Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Peripheral nationalism'

This thesis examines the media use in the spreading of Tibetan nationalism in the Chinese Tibetosphere, the struggling land of national politics situated between the two power centres of China and the exiled Tibet. For individual Tibetans on the ground, the small pieces and specific details in everyday life dominate their thoughts and reduce the national motions and political propagandas into the torrent of everyday ordinariness. Conducting the one-year ethnography on Tibetans’ everyday use of Chinese mainstream media (official media) and alternative media (traditional Tibetan communicative platforms, small media and social media) in Tibet Autonomous Region, the study sheds new light on Tibetan nationalism and everyday politics in Tibet, expanding our understanding of individual Tibetans’ positions in the current Sino-Tibetan conflicts. Observing Tibetans creatively and critically using both Chinese mainstream media and alternative media, this research reveals that there is no single force fostering Tibetanness (being Tibetan), nor are the ordinary people mere passive receivers of political gulfs and elite motivations; rather, they are moving between the two power centres on the basis of their own demands: they are restricted and influenced by both parties but not completely attached to any. The drifting, grafting and relocating of Tibetanness is interpreted within the broad context of socio-economic changes in this research. Meanwhile, given the rise of digital capitalism and the resonance between Tibetan nationalism and other active nationalisms in this more connective world, by highlighting cosmopolitan presence with Tibetan presence and Chinese presence in Tibetanness, this research develops Anderson’s Imagined Communities and defines Tibetan nationalism as part of ‘the fifth wave’ of nationalism in the dual system of the nation-states and world capitalism. Juxtaposing with the demand for ‘the right to the centre’ for Tibetans who are living on the edge of the Chinese state and the market economy, this thesis argues to mark the positions of both Tibet and China in the nation-state system and world capitalism, thus to understand Tibetan nationalism and the Sino-Tibetan conflicts in the world context and complex.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Commonwealth University, 2007.
Prepared for: L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs. Bibliography: leaves 135 - 147 . Also available online via the Internet.

This thesis seeks to consider the relationship between 'rock' and 'Irishness' • between transnational pop and the nation-state • challenging the 'orthodox' view that Irish rock embodies uniquely Irish characteristics. It is about Irish popular music and identity and is primarily concerned with the relationship between culture and meaning. It argues that the study of popular music as 'text' is important to the more general study of culture (even though the notion of text in popular music is problematic). The thesis seeks to explore how meaning is made in popular music culture across a shifting and unstable textual matrix. Authenticity is a central concept here and I examine discourses of Irish authenticity and essentialism and their relationship to authenticity in rock. The study of Irish rock is, I argue, important to wider debates about identity and globalisation, especially in debates about the relationship between national music cultures and an increasingly globalised market. I undertake an exploration of the concept of cultural hybridity and assess both its strengths and its limitations to tbe study of popular music and debates about national identity. Hybridity, I argue, is important in that it helps break down the essentialising force of both the main discourses of authenticity outlined, becoming useful in moving beyond discourses of cultural purity. Howeve~ hybridity discourse also has problems and frequently there is a Jack of discrimination between different types of hybrid text which may result ina simple celebration of hybrids and hybridity. Thus, the complex relationship between popular music, the articulation of identity in pop songs (and across pop's mobile textuality) and in discourse about pop is overlooked. In this way, the thesis argues that the study of popular music culture in specific contexts may reveal the limitations of existing cultural studies work on hybridity, textuality and meaning. This is part of a broader project of arguing for more detailed consideration of music, meaning and pleasure in regional and peripheral national contexts.

This dissertation studies the impact of a nation-state oriented modernization project on the socio-political and economic structure of the Kurdish speaking areas in Turkey with specific reference to center-periphery relations. The primary objective of this study is to document and analyze strategies and practices that have been introduced by the center to transform the Kurdish speaking periphery and integrate it with the Turkish nation-state. It also analyses the impacts of this process on the periphery alongside the latter&rsquo
s responses to them. The analysis focuses on the application of the modernization project in three different fields: namely the economic, political and educational spheres. For this purpose the history of modern Turkey is divided into three periods. The first period covers the years from the foundation of the Turkish Republic until transition to the multi-party political system, that is, from 1923 to 1950. The second period is between 1950 and 1980. The post 1980 period is the third period.

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Esta tese apresenta um esboço para uma nova teoria da sociedade mundial do trabalho. Seus principais questionamentos são: (1) ainda vivemos em uma sociedade do trabalho? (2) Podemos teorizar acerca de uma sociedade mundial do trabalho? (3) Existe uma sociedade mundial? (4) Em caso afirmativo, existe uma sociedade mundial modificada? (5) Em que medida as mudanças sociais de tal sociedade, tematizadas por boa parte da sociologia dominante atual, podem ser consideradas meias-verdades e em que medida são fenômenos sociológicos empíricos? (6) A dicotomia centro-periferia ainda pode ser utilizada? Como? O enfrentamento de tais questões se desdobra em seis pontos, organizados nos seis primeiros capítulos da tese. Ou seja, uma nova teoria mundial do trabalho precisa articular teoria e pesquisa empírica a partir dos seguintes pontos: (1) se estamos falando em uma sociedade mundial, não é mais possível realizar uma teoria do trabalho, da classe e da desigualdade restrita aos marcos teóricos e políticos do “nacionalismo metodológico” (Capítulo 1, com Ulrich Beck); (2) esta nova teoria precisa discutir as mudanças sociais do trabalho contemporâneas (Capítulo 2, com Claus Offe, André Gorz e Ulrich Beck); (3) é preciso o enfrentamento das tentativas contemporâneas de substituição do paradigma do trabalho, dentre as quais será debatida a teoria da sociedade do conhecimento (Capítulo 3); (4) uma teoria mundial do trabalho precisa incluir a periferia do capitalismo e sua nova relação com o seu tradicional centro. Para tanto, será debatida a tese da “brasilização do Ocidente”, de Ulrich Beck (Capítulo 4); (5) uma teoria da sociedade mundial do trabalho precisa enfrentar a questão social em sua dimensão global contemporânea, o que será feito a partir da obra de Robert Castel (Capítulo 5); (6) a teoria da sociedade mundial do trabalho precisa ser articulada a uma nova teoria de classes no capitalismo contemporâneo (Capítulo 6). Este capítulo apresenta material empírico qualitativo coletado no Brasil e na Alemanha. Por fim, o capítulo 7 apresenta, em números, coletados de especialistas da sociologia do trabalho, da desigualdade e da classe brasileiras, um breve panorama das mudanças sociais do trabalho no Brasil contemporâneo.
This thesis presents an outline for a new theory of worldwide society of work. The main questions are: (1) Do we still live in a society of work? (2) Can we theorize about a worldwide society of work? (3) Is there a worldwide society? (4) If so, is there a worldwide society changed? (5) To what extent social changes of such society, themed by much of the current dominant sociology, can be considered half-truths and to what extent are empirical sociological phenomena? (6) Can the center-periphery dichotomy still be used? How? The confrontation of such questions is unfolded in six points, organized in the first six chapters of the thesis. That is, a new worldwide theory of the work needs to articulate theory and empirical research from the following points: (1) if we're talking in a worldwide society, it is no longer possible to make a theory of work, of the class and the inequality restricted to the theoretical and political boundaries of the "methodological nationalism" (Chapter 1, with Ulrich Beck); (2) this new theory must discuss social changes of contemporary work (Chapter 2, with Claus Offe, Ulrich Beck and André Gorz); (3) the confrontation of contemporary attempts of replacement of the work paradigm is needed, among which the theory of the knowledge society will be debated (Chapter 3); (4) a worldwide theory of work must include the periphery of capitalism and its new relationship with its traditional heartland. For that reason, the thesis of "brasilization of the West", by Ulrich Beck will be discussed (Chapter 4); (5) a theory of worldwide society of work must face the social issue in its contemporary global dimension, which will be made from the work of Robert Castel (Chapter 5); (6) the theory of worldwide society of work needs to be articulated to a new theory of classes in the contemporary capitalism (Chapter 6). This chapter presents qualitative empirical material collected in Brazil and Germany. Finally, Chapter 7 presents, in collected numbers from experts of the brazilian sociology of work, of inequality and class, a brief overview of social changes of the work in the contemporary Brazil.

The thesis is a compilation of three articles that explore the relationship between immigration and minority nations. It focuses on Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties (SNRP) through the lens of the centre periphery cleavage. Overall, the articles make contributions towards the research question how do the main dimensions of the centre-periphery cleavage (identity, territory and economy) reflect on the SNRPs’ discourses on immigration? Each article explores one of the dimensions of the centre periphery cleavage. They analyse how identity, territorial distribution of powers and the economic context appear in the SNRPs’ official discourse on immigration. Paired comparisons of different SNRPs in different contexts (Catalonia, Quebec and Scotland) are carried out using qualitative content analysis of manifestos, parliamentary debates and other party documents. The thesis provides, among other contributions, a deeper understanding of SNRPs discourses on immigration and how centre-periphery relations interfere in its construction.
La present tesi és una compilació de tres articles de recerca que exploren la relació entre la immigració i les nacions minoritàries, tot centrant-se en els Partits Nacionalistes sense Estat i Regionalistes (SNRP) des de la perspectiva del cleavage centre-perifèria. Orientats per la pregunta de recerca com apareixen reflectides les principals dimensions del cleavage centre perifèria en el discurs dels SNRP sobre immigració?, cadascun enfronta una de les dimensions amb l’objectiu de copsar com la identitat, la distribució territorial del poder, i el context econòmic apareixen en el discurs oficial dels SNRP. S’ha dut a terme comparacions aparellades de diferents SNRP de diversos contexts (Catalunya, Escòcia i Quebec) a través de l’anàlisi qualitativa del contingut de programes electorals, debats parlamentaris i altres documents. La tesi ofereix un major coneixement dels discursos dels SNRP en immigració i com les relacions centre-perifèria interfeixen en llurs construccions.
La presente tesis es una compilación de tres artículos de investigación que exploran la relación entre la inmigración y las naciones minoritarias, centrándose en los Partidos Nacionalistas sin Estado y Regionalistas (SNRP) desde la perspectiva del cleavage centro-periferia. Orientados por la pregunta de investigación cómo aparecen reflejadas las principales dimensiones del cleavage centro periferia en el discurso de los SNRP sobre inmigración?, cada uno enfrenta una de las dimensiones con el objetivo de ver cómo la identidad, la distribución territorial del poder, y el contexto económico aparecen en el discurso oficial de los SNRP. Para ello se han llevado a cabo comparaciones aparejadas de distintos SNRP procedentes de contextos diferentes (Cataluña, Escocia y Quebec) a través del análisis cualitativo del contenido de programas electorales, debates parlamentarios y otros documentos. La tesis ofrece un mayor conocimiento de los discursos de los SNRP en inmigración y cómo las relaciones centro-periferia interfieren en sus construcciones.

Tatarstan’s degree of political, economic and cultural sovereignty within the Russian Federation is the result of Soviet era ethno-national politics. The re-adoption of the ethnic federal state model in 1992 by Russia allowed ethnic regions such as Tatarstan to challenge the federal authorities for con-federal relations within the Federation. The Tatar leadership has attempted to work within the institutional and legal framework of the Russian Federation in an attempt to codify their state sovereignty within the Russian Federation. The political and economic concessions gained through tedious negotiation with the center have provided the Republic with the means to build a culturally distinct and semi sovereign state in the heart of the Russian Federation.
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The focus in this dissertation is on the rise of secessionism and its curtailment in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Theories pertaining to centre-periphery relations, as well as right-sizing the state, are used for this purpose. Factors such as the DRC’s vast territory and colonial policies affected the centre-periphery relations after independence. The weak ties between the centre and the peripheries were important factors in the attempts at secession that followed independence. In addition, the political and administrative centre (Kinshasa) was too weak to keep the restive peripheries in check. International military intervention, thus, played an important role in defeating attempts at secession. The strategies of President Mobutu in strengthening the centre, as well as the lack of secessionism in the DRC after the collapse of the centre towards the end of Mobutu’s presidency, receive attention.
Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)