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Journal articles on the topic 'Persian satrapy'

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1

Erpehlivan, Hüseyin. "Anatolian-Persian grave stelae from Bozüyük in Phrygia: a contribution to understanding Persian presence and organisation in the region." Anatolian Studies 71 (2021): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154621000053.

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AbstractThis paper provides an assessment of four grave stelae that were found recently in the area surrounding Bozüyük, on the Anatolian plateau in the south of the Bilecik province. The plateau was part of the core of the kingdom of Phrygia during the Early and Middle Iron Ages, and part of the satrapy of Phrygia during the Achaemenid period of the Late Iron Age in Anatolia. The main focus is to examine the place of such stelae among Anatolian-Persian examples and to explore elements of Persian presence and organisation in the region. The precise archaeological contexts of these stelae are unknown, but are likely to have been tumuli. They are examples of an Anatolian-Persian style from the Achaemenid period, but can also be considered to be part of a somewhat rustic 'rural' sub-style, compared with more elaborate stelae that have been found around Dascylium, the satrapal capital of Hellespontine Phrygia. The Bozüyük stelae feature banquet, hunting and ritual scenes, and also battle scenes that distinguish them from other Anatolian-Persian stelae. Despite similarities, particularly with the Vezirhan stele, there are also discrepancies that make precise analogies with reliefs on other stelae difficult, though not impossible. It is likely that they were created by a connected group of sculptors, and might therefore be evidence of a workshop that sculpted local materials in a unique rural style.
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2

Afridi, Hikmat Shah, Manzoor Khan Afridi, and Syed Umair Jalal. "Pakhtun Identity versus Militancy in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA: Exploring the Gap between Culture of Peace and Militancy." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).01.

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The Pakhtun culture had been flourishing between 484 - 425 BC, in the era of Herodotus and Alexander the Great. Herodotus, the Greek historian, for the first time, used the word Pactyans, for people who were living in parts of Persian Satrapy, Arachosia between 1000 - 1 BC. The hymns’ collection from an ancient Indian Sanskrit Ved used the word Pakthas for a tribe, who were inhabitants of eastern parts of Afghanistan. Presently, the terms Afghan and Pakhtun were synonyms till the Durand Line divided Afghanistan and Pakhtuns living in Pakistan. For these people the code of conduct remained Pakhtunwali; it is the pre-Islamic way of life and honour code based upon peace and tranquillity. It presents an ethnic self-portrait which defines the Pakhtuns as an ethnic group having not only a distinct culture, history and language but also a behaviour.
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3

Brennan, Shane. "DID THE MOSSYNOIKOI WHISTLE? A CONSIDERATION OF THE DISTANCE BETWEEN POLEIS IN THE BLACK SEA MOUNTAINS GIVEN AT ANABASIS 5.4.31." Greece and Rome 63, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000261.

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In May 401 bce the Persian prince Cyrus the Younger started out for Mesopotamia from his satrapy in western Anatolia with an army of levies and Greek mercenaries. Although he did not declare his intentions at the outset, his aim was to win control of the empire from his brother, King Artaxerxes. At the battle of Cunaxa in Babylonia Cyrus was killed, though the engagement itself was inconclusive. Emerging practically unscathed, the Greek contingent began what became an epic march to safety through hostile territory. The journey took them north along the middle course of the Tigris river, into the Armenian Mountains, and finally, in late April 400, to the peaks overlooking the Black Sea. From the Greek colony of Trapezus they proceeded alternately by foot and ship to Byzantium. Their story is told in the Anabasis of Xenophon the Athenian, the only first-hand account of the journey that has come down to us.
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4

Gawlikowski, Michal. "Thapsacus and Zeugma the crossing of the Euphrates in antiquity." Iraq 58 (1996): 123–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003223.

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One of the most uncertain points of historical geography of ancient Syria concerns the site of Thapsacus, even if the uncertainty has sometimes been disguised by assertive pronouncements. This city had enjoyed considerable importance during the Persian period, and possibly earlier, as a major crossing of the Euphrates and the main link between Syria and Mesopotamia. It appears for the first time in our record in the Bible, as the place on the Euphrates where the country “beyond the river” begins. Even if referring to the purported extent of the realm of Solomon “from Thapsacus to Gaza”, this mention clearly applies to the Persian satrapy of Abar-Nahara, meaning the whole of Syria and Palestine, and provides evidence for the conditions in the Achaemenid period. The crossing at Thapsacus itself might of course have been used much earlier, whatever the name.To the Massoretic vocalisation Tiphsah, generally accepted in modern translations, the form of Tapsah should be preferred, as found in the Syriac Bible provided with vowel signs centuries before the Hebrew original. This reading is moreover paralleled by the still earlier Septuagint version Θαψά. The Greek rendering confirms not only the vowels but also, if indirectly and by omission, the final pharyngeal of the name, in contrast to the usual ΘάΨακος found in Classical authors. This form is indeed unexpected, but transcriptions of foreign names do not always obey strict rules.
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5

Burdajewicz, Mariusz. "Preliminary remarks on the Iron Age Cypriot imports in Tell Keisan, a Phoenician city in Lower Galilee (Israel)." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 24 (December 1, 2020): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.24.2020.24.02.

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Preliminary remarks on the Iron Age Cypriot imports in Tell Keisan, a Phoenician city in Lower Galilee (Israel) The paper deals with one of several scientific topics mirrored in the history of Tell Keisan, specifically the relationships between Israel/Palestine, Cyprus, and Phoenicia, and is based primarily on the hitherto unpublished Cypriot decorated pottery finds from this site. The earliest occurrence of the Iron Age Cypriot imports at Keisan has been recorded in Stratum 8 (10th century BC), while their increased quantities appear in Strata 5 and 4 (c. 8th-7th century BC). The Black-on-Red ware is the most numerous, while the White Painted and Bichrome wares are quite rare. In Stratum 3 (580-380 BC), the number of Cypriot imports drops dramatically. This was probably the result of a rapid change in the political and then economic situation in this region. In 525 BC, Cyprus became part of the fifth Persian satrapy. This must have had a disastrous effect on the economic situation of some of the Cypriot regions and was one of the reasons for the total cessation of Cypriot imports to the Levantine mainland.
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6

Gorre, Gilles. "The Satrap Stela: A Middle Ground Approach." Journal of Egyptian History 10, no. 1 (April 11, 2017): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340034.

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This article explores the relevance of the Middle Ground theory for the study of relationships between the Egyptian priesthood and the Macedonian kings. This concept will then be applied to the interpretation of one document in particular, the Satrap Stela. It suggests that the Middle Ground concept allows the identification of the Persian ruler mentioned in the document as Xerxes, Great King of the Second Persian Wars, and supports an interpretation of the text centered on Ptolemy Satrap rather than Khababash.
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7

Strömberg, Fredrik. "Schemata in the Graphic Novel Persepolis." European Comic Art 13, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/eca.2020.130205.

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It has repeatedly been suggested that the art in the graphic novel Persepolis by Iranian French artist Marjane Satrapi contains numerous connections to ancient Persian art forms, to the point of this becoming a ‘truism’, although the claim has not been subjected to in-depth analysis. The present formal analysis employs Gombrichian schema theory to identify visual elements in the graphic novel potentially connected to Persian visual cultures to discern if and how they might relate to their proposed influences and how they integrate with styles and visual conventions in comics. The results indicate that there are indeed connections, although integrated into the art form of comics through combination and accommodation, and that this reinforced the Persian theme of the graphic novel and potentially enriched the art form of comics.
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8

Wright, G. R. H., and D. White. "Siegecraft and spoliation,c.500 BC: a tale of two cities." Libyan Studies 36 (2005): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900005483.

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AbstractAt some date shortly after the Persian conquest of Egypt (525 BC) a Persian army dispatched by the satrap of Egypt, Aryandes, was encamped on the Lykaian Hill outside the city of Cyrene, threatening its capture. How far hostilities had advanced is not known, but very soon the army abandoned its position and marched off on the return way to Egypt (Herodotus IV, 16–67, 200–203). Herodotus' account is an involved story how the Persian force came to be in Cyrenaica, and it is not clear why it departed from Cyrene with little achieved there. The episode would be of limited substance except for the chance discovery of some antiquities in the region of the Persian camp. About 20 years later, in 498 BC, a Persian force was deployed in Cyprus to reduce the city of Paphos in the aftermath of the unsuccessful Cypriote uprising to support the Ionian revolt. A siege mound was raised against the city wall employing an unexpected variety of material. Latterly the mound has been excavated and afforded wide ranging information. Hitherto these archaeological facts have not been considered in conjunction, and an attempt to do so may be instructive.
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9

Hyland, John O. "The Casualty Figures in Darius’ Bisitun Inscription." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 2 (November 28, 2014): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2013-0001.

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AbstractThe Babylonian and Aramaic versions of the Bisitun inscription give precise enumerations of enemies killed and captured by the armies of Darius I in 522–521bc. But the figures are absent from Bisitun’s other versions, and their accuracy and historical value remain in question. This study reviews their textual reliability and modern reconstructions and argues that they do not reflect accurate counts of battlefield dead or prisoners. It proposes that the Babylonian text offered more space for additional material than its Elamite or Persian counterparts and that its casualty figures enhanced Darius’ military narrative by quantifying his superiority to subordinates: enemy losses are highest when the King commands in person, less for generals in separate commands, and lowest for Darius’ non-Persian lieutenants. Explanations are considered for a possible exception, the victory of the satrap Dadaršiš in Margiana.
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10

ALLEN, LINDSAY. "THE LETTER AS OBJECT: ON THE EXPERIENCE OF ACHAEMENID LETTERS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2013.00056.x.

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Abstract This paper arises from research undertaken as part of the AHRC-funded project, ‘Communication, Language and Power in the Achaemenid empire: the correspondence of the satrap Arshama’. The project enabled a reengagement with the letters, sealings, and bag purchased in the 1940s by the Bodleian Library from the estate of the archaeologist Ludwig Borchardt. The discussion explores two parallel approaches to reconstructing the three-dimensional function of Achaemenid letters. First, technical variations in letter format and state of preservation reveal a range of physical interactions with letters, both open and closed. Second, Greek prose representations of Persian history imagine letters as objects working with their messengers within Achaemenid (usually royal) communications. This focus on the letter as object prompts us to hypothesize social, performative, and oral elements within the epistolary system.
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11

Ostby, Marie. "Graphics and Global Dissent: Marjane Satrapi's Persepolis, Persian Miniatures, and the Multifaceted Power of Comic Protest." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 132, no. 3 (May 2017): 558–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2017.132.3.558.

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Marjane Satrapi's Persepolis has been embraced by critics and popular audiences alike as an accessible intercultural memoir-in-comics that challenges predominant Western stereotypes about Iran through the universality of its first-person narrator. But the text's global legibility goes beyond the familiarity of Satrapi's graphic avatar. In examining the surprising factors on which the text's globalism depends, I look closely at one of Persepolis's diverse inter-texts—the Persian miniature painting—and situate Satrapi in both Parisian bandes dessinées and Iranian diasporic artistic contexts to argue that the work's concurrent production of local, national, and global scales is inseparable from its connection to several genres and across several media, engaging its readers through multiple modes of perception. Persepolis draws on a global history of graphics as dissent by challenging preconceived notions about comics as a mass culture form, memoirs as limited confessionals, and Iranian women as silenced victims of an oppressive fundamentalist state. The global accessibility of this graphic novel exists not despite but because of porous categories of genre and culture, which are at once integral to its narrative structure and secondary to the aesthetic of protest that it ultimately embraces.
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12

Vickers, Michael, David Gill, and Maria Economou. "Euesperides: the Rescue of an Excavation." Libyan Studies 25 (January 1994): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006282.

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There was a time when the Department of Antiquities at the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford was prosperous enough to support a venture which called itself the Ashmolean Expedition to Cyrenaica. The form this exercise took was the excavation over three seasons between 1952 and 1954 of parts of the site of the Greek city of Euesperides situated on the outskirts of Benghazi (Fig. 1 ).Euesperides does not figure large in history. We first hear of it in 515 in connection with the revolt of Barca from the Persians: a punitive expedition was sent by the satrap in Egypt and it marched as far west as Euesperides. Euesperides played a part in the downfall of the Battiads, the ruling house of Cyrene. Arcesilas IV tried to create a safe haven against the day when his regime might be overthrown, and in 462 in effect refounded the city with a new body of settlers attracted from all over Greece.
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13

KHORIKYAN, HOVHANNES. "EGYPT IN THE SATRAPIC DIVISION SYSTEM OF ACHAEMENID PERSIA." COUNTRIES AND PEOPLES OF THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST, 2018, 57–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.52837/18291422-2018.31-34.

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The Egyptian Satrapy had the first-rate importance for Achaemenid Persia. Many important and wrinkled issues on the administrative policy and historical geography of the VI Satrapy were examined in the article, the elucidation of which has an important meaning for studying the history of Achaemenid Persia. Analysis of informations received from Herodotus and other ancient sources shows that Egypt had great economic and military importance to Persian Court. Тhe VI Satrapy was divided into four subdistricts: Egypt, Libya, Cyrene and Barca.
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14

KHORIKYAN, HOVHANNES. "ԱՔԵՄԵՆՅԱՆ ՊԱՐՍԿԱՍՏԱՆԻ ՄԱՐԱԿԱՆ ՍԱՏՐԱՊՈՒԹՅԱՆ ՏԱՐԱԾՔԸ ԵՎ ՍԱՀՄԱՆՆԵՐԸ." COUNTRIES AND PEOPLES OF THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST, 2016, 57–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.52837/18291422-2016.30-57.

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Many important and wrinkled issues on the administrative policy and historical geography of X Satrapy were examined in the article, the elucidation of which has an important meaning for studying the history of Achaemenid Persia. The study of the ethnical structure and the territory of the Median Satrapy shows that the latter has been developed on the base of the Iranian ethnical component. Тhe X Satrapy was divided into four subdistricts: Agbatana, the rest of Media, the territories of the Paricanians and Orthocorybantians.
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15

Nunn, Astrid. "Winfried Held, Deniz Kaplan. “The Residence of a Persian Satrap in Meydancıkkale, Cilicia”." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 37-38-39 (March 10, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.45498.

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16

Silverman, Jason M. "Vetting the Priest in Zechariah 3: The Satan between Divine and Achaemenid Administrations." Journal of Hebrew Scriptures 14 (January 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.5508/jhs.2014.v14.a6.

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This article argues the Satan in Zech 3 was modeled on Achaemenid imperial structure. First, the term in the Hebrew Bible is discussed. Second, a brief overview of Achaemenid offices and loyalty ceremonies is given. These are applied to Zech 3 and the Satan, arguing that the vision is a heavenly version of satrapal confirmation of priests. The article concludes by discussing imperial and theological hubris, arguing that Zech 3 is an instance of political Persian, rather than “Zoroastrian,” influence.
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