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1
Axel, Katrin. Studies on Old High German syntax: Left sentence periphery, verb placement and verb-second. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004.
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2
Huber, Judith. General conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190657802.003.0010.
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Chapter 10 offers a general conclusion of the findings of the book: Old and Middle English are strongly satellite-framing languages, whose intransitive motion construction can also accommodate verbs which inherently do not evoke a meaning of motion. The size of the manner verb lexicon in medieval English, as well as the use of manner verbs in the texts analysed, point to a similar degree of manner salience as in Present-Day English. The path verbs from French and Latin are shown to be borrowed initially not for expressing general literal motion events, but mostly in abstract or manner-enriched uses more peripheral to their meaning in the donor languages. The study also points out effects of the intertypological contact situation with Middle English on motion verb use in Anglo-Norman. Potential further effects yet to be investigated are suggested in this chapter.
3
Jäger, Agnes. On the history of the IPP construction in German. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813545.003.0016.
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The chapter discusses the development and syntactic analysis of IPP (infinitivus pro participio), i.e. certain perfect tense constructions in which a verb embedding an infinitive appears in the form of an infinitive itself rather than in the expected form of a past participle. This effect is indicative of verb cluster formation and typically linked to a re-ordering of verbs at the right clausal periphery. It can be observed since the MHG period spreading to more verbs over time in accordance with the typological hierarchy of IPP verbs. IPP is argued to involve true infinitives from the beginning rather than originating in homophonous ge-less participles. Recent analyses of IPP as one repair strategy among others are supported by historical and dialectal data as several types of competing constructions are evidenced. These data further show that IPP is not inherently linked to the specific word order of verbs found in MSG.
4
Petrova, Svetlana. Introduction to Part I. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813545.003.0002.
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This chapter provides an overview of the diachronic development of the left periphery in German. It introduces the OV/V2 asymmetry as a basic property of continental West Germanic syntax, as well as the components of the verb-second rule. On this basis, it surveys the rise of verb-second, elaborating on state-of-the-art in the beginning of the attestation, on the relation between V2 and the emergence of complementizers in Germanic, as well as on the role of Germanic sentence particles in the left periphery of the clause. In addition, orders challenging the validity V2 in German—such as verb-first, verb-third, and verb-final orders—are discussed. The chapter also discusses the role of information structure in movement to the left periphery, as well as the emergence of a special class of adverbial connectives, which develop from low adverbs and acquire a special status with respect to the left periphery.
5
Studies on Old High German syntax: Left sentence periphery, verb placement and verb-second. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins Pub., 2007.
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6
Kiss, Katalin É. Event Structure and the Left Periphery: Studies on Hungarian. Springer, 2007.
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7
Arregui, Ana, María Luisa Rivero, and Andrés Salanova, eds. Modality Across Syntactic Categories. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198718208.001.0001.
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This volume explores the extremely rich diversity found under the “modal umbrella” in natural language. Offering a cross-linguistic perspective on the encoding of modal meanings that draws on novel data from an extensive set of languages, the book supports a view according to which modality infuses a much more extensive number of syntactic categories and levels of syntactic structure than has traditionally been thought. The volume distinguishes between “low modality,” which concerns modal interpretations that associate with the verbal and nominal cartographies in syntax, “middle modality” or modal interpretation associated to the syntactic cartography internal to the clause, and “high modality” that relates to the cartography known as the left periphery. By offering enticing combinations of cross-linguistic discussions of the more studied sources of modality together with novel or unexpected sources of modality, the volume presents specific case studies that show how meanings associated with low, middle, and high modality crystallize across a large variety of languages. The chapters on low modality explore modal meanings in structures that lack the complexity of full clauses, including conditional readings in noun phrases and modal features in lexical verbs. The chapters on middle modality examine the effects of tense and aspect on constructions with counterfactual readings, and on those that contain canonical modal verbs. The chapters on high modality are dedicated to constructions with imperative, evidential, and epistemic readings, examining, and at times challenging, traditional perspectives that syntactically associate these interpretations with the left periphery of the clause.
8
Jäger, Agnes, Gisella Ferraresi, and Helmut Weiß, eds. Clause Structure and Word Order in the History of German. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813545.001.0001.
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Over roughly the last decade, there has been a notable rise in new research on historical German syntax in a generative perspective. This volume presents a state-of-the-art survey of this thriving new line of research by leading scholars in the field, combining it with new insights into the syntax of historical German. It is the first comprehensive and concise generative historical syntax of German covering numerous central aspects of clause structure and word order, tracing them throughout various historical stages. Each chapter combines a solid empirical basis and valid descriptive generalizations with reference also to the more traditional topological model of the German clause with a detailed discussion of theoretical analyses couched in the generative framework. The volume is divided into three parts according to the main parts of the clause: the left periphery dealing with verbal placement and the filling of the prefield (verb second, verb first, verb third orders) as well as adverbial connectives; the middle field including discussion of pronominal syntax, order of full NPs and the history of negation; and the right periphery with chapters on basic word order (OV/VO), prosodic and information-structural factors, and the verbal complex including the development of periphrastic verb forms and the phenomena of IPP (infinitivus pro participio) and ACI (accusativus cum infinitivo). This book thus provides a convenient overview of current research on the major issues concerning historical German clause structure both for scholars interested in more traditional description and for those interested in formal accounts of diachronic syntax.
9
Petrova, Svetlana, and Helmut Weiß. OV versus VO in Old High German. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813545.003.0013.
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This chapter surveys the word order variation in the right periphery of the clause in OHG. The investigation is based on a corpus including all dependent clauses introduced by the complementizer thaz ‘that’ in the minor OHG documents, a collection of up to forty smaller texts of various genres. The analysis shows that the majority of the data can be explained within a standard OV grammar, assuming additional extraposition of heavy XPs to the right. But apart from these cases, there is evidence supporting the assumption of leftward movement of the verb to an intermediate functional projection vP which is optional with basic OV but obligatory with basic VO. In addition, the chapter presents patterns which evidently involve verb movement to a higher functional head, above vP, and discusses the nature of the landing site of the verb in these cases.
10
Axel-Tober, Katrin. Origins of verb-second in Old High German. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813545.003.0003.
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This chapter investigates the characteristics of the left sentence periphery in Old High German. In the earlier OHG prose texts we still find some archaic characteristics of a non- or pre-verb-second grammar. These include residual and partly productive features of a non-conflated C-domain arguably inherited from Proto-Germanic or even Proto-Indo-European. On the other hand, there is ample evidence that the precursor of the so-called prefield position already existed in OHG and that it was already a target for both operator movement and Stylistic Fronting. All these phenomena shed interesting light on the question of which syntactic steps the language had to take in order consolidate its verb-second grammar.
11
Kiss, Katalin É. Event Structure and the Left Periphery: Studies on Hungarian (Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory). Springer, 2007.
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12
Garzonio, Jacopo, and Cecilia Poletto. The distribution of quantifiers in Old and Modern Italian. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747307.003.0012.
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This chapter considers the distribution of VO and OV orders in Old Italian when the object is represented by a quantified constituent. The investigation takes into consideration cases of VO/OV variation with complex analytic verb forms where V is the past participle and O contains a universal or a negative quantifier. It is shown that while OV with non-quantified DPs and complex QPs is optional, universal bare quantifiers always precede the past participle. It is proposed that bare quantifiers undergo obligatory movement to a dedicated position, which is a function of their internal structure. Moreover, it is argued that the modern stage of the language has preserved the movement of the quantifier, but this is not always visible because of a change in the movement properties of the verb: in generalized verb-second Old Italian the past participle remains trapped inside the vP left-periphery while it raises higher in Modern Italian.
13
Salvesen, Christine Meklenborg, and George Walkden. Diagnosing embedded V2 in Old English and Old French. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747840.003.0011.
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Old English (OE) and Old French (OF) both display verb-second (V2) word order in main declarative clauses. Different models may account for V2: (a) the finite verb must move to a head in the CP field; (b) it must remain in the IP field; or (c) it moves to the left periphery only when the preceding XP is not a subject. While the IP-model should allow free embedded V2, the two others would either exclude completely or strongly limit the possibilty of having embedded V2. We select embedded that-clauses and analyse the word order with respect to the matrix verb: embedded V2 is possible in both OE and OF, although the availability of this structure is restricted. OE has very few occurrences of embedded V2, whereas OF seems to permit this construction more freely. We link this difference to the site of first Merge of complementizers in the two languages.
14
Hinterhölzl, Roland, and Svetlana Petrova. Prosodic and information-structural factors in word order variation. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813545.003.0014.
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This chapter proposes an analysis that derives the word order variation in dependent clauses in OHG within a universal VO base order, plus additional cyclic leftward movement operations that target different information-structural projections in the complex left periphery of the clause. More precisely, it is argued that categories conveying contrastive information land in [Spec,FocP], with the finite verb targeting Foc° and marking the left edge of the new-information focus domain, while background information is placed further left, between ForceP and FocP. This positional realization of the verb and phrases expressing different semantic types of focus is considered a special strategy of disambiguating broad from narrow focus, as well as of avoiding the clash of two focus phrases in the middle field of clauses with multiple foci.
15
Event Structure and the Left Periphery: Studies on Hungarian (Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory). Springer, 2006.
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16
Fuß, Eric. Introduction to Part III. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813545.003.0011.
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This chapter provides an overview of Part III, which deals with various aspects pertaining to the right sentence periphery in historical stages of German. It outlines a set of issues that figure prominently in relevant current research, including the theoretical analysis of linguistic variation, the impact of information structure on word order (OV versus VO, in particular), and the historical development of verb clusters. In addition, the chapter includes brief summaries of the individual contributions, which focus on word order variation in the lower/right-most part of the middle field (and the post field), and properties of the so-called verbal complex located in the right sentence bracket.
17
Massam, Diane. Niuean. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793557.001.0001.
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This book presents a detailed descriptive and theoretical examination of predicate-argument structure in Niuean, a Polynesian language within the Oceanic branch of the Austronesian family, spoken mainly on the Pacific island of Niue and in New Zealand. Niuean has VSO word order and an ergative case-marking system, both of which raise questions for a subject-predicate view of sentence structure. Working within a broadly Minimalist framework, this volume develops an analysis in which syntactic arguments are not merged locally to their thematic sources, but instead are merged high, above an inverted extended predicate which serves syntactically as the Niuean verb, later undergoing movement into the left periphery of the clause. The thematically lowest argument merges as an absolutive inner subject, with higher arguments merging as applicatives. The proposal relates Niuean word order and ergativity to its isolating morphology, by equating the absence of inflection with the absence of IP in Niuean, which impacts many aspects of its grammar. As well as developing a novel analysis of clause and argument structure, word order, ergative case, and theta role assignment, the volume argues for an expanded understanding of subjecthood. Throughout the volume, many other topics are also treated, such as noun incorporation, word formation, the parallel internal structure of predicates and arguments, null arguments, displacement typology, the role of determiners, and the structure of the left periphery.
18
DiGirolamo, Cara M. Word order and information structure in the Würzburg Glosses. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747307.003.0008.
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This chapter deals with the interface between Syntax and Pragmatics by examining argument fronting in Old Irish non-poetic Glosses. Relying on lexical and contextual indicators of discourse function, three Information Structure patterns can be identified: aboutness topic; contrastive topic; and focus. Aboutness and contrastive topic are often resumed and do not mark relativization on the verb, suggesting that they are left dislocation structures. Focus is most commonly expressed through clefts, although clefts in Old Irish can be morphologically opaque. Modern Irish has all these structures besides a non-clefted focus structure, which is likely derived from interpreting morphologically opaque clefts as topicalization. In sum, this paper argues that Old Irish has a set of productive argument fronting positions with distinct and conventional information structural properties that can be analysed in terms of an articulated left periphery, and that these fronting positions are the direct ancestors of fronting positions in Modern Irish.
19
Wolfe, Sam. Syntactic Change in French. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198864318.001.0001.
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This volume provides the most comprehensive and detailed formal account to date of the evolution of French syntax. Making use of the latest formal syntactic tools, it combines careful textual analysis with a detailed synthesis of the vast research literature on French to provide an original and wide-ranging analysis of the major syntactic developments to have taken place in the history of French. The empirical scope of the book is exceptionally broad, discussing syntactic variation and change in Latin, Old, Middle, Renaissance, and Classical French, as well as standard and non-standard varieties of Modern French. Following detailed introductory chapters, a wide range of phenomena are discussed including the left periphery, subject positions and null subjects, verb movement, object placement, negation, and the makeup of the nominal expression. The book concludes with a comparative analysis of how French has come to develop the unique typological profile it has within Romance today. The volume will thus be an indispensable tool for researchers and students in French and comparative Romance linguistics as well as readers interested in grammatical theory and historical linguistics.