Relevant bibliographies by topics / Permanent members of the UN Security Council

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Permanent members of the UN Security Council'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Permanent members of the UN Security Council"

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Corell, Hans. "UN Security Council Reform—The Council Must Lead by Example." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 22, no. 1 (October 7, 2019): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413_022001002.

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The point of departure in the present article is that the UN Security Council must be reformed. But this reform should not focus on extending the membership of the Council, which seems to be the main issue in the discussion at present. It is imperative that the Council is maintained as an executive organ since this is a precondition for its effective functioning. Too many members would destroy this requirement completely, in particular if additional members are granted veto power. Already 15 members may be past the limit for an executive organ. Additional members will endanger the Council’s ability to fulfil its obligations under Art. 24 of the UN Charter: the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Instead, the reform should focus on resolving the real problem with the Council, namely the manner in which the permanent members sometimes behave. The exercise of the veto power must be in conformity with the UN Charter, which now must be viewed against the background of the development of international law since the UN was established more than 70 years ago. The manner in which some permanent members exercise their veto power is simply not in conformity with the Charter. Against this background it is absolutely necessary that the five permanent members engage in a profound discussion about their performance and the manner in which the veto power is exercised. Here, there is need for statesmanship. The members of the Security Council, and in particular the permanent members, must lead by example. What the Council must focus on is conflict prevention. This requires determination and consequence. The focus must be on the challenges that humankind is facing and will face ever more in the future and the threats to international peace and security that these challenges are causing. The need for the rule of law and protection of human rights are obvious elements in this analysis. Furthermore, the growth of the world population in combination with climate change simply must be addressed in an effective manner. The Council must focus attentively on these ‘conflict multipliers’. The discussion must also focus on peacekeeping and responsibility to protect. With respect to responsibility to protect there is great need for improvement. We cannot accept in the 21st century that fundamental human rights are violated and that crimes against international humanitarian law are being committed on a large scale without consequences. Another important element in this context is empowerment of women. In addressing these questions there is need for close cooperation with regional organizations. This cooperation already exists, but the question is how it can be developed and what lessons can be learnt from the past. Since the five permanent members are also recognized as nuclear-weapon States under the 1968 Non-Proliferation Treaty, they must confirm their obligations under this treaty and make serious their obligation to work for a nuclear-weapon free world. A reform along the lines discussed in the present article can be made without amending the UN Charter.
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Roele, Isobel. "Around Arendt’s table: Bureaucracy and the non-permanent members of the UN Security Council." Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 1 (November 28, 2019): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156519000645.

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AbstractNon-permanent members’ strategies to augment their influence in the United Nations Security Council usually seek parity of status with the permanent members. A more radical and transformative strategy would seek to change the Council itself. Working methods reform holds more potential in this respect than composition reform. At present, however, working methods reform is oriented to increasing non-permanent members’ status and focuses on redistributing administrative roles like sub-committee chairing and penholding. The price non-permanent members pay for their offices, however, is bureaucratic drudgery, which both keeps them from pursuing their own political priorities, and socializes them into the permanent members’ rhythms of work. Using Hannah Arendt’s concepts of work, labour, and natality, this contribution analyses strategies for influence in the Security Council, and offers a negative reading of Arendt’s ideas to suggest that non-permanent members should present a more obstructive counterforce in the Council, by cultivating their difference.
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Blix, Hans. "un Security Council vs. Weapons of Mass Destruction." Nordic Journal of International Law 85, no. 2 (May 17, 2016): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08502003.

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International institutions given the task to maintain collective security and to seek disarmament need to build on cooperation between major powers. The authors of the un Charter vested great powers in the Security Council but a consensus between the five permanent great powers was required for use of the powers. This inevitably paralyzed the Council during the Cold War. After the end of the Cold War, the permanent members have remained unable jointly to pursue disarmament, but they have succeeded in several remarkable cases to reach consensus, notably on measures to prevent the further spread of weapons of mass destruction. The quick action to eliminate chemical weapons in Syria was a win-win case led by us-Russian diplomacy, while the comprehensive deal settling the controversy over Iran’s nuclear program was a victory for patient diplomacy involving all permanent members and the eu. These actions show the potentials of the Council.
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Farrall, Jeremy, Marie-Eve Loiselle, Christopher Michaelsen, Jochen Prantl, and Jeni Whalan. "Elected member influence in the United Nations Security Council." Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 1 (November 28, 2019): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156519000657.

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AbstractThis article reassesses how members of the UN Security Council exercise influence over the Council’s decision-making process, with particular focus on the ten elected members (the E10). A common understanding of Security Council dynamics accords predominance to the five permanent members (the P5), suggesting bleak prospects for the Council as a forum that promotes the voices and representation of the 188 non-permanent members. The assumption is that real power rests with the P5, while the E10 are there to make up the numbers. By articulating a richer account of Council dynamics, this article contests the conventional wisdom that P5 centrality crowds out space for the E10 to influence Council decision-making. It also shows that opportunities for influencing Council decision-making go beyond stints of elected membership. It argues that the assumed centrality of the P5 on the Council thus needs to be qualified and re-evaluated.
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Johnson, Edward. "A permanent UN force: British thinking after Suez." Review of International Studies 17, no. 3 (July 1991): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112148.

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IntroductionPrior to the Suez crisis of 1956, the United Nations found itself restricted in its military response to threats to international peace and security. The authors of the UN Charter had originally called for member states to make armed forces available to the UN Security Council under a set of special agreements to be concluded in the post-war period. These would furnish the UN with the military means to take collective action against aggression which was to be the essential precondition of the success of the UN. The body responsible for the conclusion of these special agreements under Article 43 of the UN charter was the Military Staff Committee (MSC), which comprised the Chiefs of Staff of the five permanent members of the Security Council. However, the divisions of the developing Cold War permeated the MSC from 1946 and it became clear that there were major differences amongst the permanent members on the military role that the UN should play in the post-war international system. As a result, the Article 43 special agreements were stillborn and the UN was left without a formal system to provide it with its own armed forces.
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Howard, Lise Morjé, and Anjali Kaushlesh Dayal. "The Use of Force in UN Peacekeeping." International Organization 72, no. 1 (December 4, 2017): 71–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818317000431.

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AbstractUN peacekeeping was not designed to wield force, and the UN's permanent five (P-5), veto-wielding Security Council members do not want the UN to develop a military capacity. However, since 1999, the UN Security Council has authorized all UN multidimensional peacekeeping operations under Chapter VII of the UN Charter to use force. The mandates do not serve to achieve the council's stated goal of maintaining international peace, nevertheless, the council repeats these mandates in every multidimensional peacekeeping resolution. Neither constructivist accounts of normative change, nor the rational pursuit of stated goals, nor organizational processes can explain the repetition of force mandates. Instead, we draw on insights from small-group psychology to advance a novel theoretical proposition: the repetition of force mandates is the result of “group-preserving” dynamics. The P-5 members strive to maintain their individual and collective status and legitimacy by issuing decisions on the use of force. Once members achieve a decision, the agreement is applied in future rounds of negotiations, even when the solution does not fit the new context and may appear suboptimal, illogical, or even pathological. Privileging the achievement and reproduction of agreement over its content is the essence of group preserving. We present an original data set of all peacekeeping mandates, alongside evidence from dozens of interviews with peacekeeping officials, including representatives of all of the Security Council's permanent members. We assess this original data using expected causal process observations derived from rationalist, constructivist, organizational, and psychological logics.
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Shcherbak, I. N. "THE ROLE OF THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL IN MAINTAINING PEACE." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(33) (December 28, 2013): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-6-33-9-13.

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The author devoted his research to the role of the UN Security Council at present time and the challenges to its existence as the linchpin of preservation of universal peace, security and stability at the time of transformation of the modern world under the impact of globalization. The research article sheds some light on the process of reforms of the UN Security Council and discussions on this issue in the UN , positions of the permanent members of the SC (“P-5”) and different scenarios of the expansion of the composition of the Security Council (permanent and non-permanent members).In contrast to some optimistic assumptions on the perspectives of the reform the author reinforces a pragmatic approach to the issue. Special emphasis is made on the importance of preserving the exclusive position of permanent members of the SC (“P-5”) as the guarantor of global stability and security. The reform process is closely entwined with another direction of the reform of the SC – strengthening its core functions and strategic role in prevention of international and regional crises. The conclusions and recommendations contain some ideas aimed at strengthening the reform process of the SC and its effectiveness. The SC should be more involved in planning and implementation of the UN peace- keeping operations. The functions of Military Staff Committee should be expanded and the process of consultations within the “P-5” Group should be reviewed with emphasis on taking political decisions on the basis of consensus.
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Gifkins, Jess. "Beyond the Veto." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 27, no. 1 (February 18, 2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02701003.

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Abstract The formal rules governing the UN Security Council offer little insight into how negotiations are conducted on a day-to-day basis. While it is generally assumed that permanent members dominate negotiations, this article investigates avenues for influence for elected members and the UN Secretariat. Institutional power is used to show how permanent members adopt dominant positions in negotiations extending far beyond their Charter-given privileges. Dominance of permanent members is moderated, however, by the legitimacy that support from elected members brings to a resolution. Similarly, the UN Secretariat can use its legitimated authority to influence decisions. The article argues that informal practices are key in understanding how power and influence are allocated in the Council and it forms a building block for future analyses of Security Council practices. This argument also has implications for the perennial reform debates and the prospects for informal reform.
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Chekova, J. M. "The reform of the UN Security Council as one of the priorities of the activity of Brazil at the international level." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 3 (September 28, 2015): 98–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2015-3-98-109.

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The article deals with the issue of the UN Security Council reform. The author considers the currently existing expansion initiatives, as well as the positions of the five permanent members and the main countries interested in launching the process. The UN Security Council reform is analyzed as one of the priorities of Brazilian foreign policy, so special emphasis is laid on the role of the Latin American giant in this process. The author examines the Brazilian strategy aimed at obtaining a permanent seat in the UN Security Council.
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Moeckli, Daniel, and Raffael N. Fasel. "A Duty to Give Reasons in the Security Council." International Organizations Law Review 14, no. 1 (June 29, 2017): 13–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-2017001.

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In recent years, the un Security Council has repeatedly come under criticism for its inaction in the face of serious violations of international law. As a means to prevent further deadlocks, this article advocates the introduction of a duty to explain votes cast in the Council. In certain situations, such a duty to give reasons already exists today, although it is not implemented. We propose to extend this duty to all votes in the Security Council and to codify it in its Provisional Rules of Procedure. A comprehensive duty to give reasons has three major virtues: it increases the quality of Council decisions, it enhances legal certainty, and it improves the accountability of the Council and of its members. As opposed to structural reforms, our proposal does not necessitate amending the un Charter and thus does not depend on the consent of the Council’s permanent members.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Permanent members of the UN Security Council"

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Rukambe, Kujee. "United Nations Security Council and the veto power of the permanent members." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65718.

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Chowdhury, Afrida. "Do Small States Matter? : A comparative analysis of the discourses by three of the non-permanent members of the United Nations Security Council on the crisis in Libya and Syria between 2011 and 2012." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-317147.

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A new era of wars and instability have left the world shaken with the civil wars in Syria and Libya. Although there are many similarities with Syria and Libya, the two states did not have the same end due to actions by the United Nations Security Council. Libya resulted in a military humanitarian intervention, while Syria did not. Studies about the Security Council usually focuses on the actions of the Permanent Five members who holds institutional power and influence over the council, mostly due to their quantitative economic and military power, leaving smaller states, the non-permanent members out of research. The point of this study is to fill in the lacuna of the studies on the non-permanent members to see they behave in the council by how they problematize the crisis in Syria and Libya. This paper compares the discourses of Colombia, Portugal and South Africa, three of the non-permanent members of the Security Council between 2011-2012 in how they speak about the decision to intervene in Libya and not in Syria. To conduct my normative study I use Tal Dingott Alkopher’s study on Military Humanitarian Intervention Norms by analysing speeches found in UNSC meeting protocols that regarded Syria and Libya. I do this to find evidence for how these non-permanent members argue for or against norms of intervention. My results show that the non-permanent members are more aligned with intervention norms for Libya rather than Syria.
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Křesinová, Dominika. "Reforma Rady bezpečnosti OSN." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206426.

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The United Nations is an international organization founded in 1945. It is obvious that the status quo from that year cannot reflect the needs of present world. Because of this fact it is necessary to approach a reform. But the question is what the reform should deal with. There are plenty of reforming efforts in discussion. These proposals do not take into consideration only the reform of the Security Council but also other bodies within United Nations. In my thesis I will focus only on reforming the Security Council as a main body of the whole organization that should be able to react on security threats flexibly. The feasibility of UN reform depends on the agreement of the permanent members that can due to their veto right block any of the proposals. And for the time being, they use their privilege to do so because they are afraid of limitations of their rights and position. We cannot come up only with a clear proposal how to reform but also it is necessary to focus on the proper arguments why the permanent members should agree with the reform. The main target of the following master thesis is to find out whether the reform is feasible based on accessible information with respect to hindrances and positions of permanent members that are currently more passive than active.
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Sharbin, Jude. "A Life in War and Peace : A structured focused comparison on the behaviors of the warring parties in the Kosovo conflict which are dependent on the veto of one or more of the permanent members in the UNSC." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-430560.

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The aim of this research was to find out whether or not the use of the veto by one or more of the permanent members in the UNSC had an impact on the behaviors of the warring parties by looking at the interventions that would be imposed by the Council. Much of the research on this topic looks at what it takes for a conflict to get to the UNSC and what happens after sanctions are put into place, but what about if the resolution does not receive support and is not adopted? Two cases are looked at using the structured focused comparison method in relation to two conflict periods in the Kosovo conflict, before the veto (during-UNSC) and after the veto (post-UNSC) asking the question how can the use of the veto in the UNSC by one, or more, of the permanent members of the Security Council impact a conflict? The evidence collected shows that the hypothesis was not supported due to there not being a large change in the behavior of the warring parties from one conflict period to the next. The conclusion shows that the impact by the UNSC on the conflict was not severe.
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直, 瀬岡, and Nao Seoka. "国際連合における拒否権の意義と限界 : 成立からスエズ危機までの拒否権行使に関する批判的検討." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB12576927/?lang=0, 2013. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB12576927/?lang=0.

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Al, Hadad Ibrahim. "Le droit international à l'épreuve des grandes puissances : légalité et illégalité des interventions militaires." Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100042/document.

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La fin de la guerre froide, marquée par l'accord retrouvé des cinq grandes puissances membres permanents au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, au lieu de connaître un déclin dans les interventions militaires extérieures de celles-ci, a vu au contraire leur nombre se multiplier, ce qui portait atteinte à la règle générale, considérée comme une norme impérative (de jus cogens), celle de l'interdiction du recours à la force dans les relations internationales. Malgré les tentatives de justification des différentes interventions de grande envergure, menées au nom de la sécurité collective (interventions autorisées par le Conseil de sécurité) ou unilatéralement, celles-ci se sont écartées des prescriptions du droit international et de la Charte des Nations unies. En conséquence, elles s'avèrent à des degrés divers des actions entachées d'illégalité En effet, elles ont été fondées sur des interprétations extensives des dispositions de la Charte ou en violation de celles-ci, voire en violation des résolutions du Conseil de sécurité lui-même, ainsi qu'on peut le percevoir à travers les grandes interventions menées en Irak par les coalisés en 1991, celles de l'OTAN au Kosovo en 1999, des États-Unis en Afghanistan, à travers l'occupation américano-britannique de l'Irak en2003, l'intervention de la Russie en Géorgie (2008), de l'OTAN en Libye (2011) et celle de la France au Mali (2013). Cela n'a pas manqué de relancer le débat, récurrent dans les instances internationales concernées, sur la nécessité de réformer le Conseil de sécurité (élargissement de sa composition et règlementation du veto) ainsi que d'instituer un véritable contrôle de légalité sur ses actes
The end of the cold war, marked by the agreement between the five major permanent member states of the United Nations Security Council, instead of a decline in their external military interventions, has, on the contrary, increased in number, which detracted from the general rule, considered as an imperative norm Qus cogens), that of the prohibition of the use of force in international relations. Despite the attempts to justify the various large-scale interventions carried out in the name of collective security (interventions authorized by the Security Council) or unilaterally, they have departed from the requirements of international law and the United Nations Charter. As a result, they appear to be in varying degrees to illegal actions. Indeed, they have been based on extensive interpretations of the Charter or on the breach of it or even in violation of the resolutions of the Council Security itself, as can be seen from the major interventions carried out in IRAK by the allies in 1991, those of NATO in KOSOVO in 1999, the US in AFGHANISTAN, through the US and British occupation of IRAQ in 2003, the intervention of Russia in GEORGIA (2008), NATO in LIBYA (2011) and that of FRANCE in MALI (2013). This did not fail to revive the debate, recurrent in the international bodies concerned, on the need to reform the Security Council (enlargement of its composition and regulation of the veto) as well as to establish a real contrai of legality on its acts
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Jindřich, Petr. "Reforma Rady bezpečnosti OSN a úskalí s ní spojené." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-322449.

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Reform of the UN Security Council and a stumbling block associated with it - abstract This thesis deals with matter of the Security Council reform, the most crucial body of the United Nations. It examines approaches of eleven specific countries which are divided into two groups. The first group is comprised by permanent members of the Security Council, the second one by states which, in case of their creation, could claim new permanent seats in this body. This thesis examines not only their real policies, but also their policies from theoretical - specifically neorealistic - point of view. Two different hypotheses were deduced from neorealism which were tested and subsequently evaluated as (in)valid. Hypothesis emerging from a standard neorealism put emphasis on policy whose goal is to maintain, alternatively to increase a state's autonomy (autonomy-seeking policy). International organizations are viewed as entity which limits, to some extent, this autonomy. On the other hand, hypothesis emerging from a modified neorealism put emphasis on policy whose goal is to gain, alternatively to increase influence on other actors (influence-seeking policy). On the contrary, within this policy international organizations are an useful entity because it is possible to achieve such an influence by means of them. In the...
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Franěk, Robert. "Ovlivňuje členství v Evropské unii postoj k reformě Rady bezpečnosti OSN? Srovnání případů Německa a Japonska." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-387813.

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Reform of the United Nations Security Council has already become an evergreen of international politics. There are many reform proposals, but it's impossible to find satisfactory solution. One of the main candidates for new permanent membership is Germany, which published its bid in 1992. During 90's also emerged first proposals mentioning the possibility of future permanent membership of the European Union. This thesis contributes to debate on Europeanisation of foreign policies of EU member states. The aim is to find out, whether has German bid for permanent membership in the UN Security Council been influenced by membership of Germany in the European Union. For a better recognition of possible Europeanisation effects is German case compared with Japan, which published its bid only one year later and shares similar characteristics to Germany. Content analysis method is used to compare German and Japanese argumentation with regard to four topics: equitable representation, economic power, multilateral cooperation and responsibility.
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Hilmy, Hanny. "Sovereignty, Peacekeeping, and the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), Suez 1956-1967: Insiders’ Perspectives." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/5888.

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This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East. The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge. By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management.
Graduate
hilmyh@uvic.ca
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Books on the topic "Permanent members of the UN Security Council"

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Kolb, Andreas S. The UN Security Council Members' Responsibility to Protect. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-55644-3.

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Bellamy, Alex J. UN Security Council. Edited by Alex J. Bellamy and Tim Dunne. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198753841.013.14.

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This chapter focuses on the Security Council’s special responsibilities in relation to R2P. It argues that the adoption of R2P in 2005 reflected a growing commitment to human protection on the part of the Council, already evident in its adoption of the protection of civilians as a thematic agenda in Resolution 1265 (2000). Nevertheless, the Council was initially reluctant to embrace, let alone act upon, the responsibilities laid out by R2P largely owing to fears on the part of Russia, China, and some non-Western non-permanent members that the new concept masked an interventionist political agenda. Over time, the Council has grown significantly more supportive of R2P and comfortable with its use in both thematic and operational resolutions to the point where the inclusion of R2P language in Council resolutions has become almost habitual in situations characterized by the threat or commission of atrocity crimes.
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White, Nigel D. The Relationship between the Un Security Council and General Assembly in Matters of International Peace and Security. Edited by Marc Weller. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199673049.003.0014.

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This chapter examines the division of competence between the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly concerning matters of international peace and security but placed within the context of the prohibition on the use of force. Although the Security Council can authorize the use of force by states, what is not clear is whether the General Assembly can recommend that states take military action. The chapter considers the conundrum faced by the United Nations with respect to an imminent and catastrophic use of force or act of egregious violence, when the UN Security Council is deadlocked because of the lack of agreement between the permanent members. It discusses the debate over the legality of the (in)famous Uniting for Peace Resolution of 1950 within the context of the emerging principle of a Responsibility to Protect (R2P) as well as within existing principles of international law.
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Adebajo, Adekeye. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992–1996. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748915.003.0007.

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Egyptian scholar-diplomat Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s relationship with the UN Security Council was a difficult one, resulting eventually in him earning the unenviable record of being the only Secretary-General to have been denied a second term in office. Boutros-Ghali bluntly condemned the double standards of the powerful Western members of the Council—the Permanent Three (P3) of the US, Britain, and France—in selectively authorizing UN interventions in “rich men’s wars” in Europe while ignoring Africa’s “orphan conflicts.” The Council’s powerful members ignored many of his ambitious ideas, preferring instead to retain tight control of decision-making on UN peacekeeping missions. Boutros-Ghali worked with the Security Council to establish peacekeeping missions in Bosnia, Cambodia, Haiti, Rwanda, and Somalia.
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Loraine, Sievers, and Daws Sam. Ch.6 Voting. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199685295.003.0006.

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This chapter illustrates how voting in the Security Council is carried out. The UN Charter provides that each member of the Security Council shall have one vote, that the decisions of the Council on procedural matters must be affirmed by a vote from nine members, that Council decisions on all other matters shall be made by an affirmative vote of nine members including the concurring votes of the permanent members under certain provisions, among others. To that end, the chapter discusses further regulations that facilitate the voting process itself; such as procedures laid in place in the case of vetoes, an insufficient number of affirmative votes, voting on particular areas, interruptions, abstentions, absences, outright non-participation, as well as the processes for the finalisation of the vote.
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Soto, Álvaro de. Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, 1982–1991. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748915.003.0006.

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When Javier Pérez de Cuéllar came to office in 1982 the threat of nuclear annihilation had receded but the collegiality among the Security Council’s permanent members was still absent. The scope for a UN role in the search for peace, particularly in proxy conflicts, remained small. Pérez de Cuéllar’s cautious demeanor masked a willingness to unexpectedly move in a swift and bold fashion. He worked within the constitutional no man’s land between the Security Council and the Secretary-General, sometimes at a slight remove from the Security Council so as to dissociate himself from its mistakes or omissions, using the “reservoir of authority” and “wide margin of discretion” implicit in the Charter. The combination of a Secretary-General to whom the post came unsought and a Security Council which had confidence in him produced the crucial synergy that developed between these two principal organs at a critical juncture.
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Ravndal, Ellen Jenny. Trygve Lie, 1946–1953. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748915.003.0002.

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This chapter explores all aspects of Trygve Lie’s interaction with the Security Council, beginning with his appointment process and the negotiation of the relative domains of the Council and the Secretary-General. This was a time when the working methods of the UN system were rapidly evolving through political negotiation and responses to external crises. It examines Lie’s personality and character, how he viewed his own responsibilities in the maintenance of international peace and security as crises arose, the legal and political tools he developed and exercised, and his changing relationship with individual permanent members and the six elected members. In the emerging Cold War, Lie’s position in the Security Council would be determined in particular by his relationships with the United States and the Soviet Union. Taking initiative in response to external crises in Iran, Palestine, Berlin, and Korea, Lie succeeded in laying foundations for an expanded political role for the Secretary-General.
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Firestone, Bernard J. U Thant, 1961–1971. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748915.003.0004.

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U Thant assumed the position of Acting Secretary-General with the office under assault from the Soviet Union, Cold War tensions escalating, and the UN mired in an inconclusive peacekeeping mission in the Congo. Ten years later, Thant retired from the Secretary-Generalship with the integrity of the office having been preserved but with the powers of the Secretary-General significantly reduced. Thant acknowledged the limitations of a Security Council divided by Cold War rivalries and subject to the veto of the permanent members, but he also subscribed to the view that the Charter granted him the authority to engage in diplomacy without a specific Security Council or General Assembly mandate. By examining the peacekeeping record of the UN during Thant’s ten years in office, this chapter will trace the evolution of a UN and Secretary-General significantly more modest in ambition and international profile than the UN of Thant’s predecessor. In the process, the chapter will explore aspects of Thant’s personality, world view, and conception of the office.
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Morris, Justin, and Nicholas Wheeler. The Responsibility Not to Veto. Edited by Alex J. Bellamy and Tim Dunne. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198753841.013.13.

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The responsibility to protect (R2P) and the question of UN Security Council veto constraint are intimately linked, but whilst the R2P has become increasingly embedded in diplomatic discourse and practice, the idea that in relation to it the Council’s five permanent members should recognize a ‘responsibility not to veto’ (RN2V) has fared less well. This chapter examines why this should be so. In its assessment of the prospects for, and pros and cons of, veto-restriction, the chapter argues that opposition amongst the P5 to the idea of a RN2V is unlikely to change in the foreseeable future, and it charges advocates of the idea with a failure to recognize that it is ill-conceived to believe that R2P can transcend great power cleavages in international society, whether these stem from principles of prudence, conflicting value systems, or the play of self-interest and great power jockeying for position.
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Bhagavan, Manu. India and the United Nations. Edited by David M. Malone, C. Raja Mohan, and Srinath Raghavan. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198743538.013.43.

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This chapter discusses India’s association with the United Nations. Guided by the vision of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the country initially had a highly successful grand strategy guiding its foreign policy that placed that UN at the centre of its diplomatic efforts. Things took a sharp downward turn, however, during the administration of Indira Gandhi, and the relationship has lacked cohesion and meaningful direction ever since. In recent times, India has sought to become a permanent member of the Security Council and has relatedly but unsuccessfully attempted to wield influence, though large questions about its purpose and goals remain. Contemporary crises, though, now make the answers ever more urgent.
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Book chapters on the topic "Permanent members of the UN Security Council"

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Jahn, Egbert. "Should Germany Be a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council? On the Efforts to Reform the United Nations." In German Domestic and Foreign Policy, 225–41. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47929-2_14.

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Kolb, Andreas S. "The Security Council and International Law." In The UN Security Council Members' Responsibility to Protect, 129–87. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-55644-3_3.

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Drifte, Reinhard. "The Security Council Issue in Japan’s UN Policy, 1956–89." In Japan’s Quest for a Permanent Security Council Seat, 10–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07467-6_2.

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Drifte, Reinhard. "The Security Council Issue in Japan’s UN Policy, 1956–89." In Japan's Quest for a Permanent Security Council Seat, 10–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230598843_2.

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Kolb, Andreas S. "The Security Council and the Responsibility to Protect in the Age of New Wars." In The UN Security Council Members' Responsibility to Protect, 1–47. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-55644-3_1.

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Kolb, Andreas S. "Legal Theory and Methodology." In The UN Security Council Members' Responsibility to Protect, 49–127. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-55644-3_2.

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Kolb, Andreas S. "The International Law of Atrocity Crime Prevention." In The UN Security Council Members' Responsibility to Protect, 189–341. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-55644-3_4.

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Kolb, Andreas S. "Multilateral Debates on R2P and the Protection of Civilians, and Their Impact on General and Treaty Law." In The UN Security Council Members' Responsibility to Protect, 343–401. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-55644-3_5.

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Kolb, Andreas S. "Security Council Practice on Atrocity Crime Prevention Since the End of the Cold War." In The UN Security Council Members' Responsibility to Protect, 403–523. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-55644-3_6.

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Kolb, Andreas S. "Conclusions." In The UN Security Council Members' Responsibility to Protect, 525–29. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-55644-3_7.

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