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Journal articles on the topic 'Peripheral nationalism'
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Gomza, Ivan. "Elusive Proteus: A study in the ideological morphology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 2-3 (June 2015): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.06.005.
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This article studies the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism applying a model of “ideological morphology” to the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). Using nationalist press and archival materials, the author analyzes core and peripheral concepts of OUN’s ideology. The findings reveal that in 1930s — early 1940s the morphological structure of OUN’s ideology was fascist. However, after 1943 some peripheral concepts came to substitute the fascist core, which led to a splinter within the OUN and subsequent democratization of the one on its factions. The study offers theoretical explanations of ideological metamorphosis applying a constructivist approach.
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Seiler, D. L. "Peripheral Nationalism Between Pluralism and Monism." International Political Science Review 10, no. 3 (July 1989): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251218901000303.
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Heiskanen, Jaakko. "Spectra of Sovereignty: Nationalism and International Relations." International Political Sociology 13, no. 3 (April 24, 2019): 315–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ips/olz007.
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Abstract This article furthers our understanding of the ontology of modern international relations by foregrounding the neglected structuring role of nationalism. Most accounts of nationalism in international relations reduce the phenomenon to a peripheral threat, whereby nationalism only seems to become relevant in moments when the international order is in crisis. In contrast, I argue that the ontology of modern international relations is inherently parasitic on nationalism. Leveraging on Jacques Derrida's writings on “hauntology,” this article recasts nationalism as a spectral logic that silently structures the ontology of modern international relations, even when it seems to remain absent and ineffective. In particular, I explain how the contradictions of nationalism become embedded in the concept of sovereignty, which serves as the ontological cornerstone of modern international relations. Transgressions of sovereignty are therefore not reducible to a tension between normative and factual levels, or logics of appropriateness and logics of consequences, but stem from the structural impossibility of the nationalist project itself. Viewed this way, the aporetic form of sovereignty is not merely a logical conundrum but a vital and productive ontological opening that sets international relations in motion.
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Chong, King-Man Eric, Jun Hu, Chi-Keung Eric Cheng, Ian Davies, Hei-Hang Hayes Tang, Yan-Wing Leung, and Chung-Fun Steven Hung. "Conceptualizing national education and methods of teaching national education in Hong Kong." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00047_1.
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This article aims to generate a better understanding of Hong Kong teachers’ perception of national education as implemented in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (hereafter referred to as Hong Kong SAR) and the interrelationship between their perception and the methods they adopt to teach the topic. We outline the Hong Kong context relevant to our research and review the relevant literature to consider typologies and teaching methods about and for national education. Questionnaire data focused on the seven typologies of nationalism and the three teaching methods of national education identified in the literature review. A total of 601 questionnaires were returned from 198 schools. The typologies of cultural nationalism, civic and peripheral nationalism, authoritarian nationalism, unification nationalism and cosmopolitan nationalism, and the teaching methods of group discussion and an affective approach characterize the views of Hong Kong secondary school teachers about national education. We suggest that teachers’ diverse views about nationalism and their varied use of teaching methods to achieve their goals suggest the powerful influence of current initiatives from the Chinese mainland and the need to reflect on established academic literature that proposes the decolonization of the curriculum and interactive and critical teaching methods.
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Kożuchowski, Adam. "The Devil Wears White: Teutonic Knights and the Problem of Evil in Polish Historiography." East Central Europe 46, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04601008.
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This paper addresses the intersection of moral condemnation, national antagonism, and civilizational critique in the images of the Teutonic Order as presented in Polish historical discourse since the early nineteenth century, with references to their medieval and early modern origins. For more than 150 years, the Order played the role of the archenemy in the historical imagination of Poles. This image is typically considered an element of the anti-German sentiment, fueled by modern nationalism. In this paper I argue that the scale and nature of the demonization of the Teutonic Knights in Polish historiography is more complex, and should be interpreted in the contexts of pre-modern religious rhetoric on the one hand, and the critique of Western civilization from a peripheral or semi-colonial point of view on the other. The durability and flexibility of the black legend of the Order, born in the late Middle Ages, and adapted by Romantic, modern nationalist, and communist historians, makes it a unique phenomenon, surpassing the framework of modern nationalism. It is the modern anti-German stereotype that owes much to this legend, rather than the other way around.
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Tiryakian, Edward A. "The Missing Religious Factor in Imagined Communities." American Behavioral Scientist 55, no. 10 (September 13, 2011): 1395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211409563.
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Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities has redrawn understanding of the loci and agents of modern nationalism. Whereas standard interpretations had privileged the movements of modernity of Western nation-states, Anderson’s analysis gave priority to the role of peripheral elites in “imagining the nation” beyond the boundaries of the everyday world. What Anderson leaves out altogether in his seminal study is the bearing of the religious factor in various peripheral settings in such regions as sub-Sahara Africa and East Asia. This article, extending Max Weber’s notion of charismatic leadership, proposes that in concrete cases of “colonial situations” in Africa and in two East Asian countries of weak states, religio-political figures arose seeking a new social order that had mass appeal. Their successes and failures should be seen as integral comparative aspects of nationalism and modernity
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Kehoe, S. Karly. "Unionism, Nationalism and the Scottish Catholic Periphery, 1850–1930." Britain and the World 4, no. 1 (March 2011): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2011.0005.
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This article investigates the relationship between nationalism, unionism and Catholicism between 1850 and 1930 and proposes that ideas about the Scottish nation and national identity had a strong connection with the re-emergence and development of Catholicism. The presence of a large Irish-born and Irish-descended Catholic population meant that although there was a peripheral sensitivity to Ireland and an intellectual curiosity with Home Rule, indigenous Catholics remained deeply committed to the Scottish nation within the British state. A majority of Catholics in Scotland saw themselves as loyal British subjects, as nation builders and as the ambassadors of an imperial ideal. Understanding how Catholic identity was defined and how far this influenced, or was influenced by, the construction of a national identity is critical for achieving an understanding of the complexities of nationalism in Scotland. The parallels that exist between Catholicism's position on the periphery of Scottish society and Scotland's status within Britain is an overarching theme in this article that focuses on a period of intense national self-reflection and identity construction.
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Orella, José Luis. "1918-1920 Procesos divergentes en dos naciones europeas." Teka Komisji Historycznej 15 (2018): 74–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/teka.2018.15-7.
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Poland and Spain are two countries with scarce relations at historical level. When in 1918 the end of the First World War and the coming of the Second Polish Republic take place, it is a fact. The image of Poland in Spain will be perceived through the problems of the Spaniards themselves. The peripheral nationalisms with secessionist cravings that see Poland as an example, or the strength of libertarian communism (anarchist) that sees in the Bolshevik revolution a solution for the Iberian country. Meanwhile, Polish nationalism, based on Catholicism, attracts a Spanish conservatism, also Catholic, that seeks to structure Spain with a new illusion. The chronicles of Sofia Casanova, the only Spaniard with the capacity to understand the Polish situation, will be an important source of information for the average Spanish citizen.
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Subotic, Milan. "Do nations have navels'?: Gellner and Smith on the emergence of nations." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 25 (2004): 177–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0525177s.
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This paper interprets and analyzes the debate having taken place in 1995 between E. Gellner and A. Smith concerning the problem of the emergence of nations. This discussion is used as an example to show the basic general features of two approaches in theories of nationalism - the modernist and the ethno symbolic ones. Pointing to the common assumptions shared by Gellner's and Smith's theories of nations (critique of primordialism and perennialism), the author interprets ethno-symbolism as a sort of internal self-criticism of the modernist standpoint. This polemic is therefore interpreted not as a debate between "creationist" and "evolutionist" solutions to the problem of the emergence of nations, but rather as a debate between two theoretical paradigms defining different research priorities in studying nations and nationalisms. From this perspective, the author concludes that the ethno symbolic approach to the genealogy of nations has broader heuristic capacities than the modernist paradigm, at least when the emergence of "peripheral nations" and the understanding of the dynamic of their nationalisms are concerned.
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Fong, Brian C. H. "One Country, Two Nationalisms: Center-Periphery Relations between Mainland China and Hong Kong, 1997–2016." Modern China 43, no. 5 (March 13, 2017): 523–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700417691470.
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According to the Sino-British Joint Declaration and Basic Law, Hong Kong was to exercise a high degree of autonomy under the framework of “one country, two systems” after the British handover of its sovereignty to China in 1997. In the initial post-handover period, Beijing adopted a policy of nonintervention in Hong Kong, but the outbreak of the July 1, 2003 protest triggered a subsequent change of policy. Since then, Beijing has embarked on state-building nationalism, adopting incorporation strategies so as to subject Hong Kong to greater central control over the political, economic, and ideological arenas. Ironically, instead of successfully assimilating Hongkongese into one Chinese nation, Beijing’s incorporation strategies are leading to a rise of peripheral nationalism in the city-state and waves of counter-mobilization. This article analyzes mainland–Hong Kong relations on the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the handover and offers insights from an emerging case study that builds upon the nationalism literature.
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Ćurko, Hrvoje. "Can Institutions of Autonomy Become Potentially “Subversive Institutions”?" Croatian International Relations Review 22, no. 76 (October 1, 2016): 52–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2016-0006.
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Abstract Institutions of autonomy3 in ethnically heterogeneous states have been conceived as a compromise between a desire to safeguard state unity and to partially accommodate the grievances of ethno-linguistic minorities. However, in practice, the institutions of autonomy often turn into a nucleus of a proto state of the ethno-linguistic minority. Instead of resolving the minority issue and stabilising the central state, they strengthen the local nationalism and secessionism, acting as centrifugal forces, or “subversive institutions”. Recently these processes have been noticed in several ethnically heterogeneous, developed Western democracies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse whether, and how, the institutions of autonomy influence the rise of peripheral nationalism and secessionism.
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Shaw, Robert, and Michael J. Richardson. "‘An Epic Tale of England’: Atmospheric authentication of nationalist narratives." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 40, no. 2 (December 16, 2021): 351–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02637758211065758.
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Kynren is an outdoor spectacular pageantry performance which tells a tale of England, drawing on myth and history, to make several claims about Englishness and Britishness. It does so in the political wake, first, of constitutional crises in the UK centred around Brexit; and second, of debates around heritage, empire, race and nation which have been driven by responses to the Black Lives Matter movement. These themselves are manifestations of broader, global trends in which populist movements have attempted to reassert state-legitimacy through nationalism, heritage and culture. This paper explores, how Kynren affectively presents and discursively performs a narrative which puts place and landscape, and specifically the place and landscape of the peripheral region of County Durham in which it is located, at the heart of nation. We argue that the ways in which this narrative is authenticated performatively through the spectacular affective atmosphere of Kynren show how and which nationalist narratives resonate most readily in popular culture.
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Ram, Harsha. "Decadent Nationalism, “Peripheral” Modernism: The Georgian Literary Manifesto between Symbolism and the Avant-garde." Modernism/modernity 21, no. 1 (2014): 343–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mod.2014.0033.
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Ponomareva, E. G. "«Authoritarian Transition of Peripheral Countries of Interwar Europe: Politological Analysis»." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(9) (December 28, 2009): 188–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2009-6-9-188-199.
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The author ponders on the causes of the crisis of democraticmodels in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, South-East Europe and the Baltic states. Having analysed a complex of factors, she comes to the conclusion that the authoritarian transition of European peripheral countries in the interwar period (1918—1939) was appropriate. While all authoritarian regimes of the period in the region under study were characterized by three foundations of authoritarianism– Fuhrerprinzip, ideas of constructing nationstate and nationalism, specific traits allow to distinguish between three clusters of authoritarian regimes in the interwar Europe: military-bureaucratic, corporate (guild) and pre-totalitarian (fascist mobilization) ones. However, the main conclusion is: the complex economic, political and socio-cultural situation in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, South-East Europe and the Baltic states aggravated by the consequences of globalization and world financial crisis is able to provoke recurrences of authoritarian transition.
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Matala, Saara, and Aaro Sahari. "Small nation, big ships winter navigation and technological nationalism in a peripheral country, 1878–1978." History and Technology 33, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 220–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07341512.2017.1343909.
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Wang, Yuan-Kang. "Toward a Synthesis of the Theories of Peripheral Nationalism: A Comparative Study of China's Xinjiang and Guangdong." Asian Ethnicity 2, no. 2 (September 2001): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631360120058857.
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Kincaid, John. "Territorial Neutrality and Cultural Pluralism in American Federalism: Is the United States the Archenemy of Peripheral Nationalism?" Swiss Political Science Review 22, no. 4 (November 14, 2016): 565–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12230.
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Merino, Javier Antón. "The rise of independence feelings in Catalonia and Scotland. A longitudinal study on the profile of independence in the beginning of the 21st century." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0005.
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Abstract The following article aims to make headway on the knowledge related to the elements that explain the steep increase of secessionist nationalism during the 21 st century in the peripheral territories of plurinational Western long-established democracies, such as the ones existing in the United Kingdom and Spain. In order to do so, we will be focusing on the quick change observed in the preferences as to the state territorial organization in Catalonia and Scotland. Through the usage of the logistic regression technique, a longitudinal analysis will be carried out to analyze the principal characteristics of the Catalonian and Scottish independence profile throughout the period comprehended between 1999 and 2016.
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Megier, Maja. "Tożsamość peryferyjna. Tożsamość centrystyczna. Lokalne i globalne kłopoty z tożsamością." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.1.2.
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Can one talk about identities corresponding to the periphery-center relation, identities that are an individual aspect of a group’s position on the developmental axis, or that position in the global system of power and authority? It appears that this supposition is not without sense or foundation. A peripheral identity is related to a sense of exclusion, marginalization, being undervalued, inferiority complex, backwardness, being ‘worse’, and isolated. This can inspire various resentments, aggression, hatred, a will to win appreciation at any cost, and retaliation. It can also produce stagnation and resignation, or cause mass migration to the actual or apparent center because ‘life goes on somewhere else’ and one should not waste it in the peripheries,doomed to an existence without any prospects of positive change. A centrist identity is primarily the political version of ethnocentrism, most frequently tinted with nationalism. The feeling that we are the center of the world may have nothing in common with the geopolitical, cultural or economic reality. Since we are in the center, by definition we are better off, in any aspect that counts. A centrist identity identifies the group interest with the global interest, and it ignores the interests of the peripheries, which tend to be despised. The tendency to treat other cultures as peripheral towards our own is deeply rooted in common thinking, as well as in cultural anthropology. ‘Centrist patriotism’ can transform into chauvinism and lead to a justification for discrimination of the peripheries in many ways.
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OKLOPCIC, ZORAN. "Beyond Empty, Conservative, and Ethereal: Pluralist Self-Determination and a Peripheral Political Imaginary." Leiden Journal of International Law 26, no. 3 (July 31, 2013): 509–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156513000216.
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AbstractOver the last couple of years, a stream of pluralist theories of international legal order has developed at the intersection of international law and political theory, having immediate implications for conceptualizing self-determination. The understanding of self-determination under the framework ofbounded,constitutional, andradicalpluralism markedly departs from the previous wave of normative theories in the 1990s: self-determination is now evacuated from the field of national pluralism and struggles over territory.This article does not question the thrust of pluralists’ recent work, but complements their critical attunement to global disparities of power, and complicates their neglect of nationalism and rejection of territorial reconfigurations as self-determination's core meaning. In doing so, it unearths two visions that come from the (semi-)periphery of the international political order. The first belongs to Edvard Kardelj, pre-eminent Yugoslav theorist of socialist self-management and the Non-Aligned Movement. The second belongs to Leopold Sédar Senghor, the poet and politician, advocate ofnégritude, a proponent of French West African integration, and a constitutional advocate for the reconfiguration – not abolition – of the French Union, the heir to the French Empire. While they are suspicious of extensive territorial reconstruction, like contemporary pluralists, unlike them they have seen a role for territorial reconfigurations in the name of national plurality.
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Treanor, P. "Structures of Nationalism." Sociological Research Online 2, no. 1 (March 1997): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.70.
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The article reviews briefly the theory of nationalism, and introduces (yet another) definition of nations and nationalism. Starting from this definition of nationalism as a world order with specific characteristics, oppositions such as core and periphery, globalism/nationalism, and realism/idealism are formally rejected. Nationalism is considered as a purely global structure. Within this, it is suggested, the number of states tends to fall to an equilibrium number which is itself falling, this number of states being the current best approximation to a single world state. Within nationalism variants are associated with different equilibrium numbers: these variants compete. Together, as the nationalist structure, they formally exclude other world orders. Such a structure appears to have the function of blocking change, and it is tentatively suggested that it derives directly from an innate human conservatism. The article attempts to show how characteristics of classic nationalism, and more recent identity politics, are part of nationalist structures. They involve either the exclusion of other forms of state, or of other orders of states, or the intensification of identity as it exists.
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Shaw, Timothy M. "Peripheral Social Formations in the New Division of Labour: African States in the Mid-1980s." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 3 (September 1986): 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007138.
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If the study of the foreign policies of underdeveloped countries is underdeveloped, the systematic analysis of their foreign policy decisions is not. It is simply nonexistent. – Bahgat Korany, 1984 1The first half of the 1980s has posed new challenges for African foreign policy in practice and analysis, symbolised by the Ethiopian drought and the conflict in Southern Africa, but generalised in the continental crisis of negative growth. The halcyon days of the 1960s – the innocence and optimism of early African nationalism – have long since disappeared, obliterated by the global and regional shocks of the 1970s. The first independence decade coincided with a period of gradual economic expansion – as it turned out, the continent's last. The years since the mid-1970s – the end of the post-war Bretton Woods era – have been characterised by slow growth at best, for a minority of states, and by none for the majority of countries and peoples. Thus the African agenda has shifted dramatically from nation-building to -salvaging, and from import-substitution to de-industrialisation. Somewhat fanciful notions of regional and continental integration have been replaced by pragmatic imperatives of food aid and debt relief.
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Kubiaczyk, Filip. "Spain, La Roja, and the forging of the nation: truth or fiction?" Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0006.
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Abstract The paper analyzes the role of the national team of Spain denoted by the neologism La Roja in promoting patriotic sentiments and building national unity. In a 2014 study entitled Goles y banderas. Fútbol e identidades nacionales en España, Alejandro Quiroga Fernández de Soto argues that the successes of the team in 2008-2012 (Champions of Europe in Austria and Switzerland, World Champions in South Africa and again Champions of Europe in Poland and Ukraine), brought about a patriotic revival, while La Roja itself became an integrating factor which united the Spanish regardless of political differences and distinct identities. The assertion is highly debatable for two reasons: firstly, the resurgence of the national symbols was temporary and did not occur uniformly across the country, especially in Catalonia and the Basque Country; secondly, it would be more fitting to speak of journalistic patriotism rather than actual patriotic revival within the Spanish society. The paper critically assesses the patriotic discourse rooted in the successes of La Roja in 2008-2012. Their poor performance in the last major tournaments in 2014-2018 and absence of any particular euphoria surrounding the national team confirm that the wave of flags which swept the country in the successful period was not an expression of profound, patriotic renewal of national symbols. At most, it may be argued to have been a forced attempt to boost Spanish (centralist) nationalism in the face of the increasingly active peripheral nationalisms, especially its most radical, Catalan embodiment.
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Seggerman, Alex Dika. "Beautiful Black Cloud of Modern Egyptian Art." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2021, no. 49 (November 1, 2021): 40–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-9435653.
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This paper contextualizes the Art and Liberty group within the scope of Egyptian modern art. In doing so, it argues that this movement does not simply translate “central” Parisian surrealism to so-called “peripheral” Cairo. Rather, Art and Liberty represents a pivot in a continuum of Egyptian modern art and an important node in the transnational expansion of surrealism in the late 1930s. To situate the movement in a larger arc, this article spans the 1910s to the 1950s. An analysis of famous sculptor Mahmoud Mukhtar (1891–1934) first represents the nationalist and classicist origins of Egyptian modern art. Second, an examination of the Long Live Degenerate Art manifesto explicates the complexity of the group’s ideology in its early days. Third, Kamel Telmisany’s (1915–72) shift from expressionist painter and draftsman to realist filmmaker signals how aesthetics and mediums adapted to new iterations of the Art and Liberty ideology. Fourth, painter Abdel Hadi el-Gazzar (1925–66) and the Contemporary Art Group epitomize the impact of Art and Liberty after World War II. This chronological progression illustrates how the Egyptian Art and Liberty group reacted vociferously against nationalism in politics and art, both locally and regionally. In doing so, they shifted the audience of modern Egyptian art and created a new, transnational public. For these reasons, the author calls this movement the “Beautiful Black Cloud” of modern Egyptian Art. It was violent, stormy, and did not always look “pretty,” but it was beautiful in its legacy.
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GANESAN, N. "Myanmar–China Relations: Interlocking Interests but Independent Output." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 1 (February 21, 2011): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000216.
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AbstractThe bilateral relationship between China and Myanmar is important and intricate despite being asymmetrical in China's favour. Whereas most observers regard the relationship as being heavily weighted in China's favour, Myanmar does have a fair amount of latitude within the relationship that is informed by historical, economic, and strategic considerations. The nationalism and xenophobia present in the attitudes of elite from the Myanmar military junta is both recognized and understood by China that is keen to have a stable peripheral environment. There are also important security issues such as the ethnic armies that currently have a ceasefire arrangement with the junta along the border areas that need to be resolved in a coordinated fashion to prevent negative spillage into China. In light of such special idiosyncratic and terrain considerations, Myanmar wields relative independence within this asymmetrical relationship.
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Sajed, Alina. "Peripheral modernity and anti-colonial nationalism in Java: economies of race and gender in the constitution of the Indonesian national teleology." Third World Quarterly 38, no. 2 (March 9, 2016): 505–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2016.1153419.
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Wellhofer, E. Spencer. "‘Things fall apart; the center cannot hold’: Cores, peripheries and peripheral nationalism at the core and periphery of the world economy." Political Geography 14, no. 6-7 (August 1995): 503–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(95)00052-c.
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Berrios, Rubén. "Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.
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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
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Torrance, David. "‘Standing up for Scotland’: The Scottish Unionist Party and ‘nationalist unionism’, 1912–68." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 2 (May 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0235.
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Scottish nationalism has long interested political scientists and historians but has often been interpreted narrowly as the desire for full independence from the multi-national United Kingdom. A broader definition, however, reveals what this article calls the ‘nationalist unionism’ of the Scottish Unionist Party (1912–65), and its surprisingly nuanced view of Scottish national identity as well as Scotland's place in the UK. Drawing on nationalist theory, Smith's ‘ethno-symbolism’, Billig's ‘banal nationalism’ and Bulpitt's interpretation of the Conservative Party's ‘territorial code’ are deployed to analyse this phenomena, supporting the argument that it rested upon myths and symbols from the pre-modern era; pushed what it perceived as ‘bad’ nationalism (the desire for legislative rather than administrative devolution) to the ‘periphery’ of Scottish political discourse and, finally, demonstrated the willingness of the unionist ‘core’ to allow the Scottish Unionist Party to pursue a relatively autonomous strategy for electoral dominance. Furthermore, this article argues that the Scottish Unionist Party presented itself – most ostentatiously between the early 1930s and mid 1950s – as the main ‘guardian’ of a distinct Scottish national identity, while celebrating and protecting Scotland's semi-autonomous place within the UK.
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Ahmed, Manzoor. "The Dynamics of (Ethno)Nationalism and Federalism in Postcolonial Balochistan, Pakistan." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 7 (January 28, 2020): 979–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619900216.
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The paper examines how an (ethno)nationalist movement developed and took shape in Balochistan in relation to a broader national question that ranges from seeking provincial autonomy within the federation of Pakistan to gaining independence and formation of a separate state of Balochistan. The paper also analyses the estranged relationship of Balochistan with the state of Pakistan against the background of the failure of the state in accommodating the Baloch national aspirations for economic, social and political rights, while adhering to the basic tenets of federalism. The Baloch, who sporadically engaged in armed conflicts with the state after the British left the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, were not merely the pawns of geopolitics. The conflict in Balochistan must also be seen in a greater context of nationalism as an effort of the Baloch elite to achieve more autonomy within the federal structure of Pakistan. The movement for more national autonomy under the slogan of nationalism may be understood as a tool to further consolidate the social, economic and political strengths of the traditional tribal structure of Balochistan, instead of a struggle for economic and political empowerment of the people of Balochistan. The genuine economic and political aspirations of the people were doubly constrained. On the one hand, the centuries old tribal-centric social structure impeded any social and political evolution in the province and, on the other hand, the limitations of the federal structure in Pakistan restrained Balochistan’s integration into the mainstream national polity and economy. The paper argues that the emergence of nationalism is shaped, firstly by the historical legacy of the colonial era, the identity politics of Baloch nationalists, resource-grabbing and hegemonic approach of the Baloch Sardars or tribal chieftains, and secondly by Pakistan’s failure in adhering to the principles of federalism. Extreme centralization or quasi federalism with its authoritarian nature has promoted regionalism and centrifugal tendencies. Balochistan being a periphery happened to be a fertile ground for the emergence and development of a nationalist movement against the attitudes of the state of Pakistan, which led towards a conflict situation between Balochistan and the state of Pakistan.
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Tuminez, Astrid S. "Nationalism, Ethnic Pressures, and the Breakup of the Soviet Union." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 4 (September 2003): 81–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703322483765.
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Nationalism and ethnic pressures contributed to the breakup of the Soviet Union, but they were not the primary cause. A qualified exception to this argument is Russian elite separatist nationalism, led by Boris Yeltsin, which had a direct impact on Soviet disintegration. This article provides an overview of Soviet policy vis-à-vis nationalities, discusses the surge of nationalism and ethnic pressures in the Soviet Union in 1988–1991, and shows how ethnic unrest and separatist movements weakened the Soviet state. It also emphasizes that the demise of the Soviet Union resulted mainly from three other key factors: 1) Mikhail Gorbachev's failure to establish a viable compact between center and periphery in the early years of his rule; 2) Gorbachev's general unwillingness to use decisive force to quell ethnic and nationalist challenges; and 3) the defection of a core group of Russian elites from the Soviet regime.
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Juvan, Marko. "The Aesthetics and Politics of Belonging: National Poets between “Vernacularism” and “Cosmopolitanism”." arcadia 52, no. 1 (May 24, 2017): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arcadia-2017-0002.
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AbstractJameson’s concept of modern third-world literature as national allegory is also pertinent for the 19th-century peripheries of the first-world literature. Aware of their dependence on imperial powers, the protagonists of (semi)peripheral national movements longed for the recognition of their nascent collective identity by the lawgiving Other – the symbolic order of ‘universal’ tradition. The figures of “national poets” (Nemoianu) were invented to represent their respective nations to the gaze of the Other, symbolized by the emerging world literature and empowered through the inter-state system dominated by the core countries. In a secular parallel to the canonization of saints in the Catholic Church, “worlding” (Kadir) a national poet was crucial in the (unfulfilled) longing for his/her universal acknowledgment as belonging to the hyper-canon. While several national poets involved in national movements showed a “vernacular” tendency (Terian), Schiller and Goethe represented the more “cosmopolitan” model of a national classic. Such ‘affiliation’ to the universal aesthetic canon is also characteristic of the politics of Slovenian romantic movement and its poet, France Prešeren. Although Prešeren’s poetry, which was exposed to Austrian censorship, only sparsely employs an explicit political discourse, his imaginary worlding and intertextual transfer of universal aesthetic repertoires from the established literatures into a Habsburg periphery fashioned a cosmopolitan strategy of cultural nationalism. Prešeren has been venerated in Slovenia since the late 19th-century as the singular national classic whose oeuvre compensates for the apparent lack of classical and modern traditions in Slovenian and deserves to be recognized worldwide.
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Bartha, Eszter. "Combattenti solitari. Lavoratori tedeschi e ungheresi in epoca postcomunista." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 88 (February 2013): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2013-088003.
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Introduces the results of a life-history interview project conducted with workers and former workers of two large ex-socialist model factories, Carl Zeiss in Jena (East Germany) and Rábe in Gyo´´r (Hungary) between 2002 and 2004. The essay analyzes the post-socialist experience of the East German and Hungarian workers in three main dimensions: the experience of post-Fordist development in the factory; the subjective evaluation of the standard of living; interpersonal relations. Lastly, it examines examines the social and political attitudes of the workers in the mirror of their post-socialist experience. Hungarians had a more direct experience of peripheral development than the East Germans. While East Germany's greater success of integration into the capitalist world economy was accompanied by a change of mentality and the appearance of post-materialistic values, in Hungary nationalism seemed to be the only alternative to a capitalism, that disappointed and effectively impoverished many people. This explains the ambiguous evaluation of the socialist Kádár regime, in which the vision of greater social and material equality is confused with a longing for a strong state, order and an autocratic government.
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Pielużek, Marcin. "Autonomiczni Nacjonaliści . Próba zewnątrz- i wewnątrzsystemowej charakterystyki subkultury politycznej reprezentującej nowy typ nacjonalizmu." Zeszyty Prasoznawcze 64, no. 4 (248) (2021): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/22996362pz.21.023.14287.
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Autonomous Nationalists. An Attempt of the Extra- and Intra-Systemic Characteristic of the Political Subculture Representing a New Type of Nationalism The main aim of the article is to portray a new far-right phenomenon of Autonomous Nationalists political subculture. The groups established in early 2000s are characterised on one hand by a subcultural organisational form modelled on the Antifa anarchist movement. On the other hand, they exemplify typical postmodernist „liquid ideologies”, in which the extreme right postulates are combined with a new formula of a internationalist, “non-chauvinist” nationalism and left-wing optics. The article consists of two parts. The first presents the extra-systemic optics – an attempt to describe this milieu and locate it in the nationalist ideological spectrum was made based on the available scientific sources. The second part attempts to capture the self-definition of Autonomous Nationalists in their media and identify the key values for this milieu. This part employs quantitative and qualitative analyses carried out with the use of corpus linguistics tools and techniques. The research material consisted of ideological texts published on the Autonom.pl website, the leading information platform of these circles. The article is intended to promote media research of subcultural groups and groups operating on the periphery of the political system. STRESZCZENIE Głównym celem artykułu jest próba charakterystyki nowego zjawiska obecnego na skrajnie prawicowej scenie politycznej, jakim jest subkultura polityczna Autonomicznych Nacjonalistów. Powstałe w pierwszej dekadzie XXI w. grupy cechuje z jednej strony subkulturowa forma organizacyjna, wzorowana na anarchistycznych bojówkach Antifa, z drugiej stanowią one egzemplifikację typowej dla postmodernizmu „płynnej ideologii”, w ramach której łączone są typowe dla skrajnej prawicy postulaty z nową formułą internacjonalistycznego, „nieszowinistycznego” nacjonalizmu i lewicową optyką. Artykuł składa się z dwóch części. W pierwszej zaprezentowano optykę zewnątrzsystemową, w której podjęto próbę opisania tego środowiska i ulokowania go w nacjonalistycznym spektrum ideologicznym w oparciu o dostępne źródła naukowe. Druga część stanowi próbę uchwycenia autodefiniowania się polskich Autonomicznych Nacjonalistów w swoich mediach oraz identyfikacji kluczowych dla tego środowiska wartości. W tej części wykorzystano ilościowo-jakościowe analizy realizowane z wykorzystaniem narzędzi i technik lingwistyki korpusowej. Jako materiał badawczy zostały wybrane teksty ideologiczne opublikowane na stronie Autonom.pl pełniącej funkcję głównej tuby propagandowej tych środowisk. Artykuł stanowi wkład w badania mediów grup subkulturowych i funkcjonujących na peryferiach systemu politycznego.
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Pobłocki, Kacper. "Europe, the Pope and the Holy Left Alliance in Poland." Focaal 2004, no. 43 (June 1, 2004): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012904782311452.
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This article describes why the Polish government has pushed for an invocation to Christian traditions in the European Union Constitution. It is argued that this is a rather 'unfortunate' outcome of the political alliance between the Catholic Church and the Polish left, especially between President Aleksander Kwaśniewski and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). This alliance allowed the SLD to legitimize their rule in the post-socialist Poland, and it was a result of a political competition between them and the post-Solidarność elites. As a result, John Paul II became the central integrative metaphor for the Polish society at large, which brought back in the marginalized as well as allowed the transition establishment to win the EU accession referendum in 2003. The article (which was written when Leszek Miller was still Prime Minister) demonstrates how this alliance crystallized and presents various elements of the cult of the Pope in Poland that followed. Finally, it argues that the worship of the Pope is not an example of nationalism, but of populism, understood not as a peripheral but as a central political force, and advocates for more research on the 'politics of emotions' at work in the centers and not in peripheries.
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Leontis, Artemis. "The Diaspora of the Novel." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 2, no. 1 (March 1992): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.2.1.131.
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Reflection on the history of the novel usually begins with consideration of the social, political, and economic transformations within society that favored the “rise” of a new type of narrative. This remains true even with the numerous and important studies appearing during the past ten years, which relate the novel to an everbroadening spectrum of ideological issues—gender, class, race, and, most recently, nationalism. Yet a history of the genre might reflect not just on the novel’s national, but also its transnational, trajectory, its spread across the globe, away from its original points of emergence. Such a history would take into account the expansion of western markets—the growing exportation of goods and ideas, as well as of social, political, and cultural forms from the West—that promoted the novel’s importation by nonwestern societies. Furthermore, it could lead one to examine the very interesting inverse relationship between two kinds of migration, both of which are tied to the First World’s uneven “development” of the Third. In a world system that draws out natural resources in exchange for technologically mediated goods, the emigration of laborers and intellectuals from peripheral societies to the centers of power of the West and the immigration of a western literary genre into these same societies must be viewed as related phenomena.
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Yucesoy, Hayrettin. "BETWEEN NATIONALISM AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES: AN EXAMINATION OF MODERN SCHOLARSHIP ON THE 'ABBĀSID CIVIL WAR AND THE REIGN OF AL-MA'MŪN." Medieval Encounters 8, no. 1 (2002): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006702320365940.
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AbstractThis article attempts to examine the modern historical constructions of the 'Abbāsid Civil War, and the reign of the caliph al-Ma'mūn in the early ninth century C.E. This article argues that concepts such as nationalism, sectarianism, historical positivism, center-periphery relations, realpolitik and political pragmatism have created questionable categories into which this era is molded. However, such categories which draw their legitimacy from orientalist, nationalist and social-scientistic discourses reflect, despite their contributions to our knowledge and understanding, more accurately current models than the early Islamic era's own issues. This article hopes then to address the thorny issues of methodological consciousness and identity of the observer.
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de Wit, Theo W. A. "“Belonging to a Homeland in Order to not Need it Anymore”." Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation in Contemporary Society 5, no. 2 (January 21, 2020): 331–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23642807-00502004.
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Abstract In his book After Europe, the Bulgarian political theorist Ivan Krastev observes the ‘free fall’ of the dominant grand narrative in Europe after 1989, Fukuyama’s idea of the ‘End of history’. If we want to understand why we must pay attention both to the ‘periphery’ of this narrative, as well as to the periphery of Europe, where the recent movement of migration in the refugee crisis is experienced from a nationalist déjà vu mindset and not welcomed, we have to rethink the phenomenon of nationalism and patriotism, and the difference between the two. After a short phenomenology of the diverse combinations of ‘love’ (among other meanings the love for my patria) and ‘justice’, the author concludes that a strict separation of patriotism and nationalism is hardly possible. And even more fundamental, there will always be a tension between love and justice or, in philosophical terms, between the particular and the universal. Following Krastev, the autor holds that the contemporary rise of populist movements and of ‘illiberal democracy’ points to the crisis of a meritocratic idea of liberal democracy. One longs for a form of belonging that is not the result of our performance but that is unconditional, as Jean Améry argued in his reflections on the meanings of a homeland (Heimat).
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de Carvalho, Rita Almeida. "Ideology and Architecture in the Portuguese ‘Estado Novo’: Cultural Innovation within a Para-Fascist State (1932–1945)." Fascism 7, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 141–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702002.
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This article challenges the common assumption of the fascist nature of the Portuguese Estado Novo from the thirties to mid-forties, while recognizing the innovative, modernizing dynamic of much of its state architecture. It takes into account the prolix discourse of Oliveira Salazar, the head of government, as well as Duarte Pacheco’s extensive activity as minister of Public Works, and the positions and projects of the architects themselves. It also considers the allegedly peripheral status of architectural elites, and the role played by decision makers, whether politicians or bureaucrats, in the intricate process of architectural renewal. The article shows that a non-radical form of nationalism has always prevailed as a discourse in which to express the unique Portuguese spirit, that of a people that saw itself as transporting Christian morality and faith across the world, a civilizing role that the country continued to fulfil in its overseas colonies. Taking the architectural legacy of the Estado Novo in its complexity leads to the conclusion that, while the dictatorship did not dismiss modernization outright, and though it adopted what could be superficially considered fascist traits, the language of national resurgence disseminated by the Portuguese regime did not express a future-oriented fascist ideology of radical rebirth. The country’s futural orientation would be accomplished by adopting a restrained policy of moderate modernization that lacked the dynamism and utopian ambition of fascism, a conservatism reflected in its architecture.
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Pasieka, Agnieszka. "Making an Ethnic Group: Lemko-Rusyns and the Minority Question in the Second Polish Republic." European History Quarterly 51, no. 3 (July 2021): 386–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211027121.
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Drawing on ethnographic and archival materials, this paper examines the ethnic politics of the Second Polish Republic by taking into account the experiences of the Lemko-Rusyn population, a minority East Slavic group inhabiting the peripheral mountainous area in southern Poland. It illustrates the changing policies towards Lemko-Rusyns and discusses the different responses of the local population to these policies, demonstrating the inadequacy of categories imposed from above as well as manifold motivations behind people's political views, choices of national identification, and religious conversions. In so doing, the article has three main objectives. First, in line with recent critical scholarship on nationalism in the Second Polish Republic, it attempts to problematize the – frequently exaggerated – difference between ‘federational’ and ‘assimilationist’ conceptions, exposing the discriminatory nature of interwar minority politics, as experienced locally. Second, moving beyond the interwar period, the article presents the long-term consequences of the interwar policies and the events of the Second World War, including a series of ethnic cleansings that took place in the aftermath of the war as well as present-day discourses on and policies towards ethnic and national minorities. And third, in discussing state actors' agency in the domain of minority policies, it calls for a more thorough recognition of the agency of the people who are the target of those policies. The article considers all these issues by presenting a history of a Lemko-Rusyn locality and its inhabitants, as recorded in school records, state reports, and oral histories.
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Polat, Necati. "Identity Politics and the Domestic Context of Turkey's European Union Accession." Government and Opposition 41, no. 4 (2006): 512–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00202.x.
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AbstractThis article observes a transformation in the largely essentializing, decontextualized form of identity politics that long defined political cosmology in Turkey, now in the process of negotiating accession to the European Union (EU). Accordingly, identity politics – not only the bread and butter of both Kurdish nationalism and Islamism, but also a justification for exhortations towards a limited, authoritarian democracy by Kemalists, the major power holders – is receding in favour of a civic, non-divisive political culture enabled by the EU anchorage. In danger of losing the longstanding centre–periphery configuration in an enhanced, participatory democracy and, concomitant with it, the periphery clientelism created by the waning identity politics, Kemalist nationalists, Islamists and Kurdish separatists appear to have stopped squabbling among themselves and joined forces against Turkey's EU bid.
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Dewulf, Jeroen. "Framing a Deterritorialized, Hybrid Alternative to Nationalist Essentialism in the Postcolonial Era: Tjalie Robinson and the Diasporic Eurasian “Indo” Community." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 16, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.16.1-2.1.
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In her study of Transnational South Asians (2008), Susan Koshy highlights the systematic neglect by scholars of the perspectives and activities of such seemingly peripheral actors as diasporic subjects in the macro-narratives of nationalism and globalization. Such neglect was even more pronounced in the case of the “repatriates” from European colonies in Asia and Africa. The epistemological implications of the dislocated, de-territorialized discourse produced by repatriates from former European colonies remain largely overlooked. One of those groups that seem to have slipped between the pages of history is the diasporic Eurasian “Indo” community that has its roots in the former Dutch East Indies. In this article, I focus on Tjalie Robinson, the intellectual leader of this community from the 1950s to the mid-1970s. In recent decades, there has been a growing interest in what Homi Bhabha, in The Location of Culture (1994, 38), called “the conceptualization of an international culture, based not on the exoticism of multiculturalism or the diversity of cultures, but on the inscription and articulation of culture’s hybridity.” Long before Bhabha, Robinson had already published substantially on hybrid, transnational identity. As the son of a Dutch father and a British-Javanese mother, Robinson had made a name in Indonesia with his writings. He left Indonesia in 1954, and soon became the leading voice of the diasporic Indo community in the Netherlands and, later, also in the United States. His engagement resulted in the founding of the Indo magazine Tong Tong and the annual Pasar Malam, the world’s biggest Eurasian festival. With his writings, Robinson played an essential role in the cultural awareness and self-pride of the Indo community through the acceptance of their essentially hybrid and transnational identity.
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Gorzelik, Jerzy. "Wiatr z Północy. Dyskursywne konstruowanie Heimat na przykładzie gmachu dawnej Królewskiej Szkoły Rzemiosł Budowlanych w Katowicach i jego wystroju." Przegląd Kulturoznawczy, no. 4 (50) (December 30, 2021): 745–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843860pk.21.051.14968.
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Wind from the North: The Discursive Construction of Heimat Exemplified by the Edifice of the Former Royal School of Building Crafts (Königliche Baugerwerkschule) in Katowice and its Decoration The paper examines the edifice of the former school of building crafts (Baugewerkschule) in Katowice, Upper Silesia, which opened in 1901, and its decoration. The works of architecture, painting and sculpture were interpreted as carriers of a discourse calculated to construct Heimat, located within the borders of the Prussian Silesian Province. The building’s forms, reminiscent of the brick Gothic of northern Germany, were characteristic of the milieu of the Technische Hochschule in Hannover, where the designers of the edifice were educated. The city’s coat of arms was depicted on the facade, the vaulted ceiling of the auditorium was decorated with dragon and gryphon motifs of Scandinavian origin, and its walls painted with images of St. Hedwig ‒ the patron saint of Silesia, viewed here as a deconfessionalized personification of the land ‒ the Prussian eagle, and four iconic monuments of historic Silesian architecture. Thus, references were made to various levels of identity ‒ local, regional, national, and the mythologised Germanic North. The narrative constructed in this way fits into the cultural nationalism of the educated German bourgeoisie (Bildungsbürgertum), which grows out of the Romantic tradition. At the same time, the emphasis on the opposition of the North and South can be seen as a strategy for overcoming the peripheral status of Silesia in a world organised by the West-East axis. The school’s building in Katowice exemplifies how the elites of the German Empire used visual means to construct modern imagined communities.
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Staliūnas, Darius. "Affirmative Action in the Western Borderlands of the Late Russian Empire?" Slavic Review 77, no. 4 (2018): 978–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.293.
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This article argues that apart from a couple of cases, there were no situations where the Russian imperial government would have supported Lithuanian national culture as a counterbalance against Poles, and more generally, that the policy of “divide and rule” was in principle not applied on the empire's western periphery regarding other non-dominant ethnic groups. A more general reason for not implementing such a policy was related to many officials’ belief that the government should seek integration, acculturation, or even assimilation of non-Russian ethnicities. At the same time, on the Russian mental map, the Northwest Region was understood not just as part of the empire, but as part of Russian national territory. In such a territory, most of the government subscribed to a discourse of nationalism that permitted no means of support for the strengthening of non-Russian nationalisms. Finally, social radicalism of the Lithuanian, Latvian, or Estonian national movements was another obstacle for tsarist officials to support these “peasant” nationalities.
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Buhaug, Halvard, Lars-Erik Cederman, and Jan Ketil Rød. "Disaggregating Ethno-Nationalist Civil Wars: A Dyadic Test of Exclusion Theory." International Organization 62, no. 3 (July 2008): 531–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818308080181.
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Contemporary conflict research usually measures the influence of ethnicity on conflict by capturing ethnic constellations as country-based indices, such as ethnic fractionalization or polarization. However, such aggregated measures are likely to conceal the actual operation of actor-specific mechanisms. In this article, therefore, we introduce a disaggregated model that measures ethnic groups' access to power. We do so by disaggregating both ethnicity and conflict to the level of explicitly geo-coded center-periphery dyads. This procedure allows us to measure the power balance between politically excluded ethnic groups and dominant actors in terms of group sizes, distances between the center and the periphery, and the roughness of the latter's terrain. We rely on geographic information systems (GIS) to compute demographic and ethno-geographic variables. The dyadic analysis enables us to show that exclusion of powerful ethnic minorities increases the likelihood of conflict considerably. In addition, we show that the risk of conflict is positively associated with the extent of rough terrain in the peripheral group's home region and its distance from the political center.
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Kınıkoğlu, Canan Neşe. "Spatio-Temporal Dynamics of Sociology in Post-1990 Turkey." Sociological Research Online 24, no. 4 (September 6, 2019): 598–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419870810.
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This study explores the spatio-temporal conditions of producing sociological knowledge at universities at a time of transformation in post-1990 (1990–2017) Turkey. Through a content analysis of the sociology PhD theses submitted in this period, it investigates the questions of where, when, and how sociological knowledge is institutionalized in Turkey. The study has two main findings. First, spatial distribution of sociology PhD theses highlights the ensuing centre–periphery relationships inside Turkey, a country itself located in the periphery. Endowed with better resources, the centre (mainly Ankara and Istanbul) focuses on macro solutions to the problems faced by Turkey and other countries, whereas the rest of the country produces knowledge about their immediate surroundings, that is, particular regions/cities/towns of Turkey. This difference illustrates the degrees to which sociological research in post-1990 Turkey is territorially limited by (Turkish) national borders. Second, temporally speaking, the sociological interest in domestic issues revolves mainly around ‘politics’ and ‘economy’, insofar as they relate to the economic crises, neoliberalism, globalization, and democratization attempts Turkey experienced in the post-1990 period. A closer reading of this spatio-temporality may suggest that Turkish sociology is susceptible to methodological nationalism that downplays the impact of nationalism, conforms to the nation-state and nations, and territorially limits the unit of analysis. Despite the transformations brought about by the period and the spatial differences in knowledge production between the centre and the periphery, sociology in Turkey is bound by the national territorial and ideational boundaries, reproducing the ethnic, political, cultural, and social foundations of Turkish nationalism. This study argues that although Turkish sociology stands on the periphery within the non-Western context, it is nonetheless formalized around its own centre–periphery relationship within the country itself, and that its spatio-temporal institutionalization in the post-1990 period has reproduced an implicit methodological nationalism that relies on Turkish nationalism.
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Dumitru, Diana. "Jewish Social Mobility under Late Stalinism: A View from the Newly Sovietizing Periphery." Slavic Review 78, no. 4 (2019): 986–1008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2019.257.
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This article expands our knowledge of nationality policies, center-periphery relations, and Jewish life under late Stalinism, a period which has heretofore been viewed predominantly through the lens of Stalin's terror and marginalization. By focusing on Soviet Moldavia, the article demonstrates that developments in this region followed a different trajectory from those displayed in the center. Local expediencies, derived from the needs of a newly Sovietizing territory with “suspect” locals, encouraged the professional advancement of ethnic Jews to positions of power and prestige previously unmatched in this region. The study explores both the opportunities and limitations faced by Jews in this peripheral region, while placing these phenomena inside the framework of Soviet nationality policies and its accompanying policy toward government professionals. Simultaneously, the article highlights both the legacy of Romanian official antisemitism within this region of postwar Soviet society and the role of the “neo-korenizatsiia” program in displacing Jews within Soviet state structures.
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Formichi, Chiara. "Displacing Political Islam in Indonesia." Itinerario 45, no. 3 (November 23, 2021): 413–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000267.
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ABSTRACTThis article investigates the narrative of Islamic nationalism in twentieth-century Indonesia, focussing on the experience of, and discourse surrounding, the self-identified Islamist Darul Islam movement and its leader, S. M. Kartosuwiryo (1905–1962). I offer a narrative of the independence struggle that counters the one advanced by Indonesia's Pancasila state, and allows us to capture subtleties that old discussions of separatism—with their assumption of fixed centres and peripheries—cannot illuminate.The article unfolds three historical threads connected to ideas of exile and displacement (physical and intellectual), and the reconstitution (successful or failed) that followed from those processes. Starting from the political circumstances under which Kartosuwiryo retreated to West Java after the Dutch reinvasion of 1947—in a form of physical exile and political displacement from the centre of politics to the periphery, from a position of political centrality to one of marginality and opposition—I then transition to an elaboration of Kartosuwiryo's ideology. His political strategy emerges as a form of voluntary intellectual displacement that bounced between local visions of authority, nationalist projects, and transregional imaginations in order to establish the political platform he envisioned for postcolonial Indonesia. Lastly, I argue that the elision of Islam from the reconstructed narrative of Kartosuwiryo's intentions, characterised as separatist and anti-nationalist, was a key aspect of Indonesia's nation-building process. It is my final contention that official Indonesian history's displacement of Kartosuwiryo's goals away from Islam and into the realm of separatism allowed for two reconstitutive processes, one pertaining to political Islam as a negative political force, and the other to Kartosuwiryo as a martyr for Islam.
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Becquelin, Nicolas. "Staged Development in Xinjiang." China Quarterly 178 (June 2004): 358–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004000219.
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At the turn of the century, the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region moved from a phase of accelerated integration by the centre, which typified the decade of the 1990s, to a phase of consolidation of the advances made during this period. The intertwined dimensions of state building and nation building embedded in the campaign to Open Up the West respond to the long-term strategic goal of placating the threat of ethno-nationalist unrest. This “staged development” of Xinjiang reflects in essence a classic process of peripheral territorial integration by the central state. Yet, the dynamics of penetration and resistance between the centre and what still remains an indigenous periphery can be expected to generate at the same time both increased sinicization and increased ethno-national unrest.
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Menchik, Jeremy. "Productive Intolerance: Godly Nationalism in Indonesia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 3 (July 2014): 591–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000267.
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AbstractSince democratization, Indonesia has played host to a curious form of ethnic conflict: militant vigilante groups attacking a small, socially marginal religious sect called Ahmadiyah. While most scholars attribute the violence to intolerance by radicals on the periphery of society, this article proposes a different reading based on an intertwined reconfiguration of Indonesian nationalism and religion. I suggest that Indonesia contains a common but overlooked example of “godly nationalism,” an imagined community bound by a shared theism and mobilized through the state in cooperation with religious organizations. This model for nationalism is modern, plural, and predicated on the exclusion of religious heterodoxy. Newly collected archival and ethnographic material reveal how the state's and Muslim civil society's long-standing exclusion of Ahmadiyah and other heterodox groups has helped produce the “we-feeling” that helps constitute contemporary Indonesian nationalism. I conclude by intervening in a recent debate about religious freedom to suggest that conflicts over blasphemy reflect Muslim civil society's effort to delineate an incipient model of nationalism and tolerance while avoiding the templates of liberal secularism or theocracy.