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Journal articles on the topic 'Persecution of Christians'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Ambach, Florian. "Christenverfolgungen im Römischen Reich. Elemente eines imperialen Niedergangs." historia.scribere, no. 10 (June 19, 2018): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.10.101.

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Persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire: Elements of an imperial declineThe following seminar-paper aims to examine how the persecution of Christians in the early centuries of the Christian era relates to the decline to the Roman Empire. It gives an overview of the period from Nero’s persecutions in 64 AD to the legalization of Christianism in 313 AD, or the end of the civil wars between Constantine and his rivals Maxentius, Maximinus Daia and Licinius around 324 AD respectively. It puts a special emphasis on the essential characteristics of what is called an “empire”.

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2

LEE, SANG GYOO. "The Church in Korea: Persecution and Subsequent Growth." Unio Cum Christo 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2015): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc1.1-2.2015.art16.

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Abstract: Persecution of Christians in Korea, like that of Christians in ancient Rome, reveals that Christian teaching clashes with surrounding cultures. A survey of the persecutions of Christians in Korea in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (first of Catholic Christians, then by Japanese, and finally under communism) reveals both political and religious factors. Yet, recalling Tertullian, the author reminds us that persecution is seen to result in the growth, purification, and strengthening of the church. Finally, the author recalls the amazing church growth in Korean history and concludes with a warning about the danger faced by the church in the context of economic prosperity.

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SCHIRRMACHER, THOMAS. "Persecution of Christians Today." Unio Cum Christo 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2015): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc1.1-2.2015.art12.

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Abstract: The majority of Christians live in a situation of religious freedom in democracies. Has Christianity become a major focus of persecution? Yes, approximately 10% of them live as minorities in an ever growing hostile environment. By exploring ten factors behind the persecution of Christians, the article shows that persecution is a complex phenomenon. The article discusses the major reasons for persecution of Christians and sees religious fundamentalism—defined as a militant truth claim—in the major world religions of Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism, as the major reason for the growing number of Christians being killed and churches being destroyed. The four other reasons are religious nationalism, the displacement from Islamic countries of long-established Christian churches, limitations on freedom of religion, and the special price paid by converts from Islam and Hinduism. A take away from this article is that while individual Christians ought not to retaliate, Christians around the world should hold governments in which persecution occurs accountable.

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4

Slater, Thomas B. "On the Social Setting of the Revelation to John." New Testament Studies 44, no. 2 (April 1998): 232–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500016490.

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Revisionists have argued that no empire-wide persecution of Christians occurred in the late first century and that Domitian was neither a persecutor of Christians nor an evil, incompetent ruler. This essay agrees with those points but also argues that a closer examination of extant Roman and Christian late first/early second century writers demonstrates that Christians were held in low esteem and suffered in Roman society because of their religious convictions. This study argues that Revelation was a Christian response to religio-political pressures by indigenous Asian pagans upon Christians to conform to traditional social practices in Roman Asia.

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Rives, J. B. "The Decree of Decius and the Religion of Empire." Journal of Roman Studies 89 (November 1999): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300738.

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In A.D. 249 the emperor Trajan Decius issued an edict requiring the inhabitants of the Roman Empire to sacrifice to the gods. With this decree, he also inaugurated the first empire-wide persecution of Christians. Previously, persecutions of Christians had always been local affairs determined by local conditions. Thereafter, persecutions were largely instigated by emperors and took place on an imperial scale. It has consequently become common to distinguish pre-Decian persecution, characterized by its local and ad hoc nature, from the centrally organized persecutions of Decius in A.D. 249–50, Valerian in A.D. 257–60, and Diocletian, Galerius, and Maximinus in A.D. 303–13. The importance of the decree as a turning point in the history of Christian persecution is thus widely recognized. Beyond this, discussions of the decree have usually focused on its precise nature and the motivations behind it; given the limited evidence, however, these discussions have tended to be inconclusive. In this paper I will return to a consideration of the decree's effects, but in the context of traditional religion rather than that of Christianity. I will argue that, seen from this perspective, the decree was a highly innovative and important step towards a radical restructuring of religious organization in the Roman world.

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Cisło, Waldemar. "Persecution of Christians." Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II 11, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/pch.3755.

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7

Melanchthon, Monica. "Persecution of Indian Christians." Dialog 41, no. 2 (January 2002): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6385.00106.

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8

Lobo, Lancy. "Persecution of Indian Christians." Dialog 41, no. 2 (January 2002): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6385.00107.

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9

Teitler, H. C. "Ammianus, Libanius, Chrysostomus, and the Martyrs of Antioch." Vigiliae Christianae 67, no. 3 (2013): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341129.

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Abstract Christian sources name several dozen Christian martyrs under Julian the Apostate. Six of these martyrs were according to such sources executed in Antioch during Julian’s stay in this city in 362-363 A.D. Pagan authors like Ammianus Marcellinus and Libanius are silent about their martyrdom, and about the persecution of Christians by Julian in general. It is examined in this article whether the Christian authors, among them John Chrysostom, represent historical reality more than Ammianus and Libanius do, and whether their writings can be adduced to prove that Julian was a persecutor.

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10

Gross, Simcha. "Being Roman in the Sasanian Empire." Studies in Late Antiquity 5, no. 3 (2021): 361–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.3.361.

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Over the past several decades, scholars have challenged longstanding assumptions about Christian narratives of persecution. In light of these revisionist trends, a number of scholars have reconsidered the “Great Persecution” of Christians under the fourth-century Sasanian king Shapur II. Where scholars previously argued that the cause of Sasanian imperial violence against Christians was a perceived connection between them and the increasingly Christian Roman Empire, these new accounts reject this explanation and downplay the scope of violence against Christians. This article reexamines Sasanian violence against Christians in the fourth century, navigating between the proverbial Scylla and Charybdis of positivist and revisionist approaches. It argues that the accusations against Christians must be situated within the broader Roman-Sasanian conflict. In this context, fifth-column accusations were a pervasive anxiety, animated—and deployed—by empires and inhabitants alike. Yet, rather than inexorably leading to indiscriminate violence against all Christians, fifth-column accusations operated in a variety of ways, resulting in targeted violence but also, it is argued, in imperial patronage. Seen in this light, concerns for Christian disloyalty were responsible for the drastic vacillations in Christian experience under Sasanian rule during the fourth and early fifth centuries, unparalleled for other non-Iranian Sasanian communities, such as Jews. It was the particular circumstances of Christians, caught between the Sasanian and Roman Empires, that account for their experience under Sasanian rule.

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11

Pedersen, Else Marie Wiberg. "Persecution of Christians—A taboo?" Dialog 58, no. 3 (July 18, 2019): 164–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dial.12494.

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12

Granger Cook, John. "Chrestiani, Christiani, Χριστιανοί: a Second Century Anachronism?" Vigiliae Christianae 74, no. 3 (June 2, 2020): 237–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341410.

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Abstract Brent D. Shaw has questioned the historicity of the Neronian persecution based on two arguments from silence: Tacitus’s use of the term “Christians” is an anachronism; and Suetonius knows of no connection between the fire in Rome and Nero’s police actions against the Christians. Both of these untestable arguments from silence are inherently weak logically. One can make a good case for the claim that Chrestianus, Christianus, and Χριστιανός are not creations of the second century and that Roman officials were probably aware of the Chrestiani in the 60s. Tacitus’s and Suetonius’s accounts of the persecution are fundamentally reliable.

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Eshete, Tibebe. "Persecution and Social Resilience: The Case of the Ethiopian Pentecostals." Mission Studies 34, no. 3 (October 9, 2017): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341521.

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Abstract Persecution has long constituted part of the spiritual repertoire of evangelical Christians in Ethiopia. Ever since its introduction by Western missionaries, the new Christian faith has provided an alternative model to the one that pre-existed it in the form of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (eoc). The new dimension of Christianity that is anchored in the doctrine of personal salvation and sanctification provided a somewhat different template of what it means to be a Christian by choice rather than belonging to a preset culture. This was antithetical to the conventional mode of culturally and historically situated Christianity, which strongly lays emphasis on adherence to certain prescribed rituals like fasting, the observances of saintly days, and devotions to saints. Its introduction by foreigners is often contrasted with an indigenous faith tradition which is considered to have a long history dating back to the apostolic times. The tendency of evangelical Christians to disassociate themselves from the local culture, as emblematic of holiness and separation from the world, viewed from the other optic, lent it the label mete, literally “imported” or “of foreign extraction”. The state support the established church had garnered for a long time, plus its massive influences, also accorded the eoc a privileged position to exercise a dominant role in the social, political, and cultural life of the country. This article explores the theme of persecution of Evangelical Christians in light of the above framework. It crucially examines the persecution of Pentecostals prior to the Ethiopian Revolution of 1974 and afterwards. Two reasons justify my choice. First, it lends the article a clear focus and secondly, Pentecostalism has been one of the potent vehicles for the expansion of evangelical Christianity in Ethiopia. I argue that the pre-revolutionary persecution stems from the fact that the Pentecostals presented some kind of spiritual shock waves to the familiar terrains of Christianity and that the main reason for their persecutions during the revolution was the fact that they countered hegemonic narratives that presented themselves in the form of Marxism, which became the doctrine of the state under the banner of “scientific socialism.”

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14

Blaich, Roland. "A Tale of Two Leaders: German Methodists and the Nazi State." Church History 70, no. 2 (June 2001): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654450.

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Nazi foreign policy was hampered from the start by a hostile foreign press that carried alarming reports, not only of atrocities and persecution of the political opposition and of Jews, but also of a persecution of Christians in Germany. Protestant Christians abroad were increasingly outraged by the so-called “German Christians” who, with the support of the government, gained control of the administration of the Evangelical state churches and set about to fashion a centralized Nazi church based on principles of race, blood, and soil. The militant attack by “German Christians” on Christian, as opposed to Germanic, traditions and values led to the birth of a Confessing Church, whose leaders fought to remain true to the Gospel, often at the risk of imprisonment. Such persecution resulted in calls from abroad for boycott and intervention, particularly in Britain and the United States, and threatened to complicate foreign relations for the Nazi regime at a time when Hitler was still highly vulnerable. In order to win the support of the German people and to consolidate the Nazi grip on German society, Hitler needed accomplishments in foreign policy and solutions to the German economic crisis. Both were possible only with the indulgence of foreign powers.

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15

Belz, Mindy. "Christians’ Response to Persecution Under ISIS." Review of Faith & International Affairs 15, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2017.1284397.

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Vaucher, Daniel. "Glaubensbekenntnis oder Sklavengehorsam?—Petrus von Alexandrien zu einem christlichen Dilemma." Vigiliae Christianae 72, no. 5 (October 29, 2018): 533–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341361.

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Abstract The so-called Canonical letter (or περὶ Μετανοίας, “On Repentance”) of St. Peter of Alexandria, sheds light on a variety of means that Christians chose to avoid the sacrifice test under the Diocletian persecution. Canons 5-7 deal explicitly with slave- owners using their slaves as surrogates. St. Peter condemns these practices heavily, while at the same time he condemns servile obedience. In this, Peter is almost alone in early Christianity, when almost all Christians preached blind obedience. The article examines these canons, and contextualizes them with other Christian perceptions of ancient slavery. At the same time, the letter is important for the understanding of the Great persecution, its mechanisms, and the personal situation of St. Peter. Hence, the letter is discussed in regards to its transmission, and its context.

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Safonov, Dmitriy V., and Ilya D. Kashitsyn. "Issues of the Freedom of Worship in Africa (on the Example of Christian Communities)." Civil society in Russia and abroad 1 (March 11, 2021): 31–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2221-3287-2021-1-31-33.

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In this article we propose the analyze of positions of persecuted Christian communities in African countries in the context of violation of freedom of religion. It includes the facts of persecution, markers of most vulnerable for extremists countries, main actors and examples of protection of African Christians.

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18

Shin, Junhyoung Michael. "Avalokiteśvara's Manifestation as the Virgin Mary: The Jesuit Adaptation and the Visual Conflation in Japanese Catholicism after 1614." Church History 80, no. 1 (March 2011): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640710001575.

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Since St. Francis Xavier landed in Kagoshima in 1549, the Jesuit mission in Japan had achieved an amazing number of conversions, even though their activity lasted for merely about fifty years. Their great success came to an abrupt end in 1614 when the Bakufu government began the full proscription and persecution of the religion. An earlier ruler, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, had already banned Christianity and ordered the expulsion of foreign missionaries in 1587, but without strict enforcement. Since the 1630s, the former Christians were required to enroll in local Buddhist temples and annually go through the practice of treading on Christian icons in order to prove their apostasy. However, many Christians secretly retained the faith by disguising their true religious identity with Buddhist paraphernalia. These so-called “underground” (or sempuku) Christians survived more than two hundred years of persecution, and today some groups still continue to practice their own religion, refusing to join the Catholic Church. The present-day religion of the latter, called “hidden” (or kakure) Christians to distinguish them from the former, has drawn the attention of ample anthropological as well as religious studies.

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19

Shaw, Brent D. "The Myth of the Neronian Persecution." Journal of Roman Studies 105 (August 14, 2015): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435815000982.

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ABSTRACTA conventional certainty is that the first state-driven persecution of Christians happened in the reign of Nero and that it involved the deaths of Peter and Paul, and the mass execution of Christians in the aftermath of the great fire of July 64 c.e. The argument here contests all of these facts, especially the general execution personally ordered by Nero. The only source for this event is a brief passage in the historian Tacitus. Although the passage is probably genuine Tacitus, it reflects ideas and connections prevalent at the time the historian was writing and not the realities of the 60s.

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20

Jońca, Maciej. "IIS QUI AD ME TAMQUAM CHRISTIANI DEFEREBANTUR, HUNC SUM SECUTUS MODUM. ŚRODKI DOWODOWE ZASTOSOWANE W PROCESIE CHRZEŚCIJAN PONTYJSKICH W RELACJI PLINIUSZA MŁODSZEGO (EP. 10,96)." Zeszyty Prawnicze 5, no. 2 (June 14, 2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2005.5.2.05.

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<In>iis quiad me tamquam christiani deferebantur, hunc sum secutus modum. Evidence Applied in the Persecution of Pontian Christians According to Pliny the Younger (Ep. 10,96)SummaryIn 1st and 2nd centuries A. D. Christians were occasionally persecuted and punished just for being Christians (nomen christianurn). The letter drafted by Pliny the Younger to emperor Trajan constitutes the most significant non-Christian source providing information on the procedures applied in these circumstances. Pliny mentions three groups of people that emerged due to the presented above activities: the Christians, who did not renounce their faith at court, falsely accused pagans and apostates. A governor asked those who refused to abandon their faith before executing them. The execution did not apply to Roman citizens who, according to law, were sent to Rome. Apostates and pagans underwent special tests. In order to prove that they were not Christians the governor made them call the names of gods and perform sacrifices before the image of the emperor and gods, which was followed by the course on Christ. However, it was not a refusal to participate in the rituals that led to a punishment but their attachment to Christian community. Therefore, a ceremony of purely religious nature became a real proof applied in judicial proceedings. Although the emperor expressed his approval for governor’s measures, he did not establish any general rule concerning the prosecution and punishments of Christians.

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21

Jenkins, Philip. "Contemporary Indifference to the Persecution of Christians." Chesterton Review 25, no. 1 (1999): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton1999251/254.

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22

Brown, Elijah M. "Persecution of Christians in Muslim-Majority Countries." Journal of Ecumenical Studies 51, no. 2 (2016): 198–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecu.2016.0014.

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23

Marshall, Paul. "Persecution of Christians in the Contemporary World." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 22, no. 1 (January 1998): 2–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693939802200101.

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The following essay is adapted from a presentation made to the Advisory Committee to the U.S. Secretary of State on Religious Freedom Abroad, July 2, 1997. Paul Marshall is Senior Fellow in Political Theory at the Institute for Christian Studies, Toronto. He is also Adjunct Professor of Philosophy at the Free University of Amsterdam, Netherlands; Adjunct Professor at Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena, California; and Academic Advisor on Religious Freedom to the World Evangelical Fellowship. He has testified on religious persecution before the Helsinki Commission of the U.S. Congress and lectured on human rights at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China, and in other countries around the world. His most recent book is a survey of religious persecution worldwide, Their Blood Cries Out (Dallas: Word Books, 1997). His writings have been translated into Russian, German, Dutch, Spanish, Japanese, Malay, Korean, Indonesian, and Chinese.

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24

Raheb, Tala. "Christian Agency and Lutheran Personal Status Laws in Palestine." Exchange 49, no. 3-4 (November 9, 2020): 278–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341570.

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Abstract In describing Christianity in the Middle East, scholars often highlight religious oppression, especially in relation to the larger Islamic context. Such contentious descriptions often cast Christians in the role of dhimmis, who are tolerated but not regarded as equal members of Muslim societies. Only in recent years some scholars have begun to modify their depictions of Christians and Christian-Muslim relations in the Middle East. While Christians in the Middle East have experienced and in certain regions continue to experience persecution, solely portraying them as victims does not do justice to the reality on the ground. By means of a case study on Palestine, I argue that an examination of the interaction between sharia (Islamic law) and Christian personal status laws sheds a different light on Christian identity and Christian-Muslim relations in the Middle East, and demonstrates the agency of Palestinian Christian communities in this respect.

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Арефьев, Алексей. "The Situation of Christians in Pakistan." Праксис, no. 3(5) (November 15, 2020): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/praxis.2020.5.3.007.

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В настоящее время гонения на христиан во всем мире, в особенности на Ближнем Востоке и в Северной Африке, приобретают катастрофические масштабы. Согласно данным различных международных организаций в настоящее время в разных странах земного шара подвергаются преследованиям около 100 миллионов христиан. Одной из таких стран является Пакистан.«Закон о богохульстве» был принят в Пакистане в 1986 году, который стал орудием преследования религиозных меньшинств, где в первую очередь находились христиане. Законы о богохульстве стали поводом для злоупотреблений со стороны мусульманского населения страны, часть из которых имеет разногласие с христианским населением, либо желает кровной мести. Председатель движения христиан Пакистана - Мартин Джавед Миачал сообщил, что христианское население очень сильно напугано. Из-за этого христиане вынуждены покинуть страну. Так ежегодно тысячи христиан покидают Пакистан и прибывают в лагеря для беженцев.На заседании III комитета ООН, которое проходило в Нью-Йорке 23 октября 2012 года митрополит Волоколамский Иларион отметил, что именно в Пакистане происходят одни из наиболее жестоких расправ и изощренных издевательств от которых страдают христиане. Today, persecution of Christians around the world, especially in the Middle East and North Africa, is reaching catastrophic proportions. According to data from various international organizations, about 100 million Christians are currently being persecuted in different countries of the world. Pakistan is one such country.The Blasphemy Law was passed in Pakistan in 1986, which became a weapon of persecution of religious minorities, where Christians were primarily located. Blasphemy laws have become a pretext for abuses by the Muslim population of the country, some of which have disagreements with the Christian population, or want blood feud. Chairperson of the Christian Movement of Pakistan - Martin Javed Michal said that the Christian population is very much frightened. Because of this, Christians are forced to leave the country. This is how thousands of Christians leave Pakistan every year and arrive in refugee camps.At a meeting of the UN Committee III, which was held in New York on October 23, 2012, Metropolitan Hilarion of Volokolamsk noted that it is in Pakistan that one of the most cruel reprisals and sophisticated bullying from which Christians suffer.

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Herrington, Luke M. "Conservative Christian Persecution Discourse and Support for Political Violence: Experimental Evidence from the United States." Religions 12, no. 10 (October 2, 2021): 829. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12100829.

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International Relations scholarship on religious freedom points to religious persecution as a major driver of political violence around the globe. If correct, the perceived persecution of conservative Christians in the United States (U.S.) may contribute to the radicalization of individuals who self-identify as conservative and Christian. Yet, in focusing on country-level indicators, previous empirical research on the “religious freedom peace” is generally silent on the role of individual-level perceptions in the formation and mobilization of grievances. This article represents a first attempt to fill this gap. As such, it asks if the religious freedom discourse articulated in conservative American media contributes to the radicalization of its domestic consumers through the cultivation of perceptions of persecution that are divorced from the generally high levels of religious freedom otherwise experienced in the U.S. Although the results of an original online survey experiment demonstrate that persecution discourse does indeed shape perceptions of threat to religious liberty, I find no support for the idea that it also leads to increased support for political violence, either directly or indirectly through misperceptions of persecution.

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Swist, Jeremy J. "Satan’s Empire: Ancient Rome’s anti-Christian appeal in extreme metal." Metal Music Studies 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/mms.5.1.35_1.

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This article discusses the previously unexplored intersection of the reception of classical antiquity in extreme metal with Satanic and anti-Christian themes. It is demonstrable that the phenomenon has roots in the genesis of extreme metal itself, especially in its inheritance from biblical and literary history of the associations between Satan and Roman emperors. As extreme metal evolved over the past three decades, that theme combined with the perception that imperial Rome had undertaken widespread and sustained persecutions of Christians, including spectacular executions for the sake of popular entertainment, throughout the three-century history of the early Church. This is despite the consensus of many modern historians that the Romans were largely tolerant of Christians and persecutions were brief, isolated, more humane, and cost much fewer lives than early Christian sources suggest. It is evident that metal artists inherit, and thereby perpetuate, a tradition manufactured by Christian sources that have largely been debunked; yet these artists depart from those Christian sources by denying the appeal of martyrdom and shifting sympathies to imperial Rome and its ‘Satanic’ emperors. Like Satan himself, these emperors function as symbols of masculine aggression and liberation of the passions from contemporary political and moral systems. Such anti-establishment sentiments, especially among Italian artists, can manifest in fantasies of a Roman Empire reborn. By their artistic license, extreme metal artists continue to reshape a literary and artistic legacy of the imperial Rome and constructions of persecution narratives developed over the course of the late antique, medieval and modern periods.

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Kokoszko, Maciej. "Orygenes fizjonomistą? Kilka uwag na temat "Przeciw Celsusowi" I 33." Vox Patrum 40 (March 15, 2002): 173–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7977.

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Origen is one of the most eminent Christian intellectuals of all times. Bom between 185 and 186 AD, died between 254 and 255 AD. He lived trough a period of alternate persecution and relative religious freedom to the Christians. A well-educated teacher and an exegete of the Holy Scriptures, he finally became one of the most influential figures in the Church.

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Ameling, Walter. "The Christian lapsi in Smyrna, 250 A.D. (Martyrium Pionii 12-14)." Vigiliae Christianae 62, no. 2 (2008): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007207x235173.

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AbstractPionios died as a martyr in Smyrna during the Decian persecution. The Martyrium Pionii is one of the most interesting examples of the acta martyrum, possibly partly based on texts written by the martyr himself. There are two speeches by Pionios, the second and longer one held in prison. It is usually thought that Pionios addresses two different audiences in this speech, but it can be shown that the whole speech is directed at Christians lapsi, who had sacrificed or were forced to sacrifice in the course of the persecution. Since we know almost nothing about Decian lapsi in Asia Minor, this alone is already of some importance, but we get also some glimpses of the discussions in the Christian community and can re-assess the mention of the Jewish community in Smyrna and it's role during the persecution.

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Killingray, David. "‘To Suffer Grief in All Kinds of Trials’: Persecution and Martyrdom in the African Church in the Twentieth Century." Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 465–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011888.

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There is a good case for regarding the twentieth century as the century of Christian persecution and martyrdom. Both individual Christians, as well as the Church as a whole, have suffered severely at the hands of authoritarian regimes in Europe and Asia and also from institutional and state hostility in all but a few areas of the world. The Church has invariably been divided and split in its reactions to these pressures. This paper focuses upon the experience of Christians in sub-Saharan Africa where the Church has grown very rapidly in size and significance this century, most notably since the 1940s.

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Karpitsky, M. "Repressions against non-Moskov-Orthodox Christians in the Donbass." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 76 (December 1, 2015): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2015.76.611.

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In the article by M. Karpitsky "Repressions against Non-Moscow Orthodox Christians in the Donbass" on concrete facts it is shown how the persecution of separatists and with what motivation are found in the Donbass territory by the faithful of Protestant communities, the Churches of the Kyiv Patriarchate, the Greek Catholic Church and the Roman Catholic Church. It is talked about how they manage to survive in constant persecution and torture

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Shaw, Brent D. "Response to Christopher Jones: The Historicity of the Neronian Persecution." New Testament Studies 64, no. 2 (March 8, 2018): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688517000352.

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In theJournal of Roman Studiesof 2015, I argued that the evidence in Tacitus for a state-directed punishment of Christians in Rome in 64cewas too weak to sustain the historical interpretation of it as a persecution. In a reply in this journal last year, Christopher Jones argued that knowledge of Christians under that name could well have reached Rome by the mid-60s, that thevulgusof the city could well have accused such persons, and that the Tacitean account is therefore generally credible. While admitting the justice of some of his criticisms, I attempt in this reply to clarify some of my arguments and to restate my original claim that a persecution of Christians by the emperor Nero in connection with the Great Fire of 64 seems improbable given the context of the relations between officials of the Roman state and Christians over the first centuryce.

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Birdsall, Judd. "Under Caesar’s Sword: How Christians Respond to Persecution." Review of Faith & International Affairs 16, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2018.1535036.

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Adelman, Howard. "Persecution of Christians in the Dadaab Refugee Camp." Journal of Human Rights 4, no. 3 (July 2005): 353–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14754830500257570.

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Clemence, William. "The Pasio Vincentii in Augustine’s Sermones de Sanctis." Mayéutica 46, no. 101 (2020): 111–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2020461015.

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The article makes a brief exposition of the context of the first persecutions against the Christians, particularly highlighting the persecution of Diocletian, to later analyze the effects of the Constantinian peace. The importance that within the context of the Constantinian peace acquired the cult of martyrs, like the first Christian heroes, is exposed. Later the importance of the literature about martyrs of the first centuries is revealed. In a second part of the article, the sermons that Saint Augustine dedicated to Saint Vincent are studied, namely, sermons 4; 274-277 / A; 359 / B. A detailed study is made of each one of them, both at the rhetorical level and mainly in terms of content, to highlight the ideas and Augustine’s theology. The role that the sermons of Saint Augustine played in the transmission of the Passio Vincentii is particularly stressed.

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Mitchell, Stephen. "Maximinus and the Christians in A.D. 312: a New Latin Inscription." Journal of Roman Studies 78 (November 1988): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301453.

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Two historical events occupy central positions in the conversion of the Roman empire to Christianity. To study them makes for a radical and intriguing contrast in historical method. One, the conversion of Constantine, can surely only be approached by examining private and personally held beliefs as they were made public by a single individual, Constantine himself. A biographical approach will be the only way to approach the truth about an individual conversion. The other, the persecution of Christians at the beginning of the fourth century, initiated by an edict of Diocletian of 24 February 303, and concluded by the so-called ‘edict of Milan’, issued by Licinius on 13 June 313, cannot be understood except by examining the public documents which made known the various imperial decisions which implemented persecution, or toleration, of the Christian community at large.

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Shenoda, Maryann M. "Re-Envisioning Persecution: Imagining a Converted World." Medieval Encounters 21, no. 4-5 (December 1, 2015): 411–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342204.

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This essay seeks to make a contribution to the study of persecution (which has often been dominated by the European experience) by examining the case of Coptic Christians in Fatimid Egypt: How did they perceive and imagine persecution? This case is of special interest because of the vaunted “tolerance” of the Fatimids towards non-Muslims (with the exception of the caliph al-Ḥākim). The Copts’ sense of persecution throughout this period, and their resistance to Islamization, are perceived through an examination of two texts that each represent the topos of the prominent Muslim who converts to Coptic Christianity: first, the Faṣl min Maqāla Masīḥiyya preserved in Paris bnf Ms Arabe 131, where it is understood to be the caliph al-Muʿizz’s confession of Christian faith; and next, a recension of the well-known Muqaṭṭam miracle-account that places it during the reign of the caliph al-Ḥākim, as preserved in Monastery of St. Anthony, Ms Hist. 86.

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Budisulistyo, MA., Harijo y., and Kori P. "MEMPERTAHANKAN IMAN DITENGAH ANCAMAN." FILADELFIA: Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Kristen 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.55772/filadelfia.v2i1.31.

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Maintaining faith when becoming a Christian is not an easy thing, especially when experiencing persecution, life is threatened, and so on, minority Christians will experience tremendous pressure when they are in a society where the majority do not know and believe in Jesus Christ, that's how experienced by the church in Pergamum. Based on the following interpretation, it may be helpful to learn what events occurred at that time.

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Petkovic, Zarko. "Auctoritas Maiorum in the edict of Galerius of 311 ad." Starinar, no. 63 (2013): 245–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1363245p.

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The phraseology of the Edict of Toleration issued by Galerius in 311 reveals a unique motive on the part of the emperor for his persecution of Christians: the Christians had abandoned the religious convictions of their ancestors and made their own laws, which consequently had led them - allegedly - into atheism. Galerius issued an order that they (the Christians) should return to the practices established by their own forefathers. Thus, the re-establishment of mos maiorum, endangered by Christian 'atheism', was Galeirus' prime motive for confronting the new religion. If this was the real motive, it was carefully chosen: mos maiorum was the key point for the preservation of traditional (pagan) religion, social order and the Roman Empire, as Ciciero and Symmachus put it. When Galerius proclaimed, on his death?bed, that Christians should pray for his salvation, he remained devoted to his polytheistic convictions.

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Gabbay, Shaul M. "Socio-Political Conditions for Christians in Egypt." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 20 (July 31, 2018): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n20p144.

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For those who have studied the history of religious tensions in Egypt, the current rising tide of violence against Christians in the country should come as no surprise. Persecution of Christians in Egypt dates back for centuries. In recent years—particularly during the past decade—we have witnessed a greater interest in understanding the violence, not only in academia, but among the interested general population as well. This has led to an upsurge in academic writings and in media articles discussing the issue. After a thorough literature review, I have discovered that many of the pieces focus on the empirical, while often neglecting the normative. While empiricism is important for any research endeavor, this paper seeks to focus more on the narratives on the ground. As a sociologist for three decades, I have worked closely with the Egyptian Christian immigrant community in the U.S. and have regularly been called to testify in asylum courts across the U.S. regarding the issues of religious intolerance in Egypt. Over the years, I have conducted countless interviews with these individuals. As such, I have used their personal stories as a starting point for my academic inquiries. As a case study, I have selected three personal narratives to include in this analysis. All of the individuals' names have been changed in order to safeguard their identity. For this paper, I have specifically chosen individuals from different backgrounds, genders, education levels, social standings, and geographical location. In doing so, I was able to piece together a larger narrative that demonstrates how the persecution of Christians in Egypt is not limited to one group or another—it is widespread throughout Egyptian society. In the end, I was able to discover that each of the individuals suffered in different ways. However, they all suffered given one basic commonality—being Christian in Egypt.

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Hanaghan, Michael Peter. "Rufinus and the Reimagination of Pliny’s Correspondence with Trajan (HE 3.33)." Vigiliae Christianae 76, no. 2 (March 1, 2022): 202–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-bja10044.

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Abstract Rufinus’ account of Pliny the Younger’s correspondence with Trajan regarding the treatment of Christians (Ep. 10.96–7) differs from Eusebius’ in three important ways: linking persecution to internal divisions within the Church; accentuating Pliny’s compassion for the Christian dead; and removing his skepticism regarding the Christian worship of a divine Christ. This article analyses these changes in light of Rufinus’ early fifth century context, especially the development of the cult of martyrs in northern Italy, and the Theodosian use of Trajan in imperial representations.

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Teister, Wojciech, and Andrzej Uciecha. "Postawa chrześcijan Kościoła perskiego w czasie prześladowań Szapura II." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 667–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4167.

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The subject of this article deals with Persian Christians in the period of the persecution of Shapur II. The ruler derived from the Sassanid dynasty had governed the Persian Empire since 309 to 379 and on that time of his reign Sassanid Empire saw its first golden era. The three source accounts were analysed: Demonstrations of Aphrahat, The History of the Hermias Sozomenus and Chronica Seertensis – nestorianical source dated from the IX or X century. Each of analysed reports concerning the persecution of the Persian Christians appears to be interesting and noteworthy. In his Church History Hermias accepted the role of external factors in origin and turn of events of Church persecution in Persia in the IV century (magicians and Jews). Nestorian author of Chronica Seertensis has also made observations of these groups in forming the antichristian politics of the Persian ruler but besides that he even expands theological reflection: the persecution should be interpreted as the time of trial, strengthening the faith and calling on to convert. The Aphrahat in his Demonstrations, particularly in his Synodical Letter had briefed the similar historical-redemptive conception in the martyr theology but judging the posture of Simeon negatively.

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Fisher, Helene, Elizabeth Lane Miller, and Christof Sauer. "Wounded Because of Religion: Identifying the Components of Gender-Specific Religious Persecution of Christians." Mission Studies 38, no. 1 (May 20, 2021): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341777.

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Abstract Emerging understanding of gender-specific religious persecution in some of the world’s most difficult countries for Christians offers timely insight into complex dynamics in which the church and missions have too often been unwittingly complicit due to limited visibility of the components contributing to these wounds. Fresh research into these deeply wounding global phenomena stands as both a warning and a pointer towards an avenue for effective ministrations by churches and Christian ministries that are working in the most severely affected areas of the world. Drawing on the latest trends identified by World Watch Research, outcomes of the Consultation for Christian Women under Pressure for their Faith, a contemporary case study from Central African Republic, and a biblical narrative, we will explore practical opportunities for a holistic approach to bring preparedness, healing, and restoration for communities under severe pressure for their Christian faith.

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Blom, Willem J. C. "Why the Testimonium Taciteum Is Authentic: A Response to Carrier." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 5 (October 9, 2019): 564–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341409.

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Abstract The reference to Christ in Tacitus’ Annales is one of the earliest references to Jesus by a non-Christian author. Although this so-called “Testimonium Taciteum” is generally accepted as authentic, arguments against the authenticity of the passage given by Richard Carrier have not yet received a thorough response. In this article, I will argue that the arguments against authenticity of the Testimonium Taciteum do not rest on solid ground, nor does the alternative interpretation of the passage by Carrier. On the other hand, it is probable that Tacitus referred in his passage to the persecution of Christians, although that persecution may have been less connected with the fire of Rome than is commonly suggested. There are also four arguments that favour the authenticity of the Testimonium.

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Yuge, T. "Matsumoto, Studies on the Great Persecution of the Christians." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 32 (1993): 119–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.1993.119.

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Nitta. "Yuge, Roman Emperor Worship and the Persecution of Christians." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 24 (1985): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.1985.73.

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47

Castelli, E. A. "Persecution Complexes: Identity Politics and the "War on Christians"." differences 18, no. 3 (January 1, 2007): 152–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10407391-2007-014.

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Nazir-Ali, Michael. "The Suffering Body: Responding to the Persecution of Christians." Ecclesiology 5, no. 2 (2009): 250–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174553109x422377.

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Tondera, Adam. "Oryginalność Hieroklesowego porównania Apoloniusza z Tiany z Chrystusem." Vox Patrum 65 (July 15, 2016): 683–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3528.

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Sossianus Hierocles, governor of Bithynia and adviser of the emperor Diocletian, at the beginning of the “great persecution” of the Christians published his propagandistic writing under the title The Lover of Truth, in which he drew a comparison between Apollonius of Tyana and Christ. In the apologetic treatise of Eusebius of Caesarea Against Hierocles we find a statement, that this comparison was something new in the hitherto existing attacks of the pagan intellectuals on Christianity and demanded a polemic response from the Christian part. Modern studies regarding the works of Porphyry, famous enemy of the Christians and exponent of the Neo-Platonic philosophy, seem to indicate that even before Hierocles the personage of Apollonius was used in the anti-Christian polemics and was confronted with Christ. The present article try to explain, what the originality of Hierocles’ comparison, testified by Eusebius, consisted in.

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Hernandez, Rebecca Skreslet. "At the Borders of Identity: Reflections on Egyptian Protestant Public Theology in the Wake of the Arab Spring." Exchange 49, no. 3-4 (November 9, 2020): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341568.

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Abstract A common narrative characterizes Egyptian Christians as a people beset by persecution, struggling to survive in a hostile Muslim context. Other narratives seek to smooth over the differences between Christian and Muslim Egyptians to emphasize national unity and shared citizenship. The revolutionary upheavals starting in 2011 brought questions of subjectivity and agency in shaping Egypt’s future to the forefront of public debate. In spite of continued limitations to free speech and political participation, Egyptian Christians are engaging creatively in prophetic discourse and community-building praxis, contributing to the construction of a revitalized theology of public life. Protestant theologians Andrea Zaki, Safwat Marzouk, and Anne Zaki, for example, draw on the resources of the biblical tradition to think critically about their own subjectivity as Egyptian Christians and about the complex challenges and the hopeful promise facing these communities as they seek effective ways to participate in public life.

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