, a developing country for most of this period, pursued major change in its military strategy. Such shifts in the conduct of warfare should be especially powerful if a gap exists between a state's current strategy and the requirements of future warfare. The PLA has only been able to change strategy, however, when the Chinese Communist Party leadership is united and agrees on basic policies and the structure of authority. When the party is united, it delegates substantial responsibility for military affairs to the PLA leadership, which changes or adjusts military strategy in response to changes in China's security environment.
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Winger, Gregory. "The Nixon Doctrine and U.S. Relations with the Republic of Afghanistan, 1973–1978: Stuck in the Middle with Daoud." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2017): 4–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00763.
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The overthrow of the monarchy in Afghanistan in 1973 was a seminal moment in the country's history and in U.S. policy in Central Asia. The return of Mohamed Daoud Khan to power was aided by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA, the Communist party) and military officers trained in the Soviet Union. Even as Communism was making its first substantive gains in Afghanistan, the United States was wrestling with how best to pursue its strategy of containment. Stung by the experience of Vietnam, President Richard Nixon concluded that the United States could not unilaterally respond to every instance of Communist expansion. In the turbulent years that followed, U.S. diplomacy and Daoud's desire for nonalignment combined to mitigate Soviet influence in Afghanistan. However, the U.S. triumph was fleeting insofar as Daoud's shift toward nonalignment triggered the erosion of Soviet-Afghan relations, culminating in the overthrow of his government and the final ascension of the PDPA.
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Un, Kheang, and Judy Ledgerwood. "Cambodia in 2002: Decentralization and Its Effects on Party Politics." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.113.
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With its first internationally endorsed local election in decades, first rotational chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and financial assistance pledged from donor countries and multilateral institutions, Cambodia made significant progress in 2002. Prime Minister Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party swept to victory in local elections, but for the first time it will have to share power at the local level. The Royalist FUNCINPEC Party underwent further decline and infighting. Cambodia received $615 million in financial pledges from international donors, and economic growth increased by a modest 4.5%% to 5%%. In February, the United Nations withdrew from negotiations for a trial of surviving leaders of Pol Pot's regime in the 1970s, but late in the year the possibility of further discussions emerged.
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Barrett, Gordon. "China's “People's Diplomacy” and the Pugwash Conferences, 1957–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 1 (April 2018): 140–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00803.
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Newly available archival sources in China illuminate how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used transnational initiatives to advance its aims. This article explores Chinese interaction with the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs from 1957 to 1964 and discusses how the People's Republic of China (PRC) made deliberate use of transnational initiatives to further its own Cold War strategy and foreign policy. High-ranking CCP officials were directly involved in selecting China's scientific participants, shaping their message, and determining their objectives at the conferences, including winning over potentially sympathetic foreign scientists, demonstrating Sino-Soviet solidarity and, in 1960, potentially establishing back-channel communications with the incoming Kennedy administration in the United States. Chinese scientists’ involvement in Pugwash shows that transnational relations mattered to the PRC during the Cold War and, more broadly, underscores the importance of governments in transnational relations.
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Železný, Jan. "Bill Gertz: Deceiving The Sky: Inside Communist Chinaʼs Drive for Global Supremacy." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 3 (July 28, 2021): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1762.
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The United States' approach to China since the Communist regime in Beijing began the period of reform and opening in the 1980s was based on a promise that trade and engagement with China would result in a peaceful, democratic state. Forty years later the hope of producing a benign People's Republic of China utterly failed. The Communist Party of China deceived the West into believing that the its system and the Party-ruled People's Liberation Army were peaceful and posed no threat. In fact, these misguided policies produced the emergence of a 21st Century Evil Empire even more dangerous than a Cold War version in the Soviet Union. Successive American presidential administrations were fooled by ill-advised pro-China policymakers, intelligence analysts and business leaders who facilitated the rise not of a peaceful China but a threatening and expansionist nuclear-armed communist dictatorship not focused on a single overriding strategic objective: Weakening and destroying the United States of America. Defeating the United States is the first step for China's current rulers in achieving global supremacy under a new world order based an ideology of Communism with Chinese characteristics. The process included technology theft of American companies that took place on a massive scale through cyber theft and unfair trade practices. The losses directly supported in the largest and most significant buildup of the Chinese military that now directly threatens American and allied interests around the world. The military threat is only half the danger as China aggressively pursues regional and international control using a variety of non-military forces, including economic, cyber and space warfare and large-scale influence operations.
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Mażewski, Lech. "Kościół wobec nowelizacji z 10 lutego 1976 roku Konstytucji PRL (1952)." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 61, no. 1 (June 30, 2009): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2009.1.9.
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The Church protests against the plans to amend the Polish People's Republic Constitution of 1976 were rather successful, and in consequence the government had partially given up the proposed amendments. In the Church's view, the real problem was not the dominance of the United Polish Workers' Party, but the Soviet influences in Polish People's Republic. It was felt that although, at that particular moment of history, even the authoritarian system and limited independence could be, if reluctantly, accepted, the powers of the government needed to be clearly demarcated and free from ideological obligations, including implementation of official atheism. Those limes were a manifestation of the integrity of human rights and the family, the respect for the Church and its place in public life, and, above all, from the fact that Poland of those time enjoyed a relatively wide internal and external autonomy.
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Ou, Sivhuoch. "Repeated Multiparty Elections in Cambodia: Intensifying Authoritarianism Yet Benefiting the Masses." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 567–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2020933567.
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The United Nations (UN) introduced multiparty elections to Cambodia in 1993 in the hope of bringing about democracy in that country. Ironically, the two-and-a-half decades of uninterrupted elections have led to an ever-more authoritarian government under Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Cambodian People's Party (CPP). Authoritarianism under the single-dominant party system began in 1997, but has intensified since 2017 with the ban on the leading opposition party. While concurring that repetitive elections have consolidated authoritarianism, this paper argues that elections are not merely tools that authoritarian leaders deploy to hold on to power. Elections are arguably mechanisms that have compelled the CPP to offer several extraordinary economic concessions since 2013; this is the first argument of the paper. The developments have created a win-win scenario for the rulers and the ruled—the authoritarian leaders prolong their rule, and the masses have more disposable income, among various benefits. The second argument is that such policy concessions are made only when the ruling party senses critical challenges from the opposition and voters. This paper contributes to the literature arguing that multiparty elections in electoral authoritarian regimes extract economic policy concessions.
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Di, He. "The Most Respected Enemy: Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003407x.
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Mao Zedong's key concern in his analysis of the United States was always how to estimate American influence on the survival and security of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and, after 1 October 1949, of the People's Republic of China (PRC). But on 21 February 1972, Richard Nixon, the first American president ever to set foot on Chinese soil, began what he called “the week that changed the world.” This was also perhaps the most significant day in the 200-year history of Sino-U.S. relations. To prepare for it Nixon read extensive background materials on China, listened to specialists' advice on how to deal with his Chinese counterparts, and even practised eating with chopsticks. Nevertheless, he still felt nervous, fearing that he might be subjected to the humiliation previously encountered by Western barbarians who had journeyed to the court of the Chinese Emperor in an earlier age.
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Алексей Сергеевич, Ярошенко. "Design features of the functioning of the regional branches of the «United Russia» party in the context of the 2021 election cycle." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, no. 3 (September 2023): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2023-1-3-305-311.
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The article provides an analysis of the project activities of the regional branches of the «United Russia» party in the Rostov region and the Stavropol region in the 2021 electoral cycle. The purpose of the study is to analyze the impact of «United Russia's» project activities on its functioning in the regions and the conceptualization of «United Russia's» image and electoral projects. The study was conducted on the materials of the 2021 elections in the Rostov region and the Stavropol region. The main research tool was the methods of applied political analysis. The results of the study: theoretical conceptualization of the image and electoral projects of «United Russia», a description of specific projects of the regional branches of «United Russia» in the electoral cycle of 2021, disclosure of the functional significance of each of the described projects. The main conclusions of the study are as follows. First, the difference between image and electoral projects lies in the goals of the projects and the periods of their implementation. Secondly, the electoral projects of «United Russia» have the potential for qualitative transformation into image projects, as an example, the project «People's Program» is given. Thirdly, image projects are often associated with the fulfillment by «United Russia» of important functions for the country's political system.
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Lankov, Andrei N. "The Demise of Non-Communist Parties in North Korea (1945–1960)." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 1 (January 2001): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970151032164.
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This article, based on newly declassified material from the Russian archives, deals with the fate of non-Communist parties in North Korea in the 1950s. Like the “people's democracies” in Eastern Europe, North Korea had (and still technically has) a few non-Communist parties. The ruling Communist party included these parties within the framework of a “united front,” designed to project the facade of a multiparty state, to control domestic dissent, and to establish links with parties in South Korea. The article traces the history of these parties under Soviet and local Communist control from the mid-1940s to their gradual evisceration in the 1950s.
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Hu, Hongdi, Jiahao Qian, Xiaotong Niu, and Kaiyue Zheng. "Comparison of Chinese and American Banks' Loan Financing Business." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 18, no. 1 (September 13, 2023): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/18/20230051.
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In this article, we aim to compare the banks loan financing business in China and the United States. We will focus on banks' personal lending business, including housing, student, and personal consumption loans. We will analyze the personal loan business of Chinese and U.S. banks separately and compare the personal loan business of both banks. The result of our comparison is that the government controls the lending system in China. China's loan system is formulated by the People's Bank of China, which is less liberal than the US loan system. China's loan laws are also imperfect, and there is a lack of third-party supervision. The United States has a complete system with guarantor agencies that China does not have. The government and the market are Multi-participation, and the Secondary Market is also involved, sharing the risk.
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Mansbridge, Jane, and Stephen Macedo. "Populism and Democratic Theory." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 15, no. 1 (October 13, 2019): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042843.
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Commentators routinely describe “populism” as vague. Some argue that the early US populists, who coined the modern usage, were not populists. We disagree and identify this common conceptual core: the “people” in a moral battle against “elites.” The core definition fits all cases of populism: those on the left and right, those in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere. In addition to this minimal common core, we identify strongly suggested and frequently correlated non-core characteristics. These include the people's homogeneity and exclusivity, direct rule, and nationalism, as well as a single leader, vilification of vulnerable out-groups, and impatience with deliberation. The US Populist Party and Spain's Podemos Party fit the core definition but have few of the other characteristics. The core can be good for democracy, we argue, while the associated characteristics are often dangerous. Populism in opposition can be good for democracy, while populism in power carries great risks.
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Yu, Miin-ling. "From Two Camps to Three Worlds: The Party Worldview in PRC Textbooks (1949–1966)." China Quarterly 215 (September 2013): 682–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013001021.
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AbstractThe worldview as reflected in the textbooks of the People's Republic of China during 1949–1966 centred on Party-led nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism. This article emphasizes both the continuities and changes in nationalist ideology during the Republican and Maoist periods. First, textbooks in Maoist China presented the imperialist powers as shifting away from Britain, Russia and Japan under the KMT government and towards the United States (since 1949) and the Soviet Union (since the 1960s), and emphasized class struggle. Second, the CCP had far greater control over the production of textbooks than the KMT. In this sense, the CCP truly carried out “partified” (danghua) education, a goal shared by the KMT which it never had the ability to achieve. In addition, “the language of Cultural Revolution” appeared with the outbreak of the Korean War. In other words, the education that cultivated revolutionary successors began in the early 1950s.
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Chen, Kai. "On the judicial application of United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods in China." Advances in Education, Humanities and Social Science Research 7, no. 1 (September 22, 2023): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.56028/aehssr.7.1.541.2023.
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Under the background of economic globalization and the increasing and in-depth trade among countries, the United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CISG), which was implemented in 1988, has become the most important international uniform law to regulate international trade conflicts. In recent years, with the continuous improvement of globalization, CISG has been widely applied in the judicial practice of various countries. But as a result of the treaty is a compromise between different countries, the adjustment principle, causes in the judicial practice there are some limitations. This situation means that although the Treaty is applicable to many countries, each country may have different standards and interpretations. Although China is a party to the CISG, it was only after China became the world's second largest economy that the convention really received attention in academia. But the new civil code of the international treaty to make no rules. Although the Interpretation of the Supreme People's Court on Several Issues concerning the Application of Law in the Trial of Cases concerning International Sale of Goods issued by the Supreme People's Court in 1987 can be applied in judicial practice, the lack of specific provisions has led to different judgments by different courts and arbitration bodies. The Supreme People's Court on the international sale of goods cases to explain some issues of applicable law in the regulation of content is extremely limited, unable to cope with the complexity of case treatment, there is no specific steps to perform the convention provides guidance. Against this background, this article discusses the judicial application of the CISG in China, and offers suggestions and recommendations based on the study of the Convention and its practical application.
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Kandeh, Jimmy D. "Rogue incumbents, donor assistance and Sierra Leone's second post-conflict elections of 2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 4 (November 11, 2008): 603–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003509.
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ABSTRACTThe removal of the governing Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) from power through the ballot box in 2007 represents a watershed moment in the growth and maturation of Sierra Leone's teething electoral democracy. This is because the peaceful alternation of political parties in power tends to strengthen democracy and nurture public confidence in elections as mechanisms of political change. In contrast to what happened in 1967, when the SLPP derailed the country's first post-independence democratic experiment by orchestrating a military coup after losing power in parliamentary elections, the SLPP in 2007 found itself isolated both internally and externally, and could rely neither on the support of a restructured army and police nor on external patrons like the United Kingdom which, among other things, suspended budgetary support for the government pending the satisfactory conclusion of the elections. The emergence of the People's Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC), whose membership consists largely of disaffected former SLPP members and supporters, and the electoral alliance forged between the PMDC and the All People's Congress (APC) in the presidential run-off, doomed any chance the SLPP may have had of holding on to power. The elections were referenda on the SLPP, which lost both the presidency and the legislature because its rogue leadership squandered the goodwill of the public, misappropriated donor funds with impunity, and failed to deliver basic social goods and services.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in France and their impact on Russian-French Relations." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.3.1.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in France held on June 12 and 19, 2022. The results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2022 are compared, and all these parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2022 are characterized. The results of the activities of the French government, formed by President and Leader of party Republic on the March! E. Macron following the results of the 2018 elections. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its influence on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It is considered how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The assessment of the activities of the main opposition parties of this country is given. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the positions of political parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are considered: the coalition Together (For a President Majority), led by the Chairman of the National Assembly R.Ferrand, uniting the Renaissance, Democratic Movement and Horizon parties, the New People's Ecological and Social Union coalition (NPESU) led by the leader of the Unconquered France party J.-L.Melenchon, which also united the socialist and communist parties, and the Europe, Ecology, Greens party, the National Unification Party of Marine Le Pen, which was headed on the eve of the elections by MEP J.Bordella, and the coalition of the Union of the Right and Centrists led by the leader of the Republicans Party, C.Jacob, which also included the Union of Democrats and Independents party. The positions of these parties are presented. The state of Russian-French relations is analyzed and a forecast is given of how the election results will affect relations between RF and France.
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Rong, Zhao, and Xu Fengqai. "The advantages of the Chinese model: China's experience in fighting the coronavirus in the Russian press." World of Russian-speaking countries 1, no. 7 (2021): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2658-7866-2021-1-7-17-32.
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The coronavirus epidemic is putting the state system and governments of different countries around the world on trial. While Western countries are still suffering from the epidemic, China is not only keeping its spread effectively under control, but also ensuring current economic growth. The difference between China's success and the West's helplessness in fighting the epidemic has drawn the attention of the Russian media to the Chinese model. They believe that, compared to Western countries, namely the United States, the Chinese authorities were quick to react and highly organised after the outbreak, always putting people's lives above everything else and, as a result, securing the people's trust. As a result of joint actions of the Communist Party, public discipline and people's trust towards the authorities, China has effectively mobilised all social forces in the fight against the coronavirus. China has clearly demonstrated its humanistic strategy both to its own citizens and to the rest of the world. All this clearly showed the great advantages of the Chinese model, i.e. of the specific Chinese socialism. Undoubtedly, the Russian media give a more objective assessment of China's measures and results in fighting the epidemic than the Western media. According to the authors of the article, this is closely linked to the Russian «East + West» special geopolitical situation and the special historical process of «socialism + capitalism» development in Russia. In conclusion, the authors are confident that Russia will be able to find a model of development suitable for the Russian people, comparing the Chinese model with the Western one.
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Lynch, Daniel C., and Cody Wai-kwok Yau. "What Exactly is it that the Taiwan Greens Want? Extracting “Taiwan Subjectivity” from the Liberty Times Newspaper." Journal of East Asian Studies 22, no. 1 (January 20, 2022): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.37.
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AbstractOne source of the idea that Taiwan independence would be politically desirable is belief in the concept of “Taiwan subjectivity,” which indicates that Taiwan is not an appendage of China but instead an autonomous actor charting its own course – or trying to do so in the face of huge difficulties. The ruling (since 2016) Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) pledges fealty to the goal of ultimately realizing subjectivity but cannot aggressively pursue the agenda because of opposition from the People's Republic of China (PRC), the United States, and some in Taiwan itself. What might that agenda be? Using a Structural Topic Model, we excavate the subjectivity discourse as it developed from 2008 to 2020 in the mainstream DPP-supporting newspaper, the Liberty Times. We find fourteen topics associated with the concept, the most prevalent of which in recent years warn of threats to subjectivity's realization in the political and sociocultural spheres.
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Ngan, Dinh Thi kim. "THE POLITICS OF PEACE AND THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENT IN HOI AN, QUANG NAM, AFTER 1954." Hue University Journal of Science: Social Sciences and Humanities 128, no. 6B (July 5, 2019): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.26459/hueuni-jssh.v128i6b.4980.
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<pre>In pursuit of American policy, the Saigon administration carried out extremely reactionary policies, such as refusing general consultation, refusing to reestablish normal relations between the North and the South, refusing the election of the Constituent Assembly (March 31, 1956), the promulgation of the Constitution (October 26, 1956), the establishment of the Can Lao People's Party, the National Revolutionary Movement and the Republican Youth. The Saigon government tried to terrorize peace advocates, resistance fighters and those who fought for the Geneva Accords (1954). The conspiracy and tactics that the US and Diem Ngo Dinh government as ways of refusing to negotiate with the general election made ethnic conflicts and social conflicts increasingly severe. Thus, a political fight for peace and the enforcement of the Geneva agreement between the people of Hoi An and the United States and the Saigon government became inevitable.</pre>
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ORLEVYCH, Iryna. "SPLIT IN THE RUSSOPHILE CIRCLES AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE RUSSIAN AGRARIAN PARTY." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 36 (2022): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2022-36-69-93.
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The activity of the Russophile party restored in the interwar period, which remained true to its own ideological orientations, declaring the longevity of its historical tradition and succession to the pre-war institution, is studied. Competing for influence in the political arena, this party, with its inherent conformism, was able to gain the support of the Polish government and regain control of its societies: Stauropegion, «People’s House», «Halychyna-Ruthenian Matica». The problem of fighting for the right to the «People’s House» – the only society for which government commissioners were appointed – has long gripped all Ukrainian politics, becoming the cause of inter-party conflicts and intra-party quarrels of Russophiles, the issue of political bargaining between parties and government in election battles, an indicator of relations with the state and one of the main public discourses. It is shown that the struggle for the «People's House» was an important prerequisite for the split of the «Russian People's Organization» (RPO) in 1926. A group of people led by M. Bachynskyi, L. Cherkavskyi, and O. Lysiak left the RPO and founded the Russian Agrarian Party (RAP), explaining this by the desire to create a «healthy opposition» to the Russophile leadership and more actively defend the rights of the peasantry. RAP members enlisted the support of Polish government officials to seize the «People’s House» and win seats in the 1928 and 1930 elections. In the elections to the Sejm and the Senate in 1928, with the assistance of the Polish government, the RPO and the RAP united, but never received a single mandate. In the 1930 election campaigns, the RAP ran on the same electoral list as the pro-government BB party and won two seats. An attempt is made to please the Polish authorities with the head of the RAP M. Bachynskyi, who declared the difference between the ideology of his political force and all Russophilia, positioning its members as «Ruthenians» who, unlike the RPO, did not seek unification with Russia (but at the same time they continued to profess the idea of the unity of the «Russian» people and used the term «Russian» to mean Ukrainians of Halychyna). M. Bachynskyi's anti-Ukrainian position on complex aspects of Ukrainian-Polish relations is highlighted. This Russophile figure negatively assessed the patriotic Ukrainian forces, including the GCC, which he accused of not stopping the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919 by its clergy. He also did not condemn the «pacification» carried out by the Polish government against the Ukrainian population, opposed the introduction of national identifiers «Ukrainian», «Ukraine» and others. For the first time, the archives of the Stanislav Voivodeship show attempts by the Polish authorities to support Russophiles from the RAP, calling the members of this party «Ruthenians», just as the Poles called the entire Ukrainian people. It was the agreement policy and unpopularity among the masses that led to the liquidation of the RAP (since 1931 – RAO) in 1934. Its members joined the «Russian Peasant Organization» (RPO)
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Hameleers, Michael. "On the Ordinary People's Enemies: How Politicians in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands Communicate Populist Boundaries via Twitter and the Effects on Party Preferences." Political Science Quarterly 136, no. 3 (August 2021): 487–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.13235.
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Zhang, Xiaoming. "Deng Xiaoping and China's Decision to Go to War with Vietnam." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 3 (July 2010): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00001.
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The decision by the People's Republic of China (PRC) to launch a war against Vietnam in early 1979 has not been subject to scrutiny until now. The decision was shaped in part by the deteriorating relationship between Beijing and Hanoi, by Vietnam's new alliance with the Soviet Union, and by Vietnam's regional hegemony, but it also stemmed from the PRC's effort to improve its strategic position in the world. Three events took place in Beijing in December 1978 that also had an important impact on China's decision to go to war: Deng Xiaoping's reascendance to the top leadership at the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Beijing's adoption of economic reform as the highest national priority, and the normalization of China's relationship with the United States. Deng Xiaoping, as a chief architect of China's national strategy in the immediate post-Mao era, played a dominant role in China's decision to go to war.
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Putra, Agung Pratama, Norhuda Norhuda, and Nico Oktario Adytyas. "Institusionalisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) di Kota Palembang." Ampera: A Research Journal on Politics and Islamic Civilization 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/ampera.v2i1.7515.
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This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat.
The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.
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Yufan, Hao, and Zhai Zhihai. "China's Decision to Enter the Korean War: History Revisted." China Quarterly 121 (March 1990): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013527.
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Thirty-seven years have passed since the Korean War ended in July 1953. The Korean War, which was one of the most dramatic events of the cold war, resulted not only in huge casualties on the two sides, but also in a deep wound in Sino–American relations which took more than two decades to heal. Vast amounts of research have been done on the war, but one important aspect–the motivation behind the decision of the People's Republic of China to enter the war – remains mysteriously masked, or at least unconvincingly explained.Why did Beijing involve itself in a military conflict with the United States, the world's most powerful country, at a time when the newly established regime needed to be consolidated? What were the factors that led the Chinese to decide that they had to enter the war on behalf of North Korea? It has been generally accepted in the west that the Chinese were motivated by a combination of Chinese xenophobic attitudes, security concerns, expansionist tendencies and the communist ideology. To what extent is this perspective historically correct? What is the Chinese perspective on this issue?The purpose of this article is to try to explain from a Chinese perspective the motivation of China's leaders in making such a momentous decision, as revealed by Chinese sources recently released in China.Historical RootsChina's decision to intervene in the Korean War on behalf of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) had its historical roots. It was the natural result of gradually developed animosity between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and what it regarded as the foreign imperialist powers, especially the United States, and of the fear of a threat from the latter.
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Obradović, Žarko. "Elements of global superiority of The People's Republic of China in the 21st century." Napredak 2, no. 2 (2021): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-32694.
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The Chinese state has existed for more than five thousand years and in the history of human society it has always presented its own specific civilizational attainment, which exerted a considerable influence on the Asian region. In the years since its creation on October 1, 1949, and especially in the last decade, New China has stepped out beyond the region of Asia onto the global scene. With its economic power and international development projects (amongst which the Belt and Road projects stands out), China has become a leader of development and the promoter of the idea of international cooperation in the interests of peace and security in the world and the protection of the future of mankind. This paper will attempt to delineate the elements of the development of the People's Republic of China in the 21st century, placing a special focus on the realization of the Belt and Road initiative and the results of the struggle against the Covid-19 pandemic, all of which have made China an essential factor in the power relations between great global forces and the resultant change of attitude of the United States of America and the European Union towards China. Namely, China has always been a large country in terms of the size of its territory and population, but it is in the 21st century that the PR of China has become a strong state with the status of a global power. Such results in the organization of society and the state, the promotion of new development ideas and the achievement of set goals, would not have been possible without the Communist Party of China, as the main ideological, integrative and organizational factor within Chinese society. In its activities, the Chinese state sublimates the experiences of China's past with an understanding of the present moment in the international community and the need of Chinese citizens to improve the quality of life and to ensure stable development of the country. The United States and the European Union are taking various measures to oppose the strengthening of the People's Republic of China. These include looking after their interests and preserving their position in the international community, while simultaneously trying, if possible, to avoid jeopardizing their economic cooperation with China.
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Daulay, Hamdan, and Mohamad Hasan As'adi. "MAHATHIR MOHAMMAD'S POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS IN POLITICAL DYNAMICS IN MALAYSIA." Profetik: Jurnal Komunikasi 14, no. 1 (August 18, 2021): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/pjk.v14i1.1990.
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The political turmoil in Malaysia following the resignation of Mahathir Mohammad (February 2020), and the success of Muhyiddin Yassin in the position of Prime Minister, made the political atmosphere even more dynamic. There are those who think that Malaysian politics currently shows a serious problem with the fierce battle between political figures. There have even been various accusations that say there is treason that justifies any means to achieve the goal. Muhyiddin Yassin, who is Mahathir's representative in the Malaysian Indigenous United Party (PPBM), was accused of treason. Likewise, Azmin Ali who was deputy chairman of the People's Justice Party (PKR) was accused of treason by Anwar Ibrahim, so that Azmin was fired from the PKR. Mahathir Mohammad is a senior Malaysian political figure with long experience in politics. The political communication that Mahthir has built is very intelligent with his success as a UMNO figure and the Prime Minister of Malaysia for more than 20 years. As a doctor, since the age of 25, he has been active in politics through the UMNO party. Mahathir understands that politics is very dynamic and political figures must be able to adapt to the existing political dynamics. It was this political dynamic that made Mahathir leave UMNO when he saw the many deviations committed by his figures. Mahathir then formed a new party, Partai Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) which succeeded in ending UMNO's domination in the 2018 elections. Mahathir's political communications were truly tested when he succeeded in becoming the second prime minister of Malaysia at the age of 92 years. The political message delivered by Mahathir was able to convince the Malaysian people about the direction of national development. His long and successful experience in politics made him known as the father of modernization in Malaysia. However, in the end, he was removed by Muhyiddin Yassin (his own friend) from the seat of Prime Minister at the age of 94. Because actually in politics there are no friends and enemies who are eternal, it is political interests themselves that are eternal.
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Stock, Catherine McNicol. "Making War Their Business: The Short History of Populist Anti-Militarism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 13, no. 3 (July 2014): 387–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781414000255.
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Several historians have recently demonstrated that ideas generated initially by the Populists found their way into Progressive Era reform, New Deal/Great Society liberalism, and even today's Democratic Party politics. The only trouble is that the vast majority of the Populists themselves did not make the journey. Once a bastion of anti-corporatism, support for labor, “women's improvement,” the graduated income tax, and government regulation of the economy, the rural states of the Great Plains and American South became fortresses of what Bethany Moreton has called “Christian Free Enterprise,” with strong anti-statist and socially conservative agendas. A decade ago Thomas Frank noticed this remarkable shift on the Great Plains and wondered “What's the Matter with Kansas?” Despite many new works on the economic impact of the Cold War in rural America, we still do not have a comprehensive answer to his question. In this essay, I examine a contrast that other historians of rural politics have overlooked in large part because it goes beyond economic policy, strictly defined: what Kansans (and residents of other rural, Great Plains states that supported the People's Party) once thought about the role of the United States military and what many believe now. Understanding this striking contrast will lead to understanding more fully the origins of today's “red” state politics. Furthermore, it can highlight more subtle signs that some aspects of Populist anti-militarism may have survived this otherwise fervent shift to the right.
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Claussen, Kathleen. "Stocktaking and Glimpsing at Trade Law's Next Generation." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 111 (2017): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2017.69.
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These remarks are derived from a forthcoming work considering the future of international trade law. Compared with most features of the international legal system, the regional and bilateral trade law system is in the early stages of its evolution. For example, the United States is a party to fourteen free trade agreements currently in force, all but two of which have entered into force since 2000. The recent proliferation of agreements, particularly bilateral and regional agreements, is not unique to the United States. The European Union recently concluded trade agreement negotiations with Canada, Singapore, and Vietnam to add to its twenty-seven agreements in force and is negotiating approximately ten additional bilateral or multilateral agreements. In the Asia-Pacific Region, the number of regional and bilateral free trade agreements has grown exponentially since the conclusion of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Area of 1992. At that time, the region counted five such agreements in force. Today, the number totals 140 with another seventy-nine under negotiation or awaiting entry into force. The People's Republic of China is negotiating half a dozen bilateral trade agreements at present to top off the sixteen already in effect. India likewise is engaged in at least ten trade agreement negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports 267 agreements of this sort in force among its members as of July 1, 2016.
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Friedman, Jeremy S. "Accidental Conflict: America, China, and the Clash of False Narratives. By Stephen Roach. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2022. 448 pp. Illustrations. Hardcover, $32.50. ISBN: 978-0-300-25964-3. Mao and Markets: The Communist Roots of Chinese Enterprise. By Christopher Marquis and Kunyuan Qiao. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2022. 384 pp. Illustrations. Hardcover, $30.00. ISBN: 978-0-300-26338-1." Business History Review 97, no. 1 (2023): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680523000089.
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Few phrases in the discourse of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have proven as durable and pliable as “seeking truth from facts.” The phrase was first used by Mao Zedong in the 1930s as a way to legitimate the CCP's departure from Stalinist direction, and it was later mobilized by Deng Xiaoping to signal a shift from Maoism toward new avenues of policy experimentation. In recent years, as rising tensions in the US-China relationship have produced a burgeoning literature that seeks to understand and interpret Beijing's intentions for a Western audience, the phrase has become as applicable to the study of China as it has long been to the governance of China. This is not merely because the People's Republic of China (PRC) provides an endless source of raw material for speculation and analysis, obscured behind a veil of obfuscation, censorship, and propaganda constructed by the world's largest and most powerful political party. It is also because the stakes of the debate—coming at a time when the role of the West in general, and the United States in particular, has been thrown into doubt by social division, political dysfunction, and economic decline—seem to provide grounds for doubting the motives of anyone who aspires to take a stand on such a crucial yet ambiguous question as the true nature of CCP rule. With so many facts to choose from, how are we to know which will produce the right truths, and more importantly, who is doing the choosing and why?
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Sarotte, M. E. "China's Fear of Contagion: Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example." International Security 37, no. 2 (October 2012): 156–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00101.
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The Tiananmen Square massacre of June 1989 remains a taboo topic in the People's Republic of China (PRC); the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) still detains participants and suppresses online, popular, and scholarly discussions of it. The twentieth anniversary of the end of the transatlantic Cold War, however, saw the release of new sources from high-level contacts between the CCP and foreign leaders. These new sources, combined with older ones, show the extent to which Chinese political leaders were obsessed with the democratic changes in Eastern Europe and were willing to take violent action to prevent similar events on their territory. This obsession has received mention from a few scholars, but until now it has played too small a role in the current understanding of Tiananmen. New evidence documents that one of the main motivations for the CCP in deploying the army in June 1989—on the same day as semi-free elections in Poland—was its desire to combat possible contagion from the events in Europe. These sources also show that the CCP knew it had little to fear from reprisals by the United States, which it predicted would take “no real countermeasures.”
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Blinov, V. "The formation of the Soviet ideocracy as a new effective form of a centralized state in the 20th century (1917 - 1953)." Journal of Political Research 6, no. 3 (October 14, 2022): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2022-6-3-106-117.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the evolution of the Soviet ideocratic management model in the period 1917 - 1953. The principles of comparative, historical and institutional analysis are used as a methodological basis. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of the theoretical ideas of Marxism in the works of V.I. Lenin, who introduces the provision on the special role of the party, capable of leading the proletariat, which in subsequent years becomes the central ideological position of the Soviet state and is borrowed in practice by other regimes. Since the period of the mid-1930s, after the consolidation of power, I.V. Stalin made a number of attempts to separate the governing bodies of the ministerial vertical and the apparatus of the CPSU (b), but in view of the approaching war, such projects were not implemented. The monolithic power of the Council of People's Commissars and the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, united by the State Defense Committee, will turn out to be one of the decisive factors for the victory of the USSR in the war, since it will allow organizing the economy and management in such a way that in many indicators of the production of military equipment the Soviet Union will be several times larger than Nazi-occupied Europe. In the post-war years, new attempts will be made to organize the separation of powers in the Soviet state, but to no avail, which will become the reason for subsequent transformations during the reign of N.S. Khrushchev. It is concluded that the consolidation of the administrative apparatus became the most important factor in the victory of the USSR in the war, but the merging of the government and party vertical turned out to be the reason for attempts to reform in subsequent years. As a result of the analysis, the stages of the formation of the Soviet ideocracy were revealed. The theoretical significance of the work lies in the possibility of using the obtained results for the subsequent comprehensive comparative analysis of different ideocratic regimes.
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Левин, Я. А., С. О. Буранок, and П. Д. Токмакова. "The founding of the People's Republic of China in the assessments of the American press." Вестник гуманитарного образования, no. 2(22) (August 9, 2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.21.020.
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1 октября 1949 г. во многом является переломной датой в истории Холодной войны и международных отношений второй половины XX века. День основания нового коммунистического государства стал одним из первых действительно громких провалов для внешней политики США. В рамках данного исследования прослежена реакция американской периодической печати на столь важное событие. На основе приведенных в статье фактов и материалов можно сделать несколько важных выводов: прежде всего, пресса пыталась всячески нивелировать эффект для собственных граждан от появления на карте нового, явно недружественного Вашингтону государственного образования. Вместе с тем появление еще одного коммунистического режима активно укладывается в «дуальную логику» противостояния с СССР, чья роль видится журналистам решающей, а перемены, связанные с изменением политической карты мира, прежде всего оцениваются с точки зрения «усиления» главного противника Соединенных Штатов. Интересными моментами также представляется проявляющееся в прессе скептичное, если не сказать откровенно недоброжелательное, отношение к ООН, в которой новое государство должно будет занять определенное место. Также материал газетных статей позволяет сделать выводы о качестве существующего в США понимания ситуации в Китае, которое, несмотря на все усилия американской дипломатии на уровне СМИ, было крайне низким. Кроме того, открыто проявляется изменение оценок партии Гоминьдан и в целом руководства Китайской Республики, они становятся сравнительно редкими и всегда с явным оттенком разочарования. Таким образом, можно сделать выводы о том, что оценки американской прессы, активно влияющей на общественное мнение, а значит, и на механизмы принятия решений в США, всерьез повлияли на общее восприятие КНР и те стереотипы, которые будут господствовать в массовом сознании на протяжении долгого периода. October 1, 1949 is in many ways a turning point in the history of the Cold War and international relations of the second half of the XX century. The day of the foundation of the new communist state was one of the first really high-profile failures for US foreign policy. Within the framework of this study, the reaction of the American periodical press to such an important event is traced. Based on the facts and materials presented in the article, several important conclusions can be drawn: first of all, the press tried in every possible way to neutralize the effect for its own citizens from the appearance on the map of a new, clearly unfriendly state entity. At the same time, the appearance of another communist regime actively fits into the "dual logic" of the confrontation with the USSR, whose role is seen by journalists as decisive, and the changes associated with the change of the political map of the world are primarily evaluated from the point of view of "strengthening" the main enemy of the United States. Interesting points also seem to be the skeptical, if not frankly unfriendly attitude shown in the press towards the UN, in which the new state will have to take a certain place. Also, the material of newspaper articles allows us to draw conclusions about the quality of the existing understanding of the situation in China in the United States, which, despite all the efforts of American diplomacy at the media level, was extremely low. In addition, the change in the assessments of the Kuomintang Party and the leadership of the Republic of China in general is openly manifested, they become relatively rare and always with a clear tinge of disappointment. Thus, it can be concluded that the assessments of the American press, which actively influences public opinion, and therefore the decision-making mechanisms in the United States, have seriously affected the general perception of the PRC and those stereotypes that will prevail in the mass consciousness for a long period of time.
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PANG, YANG HUEI. "Helpful Allies, Interfering Neighbours: World opinion and China in the 1950s." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (September 17, 2014): 204–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000395.
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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Korean War, the People's Republic of China was effectively an international pariah. Accounts of this period in Chinese textbooks emphasize how the Chinese turned this around, either during the Geneva Conference or the Bandung Conference, through deft planning and enterprise. Yet few pay any attention to how such manipulation of world opinion became increasingly difficult for Beijing after that initial success. One outcome of China's public relations campaign meant friendly Afro-Asia leaders voiced their opinions, in alarming numbers, to their Chinese counterparts regarding issues such as Asian security, mainland China's economic development, and the Taiwan problem. Indeed, recently declassified Chinese Foreign Affairs archive documents demonstrate that China tried to marshal such non-Soviet bloc opinions to its advantage during the first Taiwan Strait crisis (1955). Chinese efforts were successful in that there was no lack of volunteers to air dissent with American foreign policy. But these new allies also wished to mediate between the United States and the Republic of China, on the one side, and mainland China on the other. Moreover, such efforts were often at variance with China's domestic and strategic outlook in the region. China thus had to embark upon an active ‘management’ of disparate world opinions, which was an entirely new endeavour. Although China tried to provide a sanitized ‘script’ for its new friends, most had their own ideas. By the time of the second Taiwan Strait crisis (1958), the volume of third party interference had grown. Overwhelmed by such international attention, China responded by openly rejecting unwelcome mediation efforts and demanded outright condemnation of the United States. Thus, ironically, with its growing prominence on the international stage, China found itself unbearably weighted down by the burden of world opinion, a position previously occupied by the United States.
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G.I., Sheriff, Chubado B.T., and Ahmet A. "The One-China Policy and Implications of U.S. Invariable Support for Taiwan." African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 4, no. 2 (August 17, 2021): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajlpra-xwxscxj8.
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This paper discusses the concept of the one-China policy and how the United States support of Taiwan poses a challenge to stability in the region. The paper adopted the library descriptive instrument from historical research to come up with the available data in the paper. Findings show that, since 1949, the struggle between the Nationalist Republic of China and the Communist party escalated into a civil war which resulted in the defeat of Kuomintang and the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC), which took control of all mainland China. Only the island of Taiwan remained under the control of the ROC. Since then, both the ROC and the PRC have been claiming to represent all of "China", and both officially claim each other's territory. The paper concludes that China cannot forfeit the strait of Taiwan despite American support to the island. The deteriorating relationship between the U.S and China relationship has seen trade wars to accusations on the origins of the coronavirus to political buffering, to the sovereign of Taiwan and Hongkong, it just seems to be a manifestation of the Sino-American Cold War. The way things appear, the relationship between the U.S and China will further deteriorate largely because democracy and liberal order are being challenged by the political posture of China. The paper recommends that there is the need to maintain the non-interference principle by the two parties, the United States should know that Taiwan is China and therefore not meddle in the affairs of China and vice-versa.
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Fauzi, Nabil Ahmad. "Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia dan Malaysia Terhadap China di Era Perang Dingin." Insignia Journal of International Relations 1, no. 01 (October 16, 2014): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2014.1.01.426.
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Since the proclamation on the 1st October 1949, the People's Republic of China has gained an important role in international relations after World War II. The success of communism conquered China, has changed the dynamics of competition between the United States and the Soviet Union that lead the Western Bloc and the Eastern Bloc. The situation has forced the newly independent states in this era, like Indonesia and Malaysia, to determine their position. In addition to facing the same international politics pressures, the two countries also have relations in the domestic issues related to China, namely the existence of the local Communist Party and ethnic of "Chinese overseas". The external and domestic factors that ultimately affect the choice of the countries' foreign policy towards China. This article attempts to identify and explore the factors that influence the similarities and differences in Indonesia and Malaysia foreign policy towards China using the approach threat perception, leader perception and domestic legitimacy within the framework of neo-classical realism. This article is expected to provide scientific contributions to understanding the comparison of Indonesia and Malaysia foreign policy towards China.
Keywords: Indonesia and Malaysia foreign policy, the existence of China, Cold War era, threatperception, leader perception, domestic legitimacy, neo-classical realism
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Akram Ul Haq, Muhammad, Asia Saif Alvi, Muhammad Safdar Hussain, Kashif Ijaz, and Rifat Kaleem. "Challenges and Opportunities in Pakistan-US Relations and it’s Impact on Pakistan’s Foreign Policy." Research Journal for Societal Issues 5, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.56976/rjsi.v5i2.101.
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This article illumination on Pakistan-US relations and various aspects of their common history. There have been many vicissitudes throughout history, which have led to the phenomena of trust and mistrust as well as perceptions and misperceptions. An outline of this research has been prepared with regard to the relations between convergence and divergence of interests. Due to numerous and complex factors, the history of relations between Pakistan and the US has often moved in a roller coaster pattern. The two state’s bilateral relations affected by this multifaceted relationship, which has two distinct co-dependency and trust deficit methods. This article aims to highlight the issues of miscellaneous opinions and policies between Pakistan and the US over the distinctive national and international contexts that directly link the interests of the two parties and outline causes of interaction between them to survive during essential times of vicissitudes. This article described the convergent and divergent in Pak-US relations and this complex of two-pronged affair starting with the history of relations by the end of Musharraf's reign and beginning with the Pakistan People's Party govt. The current study has examined internal and external connections relating to Pakistan's national security in interactions with the United States and its effect on or implications for Pakistan's foreign policy.
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Gomez, James. "Politics and Ethnicity: Framing Racial Discrimination in Singapore." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (January 31, 2012): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v28i2.3431.
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Racial discrimination is a global phenomenon that the United Nations seeks to eradicate. In contemporary Singapore, research shows that the basis for racial discrimination is anchored in the role of ethnic identity and how it frames the formulation of policies related to education, employment, housing, immigration and politics. These policies have been formulated and implemented by the People's Action Party (PAP) government that has been in power for over 50 years. When confronted with its racially based policies, the PAP government insists that it follows a tolerant approach towards different races and that it promotes the idea of multiculturalism and meritocracy as a racial equalizer. However, ethnic minorities in Singapore complain they are being discriminated against
daily on the basis of their race or religion. They argue that their views are often not given airing in the local mainstream media and they are further prevented from discussing these issues openly due to legislation restricting freedom of expression and assembly on these matters. Given this background, the first visit of a UN Rapporteur on racism to Singapore, at the invitation of the PAP government in April 2010, allowed the city-state's race-based policies to be put in an international spotlight. This study examines the visit of the UN Rapporteur, his initial findings, government and civil society responses, and the significance of this first UN mission. The paper locates its research on racial discrimination in the context of Singapore's political framework and the United Nations' efforts to eradicate racism. It argues that ultimately, policy changes in Singapore can only take place as a result of politically challenging the PAP government.
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Bozhuk, Anton. "To the Question of Chronology of the Organization of the Ukrainian Intelligentsia of Sevastopol "Kobzar" at the Beginning of the 20th Century." Ukrainian Studies, no. 2(83) (July 24, 2022): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.2(83).2022.259388.
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The study is devoted to the question of time, period and forms of existence and changes in the leadership of the organization of the Ukrainian intellectuals “Kobzar”, founded in the early twentieth century in Sevastopol and associated with the name of engineer Levko Matsiievych, who was one of the most prominent Ukrainian activists of national movement in the city in said period of time. According to available data, the secret organization “Kobzar”, nameless at the time, was founded in 1901 on the basis of an amateur workers' theater in the People's House of Sevastopol, which operated as a group of Ukrainian dramatic art lovers under the direction of Levko Matsiievych and Oleksandr Kovalenko. Members of the organization established branches among the employees of the seaport and garrison of Sevastopol, later joining the Ukrainianization of local military units. The organization could be involved in the united autonomous community of Sevastopol, which was part of the General Non-Party Ukrainian Organization. According to available data, in 1905/1906 the organization “Kobzar” either began legal activities under the leadership of Levko Matsiievych or started any at all but data from Matsiievych's biography in 1906–1908 does not allow us to claim that he led the organization “Kobzar” or engaged in public activities in Sevastopol at all. From 1905 to 1907, the organization “Kobzar” was the center of the Ukrainian national and public movement, which united servicemen of the Black Sea Fleet and civilians of Sevastopol. In March–April 1917, virtually all members of the organization “Kobzar” joined the Main Council of the Ukrainian Black Sea Community. Subsequently, existing in various forms under German, Bolshevik, Denikin and Wrangel rule in Crimea, the Ukrainian national formation of Sevastopol ceased to exist in the late 1920s with the establishment of Soviet power on the peninsula.
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Hou, Xingyou. "Recommendations for the Improvement of China's Counter-sanctions Legal System under the Guidance of the Anti-foreign Sanctions Act." Frontiers in Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 9 (September 21, 2023): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/fhss.v3i9.5630.
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In recent years, the United States has regarded China as its most important strategic competitor in the future, and has illegally interfered in China's internal affairs in the political, economic and trade, scientific and technological fields, in blatant violation of the basic principles of international law, and has frequently abused undue unilateral sanctions against party and government organs, multinational enterprises, scientific research institutes and other institutions within China's borders, to the serious detriment of China's national interests, as well as the interests of the relevant organizations and individuals. For this reason, the National People's Congress has enacted and promulgated the Anti-Foreign Sanctions Law, which adopts "defensive" and lawful countermeasures at the legislative level against unilateral sanctions against foreign countries for their violent interference in China's internal affairs, fully utilizes international law as a means to safeguard China's national security and interests, and protects the lawful rights and interests of enterprises and individuals going to the sea, and also links up with other laws and regulations on anti-sanctions that have already been issued in the field of anti-sanctions. Starting from the legal normative documents in the field of counter-sanctions, such as departmental regulations, and combining them with the actual economic development of China, we will find effective legal countermeasures and suggestions for solving the worsening unilateral sanction dilemma faced by China, and establishing a counter-sanctions implementation mechanism with clearly defined powers and responsibilities, a sound system, and precise law enforcement.
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Cherkasova, E. "Security of Spain in Atlantic Format." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-41-47.
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The article analyzes the changes that have characterized Spain’s approach to NATO in the post-Cold War era, and more specifically, the approach of different political parties to security and defense issues. If the People's Party is more Atlantic ideologically and traditionally, and therefore, is more in favor of strengthening cooperation with NATO, the socialists are increasingly pro-European and, therefore, advocate the strengthening of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). Spain doesn’t question the necessity of NATO, the presence of American military forces in Europe in general and in Spain in particular as a method of security enhancing. Fears of marginalization caused the accession of Spain to this military organization after its eastward extension. In recent years, Spain’s influence and authority in NATO declined amid the economic crisis. This loss of authority will be overcome as soon as the economic growth is resumed. Notwithstanding that its ambitions in NATO and EU do not meet its possibilities, Spain is participating in different missions and naval exercises of the Alliance, and is constantly modernizing its military forces. Spain has always been indifferent to the hypothetical threat from the East, but is more than apprehensive to the threat coming from the situation in Libya, instability in Tunisia and especially an eventual destabilization in Morocco where Spanish cities Ceuta and Melilla are situated. Under the pretext of struggle against international terrorism, Madrid is trying to reestablish its influence in North Africa. Spain favors the transformation of NATO into an effective tool to prevent regional conflicts. The country's national interests will continue to determine its attention to problems of the Mediterranean and North Africa. The economic crisis has contributed to a drop in the objective value of bilateral relations with the United States and of Trans-Atlantic relations as a whole.
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Bazan, Yuliia. "THE BEGINNING OF THE GENEVA TALKS. ATTEMPTS TO RESOLVE THE AFGHAN CRISIS (1982 – 1984)." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (46) (June 27, 2022): 154–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(46).2022.257194.
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Attempts at a diplomatic solution to the Afghan problem from 1982 to 1984 are examined based on a study of transcripts of plenary sessions of the UN General Assembly, reports of the UN Secretary-General, and documents of the US National Security Archive J. Washington and scientific literature. The article analyzes the activities of UN Secretary-General P. de Cuellar and his personal representative D. Cordoves in resolving the crisis in Afghanistan caused by the socialist experiment launched by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan. Particular attention is paid to the "Rhodes format" of the Afghan-Pakistani talks. Both delegations did not meet, and the arguments and positions of opponents were received from D. Cordoves, who took turns talking to representatives of both missions. The role of the USSR and the USA in the Geneva negotiation process is studied. After the invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979, the Soviet Union was embroiled in a civil war in the DRA between the Soviet-backed NDPA regime and the majority-backed opposition and the United States, Pakistan, China, and other countries. During the Cold War, the Kremlin's actions became a stimulus to the United States, which turned Afghanistan into a significant factor in American foreign policy. The Soviet Union and the United States were not participants in the Afghan-Pakistani talks, but the constructive political dialogue depended on their positions. It turns out that the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has become a hostage of the inter-bloc confrontation. The results of the three rounds of the Geneva talks are analyzed. During the negotiations, the parties managed to outline a range of issues that needed to be resolved: the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the DRA, the development of international guarantees and commitments not to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the return of Afghan refugees. The negotiation process was slow, and the most crucial issue, the withdrawal of a limited contingent of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, was not discussed. A study of transcripts of plenary sessions of the UN General Assembly showed that the strong condemnation of the aggressor's actions by the world community had no real impact on the situation in Afghanistan. The reason was that General Assembly resolutions calling for the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops from the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan were advisory and non-binding. The author concludes that the Afghan crisis has clearly highlighted the weaknesses of the UN, namely the lack of effective mechanisms to influence the aggressive policy of a member of the UN Security Council.
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Sun, Shujun. "Exploring the Pathway of the Equitable Development of Education in China--Based on a Comparative Perspective on the Lineage of Educational Equity Development in China and Japan." BCP Education & Psychology 6 (August 25, 2022): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v6i.1750.
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Educational equity is an important manifestation of the country's pursuit and realization of equality in the field of education, and is an important goal of educational development.As the development of the times, the attention to the issue of educational equity has been deepened, equity in the starting point of education and equity in the process and equity in the result have been proposed one after another.At the same time, Japan's educational equity has continued to develop and improve in terms of educational rights, opportunities, and segment performance, which has implications for us to continue to deepen our understanding of educational equity and promote educational equity reform. The report of the 18th National Congress emphasizes the need to "vigorously promote equity in education" and "enable every child to become a useful person." [1]On December 27, 2015, the 18th meeting of the Standing Committee of the 12th National People's Congress of the Party included "education equity" in the Education Law.[2] Xi Jinping who is the General Secretary pointed out in the report of the 19th National Congress that "priority should be given to the development of education, the development of quality education, the promotion of educational equity, the cultivation of socialist builders and successors with all-round the development of moral, intellectual, physical and aesthetic qualities, and tries to enable each child to enjoy a fair and quality education."[3] In the global perspective, at the UN Summit in September 2000, there were 189 countries signed the United Nations Millennium Declaration, which states that governments and leaders place a high priority on education equity and "universal primary education, ensuring that all boys and girls complete a full course of primary schooling."[4]This goal that related to educational equity was included in the Millennium Declaration. According to publicly available data from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the United Nations, etc.,Japan is ranked as one of the world's "most equitable" countries in terms of education. According to the World Economic Forum's “Global Social Mobility Index 2020”, its data shows that Japan is the first in Asia and the 15th in the world in terms of "education and employment equity."[5]The model for the development of educational equity in Japan provides inspiration for the continued development of educational equity in China, and is extremely important for China to continue the process of promoting educational equity..
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Purwanti Budi Utami, Sri. "PERAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL DALAM MEMBANGUN OTONOMI KHUSUS PAPUA PASCA PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 41/PUUXVII/2019 TENTANG PEMBENTUKAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL." CITA HUKUM INDONESIA 1, no. 1 (September 2, 2022): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.57100/chi.v1i1.6.
Full textAbstract:
Upaya Indonesia dalam melakukan reformasi politik yaitu melalui desentralisasi. Desentralisasi asimetris merupakan pelimpahan kewenangan yang diberikan kepada Aceh dan Papua guna merangkul kembali daerah yang ingin memisahkan diri dari NKRI. Permasalahan 1. Bagaimana peran partai politik lokal dalam membangun otonomi khusus papua?, 2. Bagaimana perkembangan pembentukan partai politik lokal di Papua pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019?. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum yuridis normatif yang dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hak yang diperoleh dengan tujuan mensejahterakan masyarakat papua melalui pembentukan partai lokal pasca penerapan otonomi khusus Papua yaitu terbentuknya Lembaga kultural Majelis Rakyat Papua, penerimaan dana anggaran yang naik setiap tahunnya, Pendidikan yang lebih baik didukung dengan program SM3T, Pelayanan pendidikan kesehatan tantang HIV/AIDS dan pembangunan gedung kesehatan, serta memprioritaskan orang asli Papua dalam pengisian jabatan. Karenanya terbentuk Partai Papua Bersatu (PPB) yang telah terbentuk di seluruh Papua dan mendapat pengesahan badan hukum oleh Kementerian Hukum dan HAM. Namun pada proses verifikasi di KPUD untuk mengikuti proses pemilu 2019, KPUD menolak pendaftaran karena dianggap tidak ada legal standing keberadaan partai politik lokal di Papua.
abstrack
Indonesia's efforts in carrying out political reform are through decentralization. Asymmetric decentralization is the delegation of authority given to Aceh and Papua in order to re-embrace regions that want to separate themselves from the Republic of Indonesia. Problems 1. What is the role of local political parties in building Papua's special autonomy?, 2. How is the development of the formation of local political parties in Papua after the Constitutional Court Decision Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019?. This study uses a normative juridical legal research method which is analyzed qualitatively. The rights obtained with the aim of prospering the Papuan people through the formation of a local party after the implementation of Papua's special autonomy, namely the formation of the Papuan People's Assembly cultural institution, the receipt of increasing budget funds every year, better education supported by the SM3T program, health education services about HIV/AIDS and construction of health buildings, as well as prioritizing indigenous Papuans in filling positions. Therefore, the United Papuan Party (PPB) was formed which has been formed throughout Papua and has been approved by the Ministry of Law and Human Rights as a legal entity. However, in the verification process at the KPUD to participate in the 2019 election process, the KPUD refused registration because it was considered that there was no legal standing for the existence of local political parties in Papua..
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Hamsa Khatan Khalaf. "The political deduction and building political security In Sudan post of 2019." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 29 (September 30, 2022): 228–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/tjfps.v3i29.159.
Full textAbstract:
The political deduction in political security issues has become one of the topics that related with the attention of researchers and specialists. On the philosophical level, the deduction based on a certain reason to be as the basis for proving a specific issue that cannot be tackled by the existence of contradictions between two extremes - paradigm (Security and Instability). So that, the future of political security in Sudan is still instability, although the international community's ability to impose their Comprehensive Peace Agreement since February 2005, and according to the requirements of what included in the clauses of the agreement to complete the procurement of democratic transition period, as for the Sudanese opposition forces and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement which are represented the real partners of power. So, the ability of the National Congress Party at that time could have power to consolidate its inclusiveness as a dominant political party.
From the another hand, the possibilities to infer the dimensions of political security in Sudan are ready to restore the army’s control over the political life, but with the need to maintain the settlement of critical political issues according to a new criteria that take into account the demands of civil forces; However, the civilian leadership was still inactive by as a result of internal divisions and rivalries within, so that the local, regional and international pressures remain to be the only source of strength to achieve a kind of consensus and satisfaction to overcome the critical period and accomplish what can be achieved for the benefit of the political security for Sudan, at the present and future alike. Finally, the absence of mechanisms for managing the divergent interests between civil and military leaders may lead to an unstable civil-military alliance, and they concern about losing of the whole absolute privileges and powers that they enjoyed during the past three decades for the rule of former President Omar al-Bashir, leaving the civilian leadership in 2019 to be as a drastically situation in its inability to form a united front that pushed towards neutralizing the military’s authority or resorting to confront a new period as a returning of violence as what happened in the past. As for the multiplicity of factors affecting on the political security crisis in Sudan, it meant that there is no real solution to subsequent crises in the future, so that the possibility of shifting towards civilian rule remains the only way to manage differences. And the differences between civilians and military alike might erupted at any reason or incentive.