Academic literature on the topic 'PhD Thesis ; radar'

Clifford Butler was born in Earley, Reading, on 20 May 1922 to Charles and Olive Butler. An only child, he went to Reading School in 1932, having won a Berkshire County Council Educational Scholarship worth £15 per year. In addition to his academic work he was active in the Scouts and was a House Prefect (East House). Leaving school he went to Reading University to take physics, as did Kathleen Collins, whom he was to marry in 1947. Graduating in 1942 with a first–class BSc (Special) he stayed on as a demonstrator, his National Service taking the form of teaching radio as part of the State scheme to produce radar physicists, and acted part–time as a physicist at the Royal Berkshire Hospital. Kathleen went to work at the Road Research Laboratory. Butler found time, largely in the evenings, to undertake research for a PhD in electronic diffraction in the laboratory of Professor J.A. Crowther. He worked very closely with his thesis supervisor Dr Tom Rymer and it was there that he started to demonstrate his considerable skills in technical matters. His thesis, ‘some factors affecting precise measurement in electron diffraction’, was presented in April 1946 and was a detailed study, covering both technical and theoretical aspects, of how to improve the use of Debye–Scherrer electron–diffraction photographs to investigate crystal structure. The research on which it was based initiated four very different papers and led Crowther to predict, immediately after Butler's PhD examination, the latter's Fellowship of The Royal Society.

Robert Hanbury Brown was born on 31 August 1916 in Aruvankadu, Nilgiri Hills, South India; he was the son of an Officer in the Indian Army, Col. Basil Hanbury Brown, and of Joyce Blaker. From the age of 3 years Hanbury was educated in England, initially at a School in Bexhill and then from the ages of 8 to 14 years at the Cottesmore Preparatory School in Hove, Sussex. In 1930 he entered Tonbridge School as a Judde scholar in classics. Hanbury's interests turned to science and technology, particularly electrical engineering, and after two years he decided that he would seek more appropriate education in a technical college. His decision was accelerated by the fact that after the divorce of his parents his mother had married Jack Lloyd, a wealthy stockbroker, who in 1932 vanished with all his money and thus Hanbury felt he should seek a career that would lead to his financial independence. For these reasons Hanbury decided to take an engineering course at Brighton Technical College studying for an external degree in the University of London. At the age of 19 he graduated with a first-class honours BSc, taking advanced electrical engineering and telegraphy and telephony. He then obtained a grant from East Sussex and in 1935 joined the postgraduate department at the City & Guilds, Imperial College. In 1936 he obtained the Diploma of Imperial College (DIC) for a thesis on oscillators He intended to continue his course for a PhD but a major turning point in his career occurred when he was interviewed during his first postgraduate year by Sir Henry Tizard FRS, Rector of Imperial College. Hanbury explained to Tizard that he was following up some original work by Van der Pol on oscillator circuits without inductance and hoped, ultimately, to combine an interest in radio with flying. In fact, Tizard had already challenged him about the amount of time he spent flying with the University of London Air Squadron. Tizard told Hanbury to see him again in a year's time and that he might then have a job for him. In fact, within three months Tizard accosted Hanbury and said he had an interesting research project in the Air Ministry for him. After an interview by R.A. (later Sir Robert) Watson-Watt (FRS 1941), Hanbury was offered a post at the Radio Research Board in Slough. His visit to Slough was brief; he was soon told to report to Bawdsey Manor in Suffolk, which he did on 15 August 1936. Thereby, unaware of what Tizard had in mind for him, Hanbury's career as one of the pioneers of radar began.

To make sure that resources are used optimally in maximizing the production of graduates (bachelors, masters and PhDs) and research (scientific publications in various channels), universities are constantly intensifying and improving their ways of recording and counting the achievements of their scientific staff. Teaching hours and scientific papers are meticulously monitored, and administrative staff is increasingly occupied making sure that this registration results in a true and just picture of the way human resources are being spent, and reveal how the production system may become more effective.However, in addition to research and teaching, there are some rather important work tasks that we all agree are very important, but nevertheless goes under the radar of the university counting regimes: Reviewing tasks. The scientists at the university spend time (frequently a lot of time) doing reviewing work for free for scientific journals. Our scientists also spend a lot of time working as reviewers for national and international funding bodies and in a great number of committees to evaluate the quality of job applicants. And they serve as quality referees in advanced exams such as master and PhD dissertations. Most of these tasks are pivotal to the scientific society and the society in general, yet not realized by the university. The truth is that many of these tasks, which can only be carried out by merited scientists, exist only in a kind of shadow land at the universities.A recent survey presented in a master thesis at the University of Tromsø documented that 15-20.000 hours per year is spent by UoT scientists to work for free for scientifical journals (Maria Refsdal (2010): “Peer review at the University of Tromsø : a study of time spent on reviewing and researchers’ opinions on peer review”). Does the university take any interest in the fact that as much as 20.000 hours paid for by tax payers money is given away for free to the scientific journals who would not survive if it weren't for this work? The answer appears to be “no”.We believe that a key for academic institutions to regain control over the scholarly publishing regime and force it to change into an all true open access system, is to make sure that they take a major interest in the reviewing tasks carried out by scientists.Recently researchers across the world have started a boycott of the publisher Elsevier, and declaring they do not wish to publish in Elsevier’s journals, nor do any refereeing or editorial work for these journals (http://thecostofknowledge.com/). The boycot came about as a protest against the high subscription prices. An interesting question is: Does the University have any view on researchers’ boycotts like this?We claim that universities as employers and managers of public research funding, by taking interest in what their employees do and not do, the university may have a forceful tool to lead the publishing houses in directions as desired by the university and the society.Would a closer control of the reviewing tasks of scientists jeopardize what we regard as free academic activity? To some extent it probably would. Is that what it takes for academia to regain control of the activity of scholarly publishing? We believe that the reviewing process represents the most powerful weapon to make the publishing houses understand that they are here to serve the academics and the society, not the other way round.

<p>This Ph.D. thesis deals with finding a good architecture of a neural network classifier. The focus is on methods to improve the performance of existing architectures (i.e. architectures that are initialised by a good academic guess) and automatically building neural networks. An introduction to the Multi-Layer feed-forward neural network is given and the most essential properties for neural networks; there ability to learn from examples is discussion. Topics like traning and generalisation are treated in more explicit. On the basic of this dissuscion methods for finding a good architecture of the network described. This includes methods like; Early stopping, Cross validation, Regularisation, Pruning and various constructions algorithms (methods that successively builds a network). New ideas of combining units with different types of transfer functions like radial basis functions and sigmoid or threshold functions led to the development of a new construction algorithm for classification. The algorithm called "GLOCAL" is fully described. Results from these experiments real life data from a <em>Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR)</em> are provided.</p><p>The thesis was written so people from the industry and graduate students who are interested in neural networks hopeful would find it useful.</p><p><strong>Key words</strong>: Neural networks, Architectures, Training, Generalisation deductive and construction algorithms.</p>

All history of this area and the general talk and all of that is that 1973 was a turning point and the Aquarius Festival is credited with having turned this region around in so many ways, but I think that is a myth ... and I have to honour the truth; and the truth is that old Dicke Donelly came and did a Welcome to Country the night before the festival. (Joseph in Joseph and Hanley)In 1973 the Australian Union of Students (AUS) held the Aquarius Arts and Lifestyle Festival in a small, rural New South Wales town called Nimbin. The festival was seen as the peak expression of Australian counterculture and is attributed to creating the “Rainbow Region”, an area with a concentration of alternative life stylers in Northern NSW (Derrett 28). While the Aquarius Festival is recognised as a founding historical and countercultural event, the unique and important relationships established with Indigenous people at this time are generally less well known. This article investigates claims that the 1973 Aquarius Festival was “the first event in Australian history that sought permission for the use of the land from the Traditional Owners” (Joseph and Hanley). The diverse international, national and local conditions that coalesced at the Aquarius Festival suggest a fertile environment was created for reconciliatory bonds to develop. Often dismissed as a “tree hugging, soap dodging movement,” the counterculture was radically politicised having sprung from the 1960s social revolutions when the world witnessed mass demonstrations that confronted war, racism, sexism and capitalism. Primarily a youth movement, it was characterised by flamboyant dress, music, drugs and mass gatherings with universities forming the epicentre and white, middle class youth leading the charge. As their ideals of changing the world were frustrated by lack of systematic change, many decided to disengage and a migration to rural settings occurred (Jacob; Munro-Clarke; Newton). In the search for alternatives, the counterculture assimilated many spiritual practices, such as Eastern traditions and mysticism, which were previously obscure to the Western world. This practice of spiritual syncretism can be represented as a direct resistance to the hegemony of the dominant Western culture (Stell). As the new counterculture developed, its progression from urban to rural settings was driven by philosophies imbued with a desire to reconnect with and protect the natural world while simultaneously rejecting the dominant conservative order. A recurring feature of this countercultural ‘back to the land’ migration was not only an empathetic awareness of the injustices of colonial past, but also a genuine desire to learn from the Indigenous people of the land. Indigenous people were generally perceived as genuine opposers of Westernisation, inherently spiritual, ecological, tribal and communal, thus encompassing the primary values to which the counterculture was aspiring (Smith). Cultures converged. One, a youth culture rebelling from its parent culture; the other, ancient cultures reeling from the historical conquest by the youths’ own ancestors. Such cultural intersections are rich with complex scenarios and politics. As a result, often naïve, but well-intended relations were established with Native Americans, various South American Indigenous peoples, New Zealand Maori and, as this article demonstrates, the Original People of Australia (Smith; Newton; Barr-Melej; Zolov). The 1960s protest era fostered the formation of groups aiming to address a variety of issues, and at times many supported each other. Jennifer Clarke says it was the Civil Rights movement that provided the first models of dissent by formulating a “method, ideology and language of protest” as African Americans stood up and shouted prior to other movements (2). The issue of racial empowerment was not lost on Australia’s Indigenous population. Clarke writes that during the 1960s, encouraged by events overseas and buoyed by national organisation, Aborigines “slowly embarked on a political awakening, demanded freedom from the trappings of colonialism and responded to the effects of oppression at worst and neglect at best” (4). Activism of the 1960s had the “profoundly productive effect of providing Aborigines with the confidence to assert their racial identity” (159). Many Indigenous youth were compelled by the zeitgeist to address their people’s issues, fulfilling Charlie Perkins’s intentions of inspiring in Indigenous peoples a will to resist (Perkins). Enjoying new freedoms of movement out of missions, due to the 1967 Constitutional change and the practical implementation of the assimilation policy, up to 32,000 Indigenous youth moved to Redfern, Sydney between 1967 and 1972 (Foley, “An Evening With”). Gary Foley reports that a dynamic new Black Power Movement emerged but the important difference between this new younger group and the older Indigenous leaders of the day was the diverse range of contemporary influences. Taking its mantra from the Black Panther movement in America, though having more in common with the equivalent Native American Red Power movement, the Black Power Movement acknowledged many other international struggles for independence as equally inspiring (Foley, “An Evening”). People joined together for grassroots resistance, formed anti-hierarchical collectives and established solidarities between varied groups who previously would have had little to do with each other. The 1973 Aquarius Festival was directly aligned with “back to the land” philosophies. The intention was to provide a place and a reason for gathering to “facilitate exchanges on survival techniques” and to experience “living in harmony with the natural environment.” without being destructive to the land (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Early documents in the archives, however, reveal no apparent interest in Australia’s Indigenous people, referring more to “silken Arabian tents, mediaeval banners, circus, jugglers and clowns, peace pipes, maypole and magic circles” (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Obliterated from the social landscape and minimally referred to in the Australian education system, Indigenous people were “off the radar” to the majority mindset, and the Australian counterculture similarly was slow to appreciate Indigenous culture. Like mainstream Australia, the local counterculture movement largely perceived the “race” issue as something occurring in other countries, igniting the phrase “in your own backyard” which became a catchcry of Indigenous activists (Foley, “Whiteness and Blackness”) With no mention of any Indigenous interest, it seems likely that the decision to engage grew from the emerging climate of Indigenous activism in Australia. Frustrated by student protestors who seemed oblivious to local racial issues, focusing instead on popular international injustices, Indigenous activists accused them of hypocrisy. Aquarius Festival directors, found themselves open to similar accusations when public announcements elicited a range of responses. Once committed to the location of Nimbin, directors Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen began a tour of Australian universities to promote the upcoming event. While at the annual conference of AUS in January 1973 at Monash University, Dunstan met Indigenous activist Gary Foley: Gary witnessed the presentation of Johnny Allen and myself at the Aquarius Foundation session and our jubilation that we had agreement from the village residents to not only allow, but also to collaborate in the production of the Festival. After our presentation which won unanimous support, it was Gary who confronted me with the question “have you asked permission from local Aboriginal folk?” This threw me into confusion because we had seen no Aboriginals in Nimbin. (Dunstan, e-mail) Such a challenge came at a time when the historical climate was etched with political activism, not only within the student movement, but more importantly with Indigenous activists’ recent demonstrations, such as the installation in 1972 of the Tent Embassy in Canberra. As representatives of the counterculture movement, which was characterised by its inclinations towards consciousness-raising, AUS organisers were ethically obliged to respond appropriately to the questions about Indigenous permission and involvement in the Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. In addition to this political pressure, organisers in Nimbin began hearing stories of the area being cursed or taboo for women. This most likely originated from the tradition of Nimbin Rocks, a rocky outcrop one kilometre from Nimbin, as a place where only certain men could go. Jennifer Hoff explains that many major rock formations were immensely sacred places and were treated with great caution and respect. Only a few Elders and custodians could visit these places and many such locations were also forbidden for women. Ceremonies were conducted at places like Nimbin Rocks to ensure the wellbeing of all tribespeople. Stories of the Nimbin curse began to spread and most likely captivated a counterculture interested in mysticism. As organisers had hoped that news of the festival would spread on the “lips of the counterculture,” they were alarmed to hear how “fast the bad news of this curse was travelling” (Dunstan, e-mail). A diplomatic issue escalated with further challenges from the Black Power community when organisers discovered that word had spread to Sydney’s Indigenous community in Redfern. Organisers faced a hostile reaction to their alleged cultural insensitivity and were plagued by negative publicity with accusations the AUS were “violating sacred ground” (Janice Newton 62). Faced with such bad press, Dunstan was determined to repair what was becoming a public relations disaster. It seemed once prompted to the path, a sense of moral responsibility prevailed amongst the organisers and they took the unprecedented step of reaching out to Australia’s Indigenous people. Dunstan claimed that an expedition was made to the local Woodenbong mission to consult with Elder, Uncle Lyle Roberts. To connect with local people required crossing the great social divide present in that era of Australia’s history. Amy Nethery described how from the nineteenth century to the 1960s, a “system of reserves, missions and other institutions isolated, confined and controlled Aboriginal people” (9). She explains that the people were incarcerated as a solution to perceived social problems. For Foley, “the widespread genocidal activity of early “settlement” gave way to a policy of containment” (Foley, “Australia and the Holocaust”). Conditions on missions were notoriously bad with alcoholism, extreme poverty, violence, serious health issues and depression common. Of particular concern to mission administrators was the perceived need to keep Indigenous people separate from the non-indigenous population. Dunstan described the mission he visited as having “bad vibes.” He found it difficult to communicate with the elderly man, and was not sure if he understood Dunstan’s quest, as his “responses came as disjointed raves about Jesus and saving grace” (Dunstan, e-mail). Uncle Lyle, he claimed, did not respond affirmatively or negatively to the suggestion that Nimbin was cursed, and so Dunstan left assuming it was not true. Other organisers began to believe the curse and worried that female festival goers might get sick or worse, die. This interpretation reflected, as Vanessa Bible argues, a general Eurocentric misunderstanding of the relationship of Indigenous peoples with the land. Paul Joseph admits they were naïve whites coming into a place with very little understanding, “we didn’t know if we needed a witch doctor or what we needed but we knew we needed something from the Aborigines to lift the spell!”(Joseph and Hanley). Joseph, one of the first “hippies” who moved to the area, had joined forces with AUS organisers. He said, “it just felt right” to get Indigenous involvement and recounted how organisers made another trip to Woodenbong Mission to find Dickee (Richard) Donnelly, a Song Man, who was very happy to be invited. Whether the curse was valid or not it proved to be productive in further instigating respectful action. Perhaps feeling out of their depth, the organisers initiated another strategy to engage with Australian Indigenous people. A call out was sent through the AUS network to diversify the cultural input and it was recommended they engage the services of South African artist, Bauxhau Stone. Timing aligned well as in 1972 Australia had voted in a new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam brought about significant political changes, many in response to socialist protests that left a buoyancy in the air for the counterculturalist movement. He made prodigious political changes in support of Indigenous people, including creating the Aboriginal Arts Board as part of the Australian Council of the Arts (ACA). As the ACA were already funding activities for the Aquarius Festival, organisers were successful in gaining two additional grants specifically for Indigenous participation (Farnham). As a result We were able to hire […] representatives, a couple of Kalahari bushmen. ‘Cause we were so dumb, we didn’t think we could speak to the black people, you know what I mean, we thought we would be rejected, or whatever, so for us to really reach out, we needed somebody black to go and talk to them, or so we thought, and it was remarkable. This one Bau, a remarkable fellow really, great artist, great character, he went all over Australia. He went to Pitjantjatjara, Yirrkala and we arranged buses and tents when they got here. We had a very large contingent of Aboriginal people come to the Aquarius Festival, thanks to Whitlam. (Joseph in Joseph and Henley) It was under the aegis of these government grants that Bauxhau Stone conducted his work. Stone embodied a nexus of contemporary issues. Acutely aware of the international movement for racial equality and its relevance to Australia, where conditions were “really appalling”, Stone set out to transform Australian race relations by engaging with the alternative arts movement (Stone). While his white Australian contemporaries may have been unaccustomed to dealing with the Indigenous racial issue, Stone was actively engaged and thus well suited to act as a cultural envoy for the Aquarius Festival. He visited several local missions, inviting people to attend and notifying them of ceremonies being conducted by respected Elders. Nimbin was then the site of the Aquarius Lifestyle and Celebration Festival, a two week gathering of alternative cultures, technologies and youth. It innovatively demonstrated its diversity of influences, attracted people from all over the world and was the first time that the general public really witnessed Australia’s counterculture (Derrett 224). As markers of cultural life, counterculture festivals of the 1960s and 1970s were as iconic as the era itself and many around the world drew on the unique Indigenous heritage of their settings in some form or another (Partridge; Perone; Broadley and Jones; Zolov). The social phenomenon of coming together to experience, celebrate and foster a sense of unity was triggered by protests, music and a simple, yet deep desire to reconnect with each other. Festivals provided an environment where the negative social pressures of race, gender, class and mores (such as clothes) were suspended and held the potential “for personal and social transformation” (St John 167). With the expressed intent to “take matters into our own hands” and try to develop alternative, innovative ways of doing things with collective participation, the Aquarius Festival thus became an optimal space for reinvigorating ancient and Indigenous ways (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). With philosophies that venerated collectivism, tribalism, connecting with the earth, and the use of ritual, the Indigenous presence at the Aquarius Festival gave attendees the opportunity to experience these values. To connect authentically with Nimbin’s landscape, forming bonds with the Traditional Owners was essential. Participants were very fortunate to have the presence of the last known initiated men of the area, Uncle Lyle Roberts and Uncle Dickee Donnely. These Elders represented the last vestiges of an ancient culture and conducted innovative ceremonies, song, teachings and created a sacred fire for the new youth they encountered in their land. They welcomed the young people and were very happy for their presence, believing it represented a revolutionary shift (Wedd; King; John Roberts; Cecil Roberts). Images 1 and 2: Ceremony and talks conducted at the Aquarius Festival (people unknown). Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Paul White. The festival thus provided an important platform for the regeneration of cultural and spiritual practices. John Roberts, nephew of Uncle Lyle, recalled being surprised by the reaction of festival participants to his uncle: “He was happy and then he started to sing. And my God … I couldn’t get near him! There was this big ring of hippies around him. They were about twenty deep!” Sharing to an enthusiastic, captive audience had a positive effect and gave the non-indigenous a direct Indigenous encounter (Cecil Roberts; King; Oshlak). Estimates of the number of Indigenous people in attendance vary, with the main organisers suggesting 800 to 1000 and participants suggesting 200 to 400 (Stone; Wedd; Oshlak: Joseph; King; Cecil Roberts). As the Festival lasted over a two week period, many came and left within that time and estimates are at best reliant on memory, engagement and perspectives. With an estimated total attendance at the Festival between 5000 and 10,000, either number of Indigenous attendees is symbolic and a significant symbolic statistic for Indigenous and non-indigenous to be together on mutual ground in Australia in 1973. Images 3-5: Performers from Yirrkala Dance Group, brought to the festival by Stone with funding from the Federal Government. Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Dr Ian Cameron. For Indigenous people, the event provided an important occasion to reconnect with their own people, to share their culture with enthusiastic recipients, as well as the chance to experience diverse aspects of the counterculture. Though the northern NSW region has a history of diverse cultural migration of Italian and Indian families, the majority of non-indigenous and Indigenous people had limited interaction with cosmopolitan influences (Kijas 20). Thus Nimbin was a conservative region and many Christianised Indigenous people were also conservative in their outlook. The Aquarius Festival changed that as the Indigenous people experienced the wide-ranging cultural elements of the alternative movement. The festival epitomised countercultural tendencies towards flamboyant fashion and hairstyles, architectural design, fantastical art, circus performance, Asian clothes and religious products, vegetarian food and nudity. Exposure to this bohemian culture would have surely led to “mind expansion and consciousness raising,” explicit aims adhered to by the movement (Roszak). Performers and participants from Africa, America and India also gave attending Indigenous Australians the opportunity to interact with non-European cultures. Many people interviewed for this paper indicated that Indigenous people’s reception of this festival experience was joyous. For Australia’s early counterculture, interest in Indigenous Australia was limited and for organisers of the AUS Aquarius Festival, it was not originally on the agenda. The counterculture in the USA and New Zealand had already started to engage with their Indigenous people some years earlier. However due to the Aquarius Festival’s origins in the student movement and its solidarities with the international Indigenous activist movement, they were forced to shift their priorities. The coincidental selection of a significant spiritual location at Nimbin to hold the festival brought up additional challenges and countercultural intrigue with mystical powers and a desire to connect authentically to the land, further prompted action. Essentially, it was the voices of empowered Indigenous activists, like Gary Foley, which in fact triggered the reaching out to Indigenous involvement. While the counterculture organisers were ultimately receptive and did act with unprecedented respect, credit must be given to Indigenous activists. The activist’s role is to trigger action and challenge thinking and in this case, it was ultimately productive. Therefore the Indigenous people were not merely passive recipients of beneficiary goodwill, but active instigators of appropriate cultural exchange. After the 1973 festival many attendees decided to stay in Nimbin to purchase land collectively and a community was born. Relationships established with local Indigenous people developed further. Upon visiting Nimbin now, one will see a vibrant visual display of Indigenous and psychedelic themed art, a central park with an open fire tended by local custodians and other Indigenous community members, an Aboriginal Centre whose rent is paid for by local shopkeepers, and various expressions of a fusion of counterculture and Indigenous art, music and dance. While it appears that reconciliation became the aspiration for mainstream society in the 1990s, Nimbin’s early counterculture history had Indigenous reconciliation at its very foundation. The efforts made by organisers of the 1973 Aquarius Festival stand as one of very few examples in Australian history where non-indigenous Australians have respectfully sought to learn from Indigenous people and to assimilate their cultural practices. It also stands as an example for the world, of reconciliation, based on hippie ideals of peace and love. They encouraged the hippies moving up here, even when they came out for Aquarius, old Uncle Lyle and Richard Donnelly, they came out and they blessed the mob out here, it was like the hairy people had come back, with the Nimbin, cause the Nimbynji is the little hairy people, so the hairy people came back (Jerome). References Barr-Melej, Patrick. “Siloísmo and the Self in Allende’s Chile: Youth, 'Total Revolution,' and the Roots of the Humanist Movement.” Hispanic American Historical Review 86.4 (Nov. 2006): 747-784. Bible, Vanessa. Aquarius Rising: Terania Creek and the Australian Forest Protest Movement. BA (Honours) Thesis. University of New England, Armidale, 2010. Broadley, Colin, and Judith Jones, eds. Nambassa: A New Direction. Auckland: Reed, 1979. Bryant, Gordon M. Parliament of Australia. Minister for Aboriginal Affairs. 1 May 1973. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Cameron, Ian. “Aquarius Festival Photographs.” 1973. Clarke, Jennifer. Aborigines and Activism: Race, Aborigines and the Coming of the Sixties to Australia. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press, 2008. Derrett, Ross. Regional Festivals: Nourishing Community Resilience: The Nature and Role of Cultural Festivals in Northern Rivers NSW Communities. PhD Thesis. Southern Cross University, Lismore, 2008. Dunstan, Graeme. “A Survival Festival May 1973.” 1 Aug. 1972. Pamphlet. MS 6945/1. Nimbin Aquarius Festival Archives. National Library of Australia, Canberra. ---. E-mail to author, 11 July 2012. ---. “The Aquarius Festival.” Aquarius Rainbow Region. n.d. Farnham, Ken. Acting Executive Officer, Aboriginal Council for the Arts. 19 June 1973. Letter. MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Foley, Gary. “Australia and the Holocaust: A Koori Perspective (1997).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_8.html›. ---. “Whiteness and Blackness in the Koori Struggle for Self-Determination (1999).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_9.html›. ---. “Black Power in Redfern 1968-1972 (2001).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_1.html›. ---. “An Evening with Legendary Aboriginal Activist Gary Foley.” Conference Session. Marxism 2012 “Revolution in the Air”, Melbourne, Mar. 2012. Hoff, Jennifer. Bundjalung Jugun: Bundjalung Country. Lismore: Richmond River Historical Society, 2006. Jacob, Jeffrey. New Pioneers: The Back-to-the-Land Movement and the Search for a Sustainable Future. Pennsylvania: Penn State Press, 1997. Jerome, Burri. Interview. 31 July 2012. Joseph, Paul. Interview. 7 Aug. 2012. Joseph, Paul, and Brendan ‘Mookx’ Hanley. Interview by Rob Willis. 14 Aug. 2010. Audiofile, Session 2 of 3. nla.oh-vn4978025. Rob Willis Folklore Collection. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Kijas, Johanna, Caravans and Communes: Stories of Settling in the Tweed 1970s & 1980s. Murwillumbah: Tweed Shire Council, 2011. King, Vivienne (Aunty Viv). Interview. 1 Aug. 2012. Munro-Clarke, Margaret. Communes of Rural Australia: The Movement Since 1970. Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1986. Nethery, Amy. “Aboriginal Reserves: ‘A Modern-Day Concentration Camp’: Using History to Make Sense of Australian Immigration Detention Centres.” Does History Matter? Making and Debating Citizenship, Immigration and Refugee Policy in Australia and New Zealand. Eds. Klaus Neumann and Gwenda Tavan. Canberra: Australian National University Press, 2009. 4. Newton, Janice. “Aborigines, Tribes and the Counterculture.” Social Analysis 23 (1988): 53-71. Newton, John. The Double Rainbow: James K Baxter, Ngati Hau and the Jerusalem Commune. Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2009. Offord, Baden. “Mapping the Rainbow Region: Fields of Belonging and Sites of Confluence.” Transformations 2 (March 2002): 1-5. Oshlak, Al. Interview. 27 Mar. 2013. Partridge, Christopher. “The Spiritual and the Revolutionary: Alternative Spirituality, British Free Festivals, and the Emergence of Rave Culture.” Culture and Religion: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7 (2006): 3-5. Perkins, Charlie. “Charlie Perkins on 1965 Freedom Ride.” Youtube, 13 Oct. 2009. Perone, James E. Woodstock: An Encyclopedia of the Music and Art Fair. Greenwood: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2005. Roberts, John. Interview. 1 Aug. 2012. Roberts, Cecil. Interview. 6 Aug. 2012. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of a Counter Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society and Its Youthful Opposition. New York: University of California Press,1969. 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The major problem encountered by an airborne bistatic radar is the suppression of bistatic clutter. Unlike clutter echoes for a sidelooking airborne monostatic radar, bistatic clutter echoes are range dependent. Using training data from nearby range gates will result in widening of the clutter notch of STAP (space-time adaptive processing) processor. This will cause target returns from slow relative velocity aircraft to be suppressed or even go undetected. Some means of Doppler compensation for mitigating the clutter range dependency must be carried out. This thesis investigates the nature of the clutter echoes with different radar configurations. A novel Doppler compensation method using Doppler interpolation in the angle-Doppler domain and power correction for a JDL (joint domain localized) processor is proposed. Performing Doppler compensation in the Doppler domain, allows several different Doppler compensations to be carried out at the same time, using separate Doppler bins compensation. When using a JDL processor, a 2-D Fourier transformation is required to transform space-time domain training data into angular-Doppler domain. Performing Doppler compensation in the spacetime domain requires Fourier transformations of the Doppler compensated training data to be carried out for every training range gate. The whole process is then repeated for every range gate under test. On the other hand, Fourier transformations of the training data are required only once for all range gates under test, when using Doppler interpolation. Before carrying out any Doppler compensation, the peak clutter Doppler frequency difference between the training range gate and the range gate under test, needs to be determined. A novel way of calculating the Doppler frequency difference that is robust to error in pre-known parameters is also proposed. Reducing the computational cost of the STAP processor has always been the desire of any reduced dimension processors such as the JDL processor. Two methods of further reducing the computational cost of the JDL processor are proposed. A tuned DFT algorithm allow the size of the clutter sample covariance matrix of the JDL processor to be reduced by a factor proportional to the number of array elements, without losses in processor performance. Using alternate Doppler bins selection allows computational cost reduction, but with performance loss outside the clutter notch region. Different systems parameters are also used to evaluate the performance of the Doppler interpolation process and the JDL processor. Both clutter range and Doppler ambiguity exist in radar systems operating in medium pulse repetitive frequency mode. When suppressing range ambiguous clutter echoes, performing Doppler compensation for the clutter echoes arriving from the nearest ambiguous range alone, appear to be sufficient. Clutter sample covariance matrix is estimated using training data from the range or time or both dimension. Investigations on the number of range and time training data required for the estimation process in both space-time and angular-Doppler domain are carried out. Due to error in the Doppler compensation process, a method of using the minimum amount of range training data is proposed. The number of training data required for different clutter sample covariance matrix sizes is also evaluated. For Doppler interpolation and power correction JDL processor, the number of Doppler bins used can be increased, to reduce the amount of training data required, while maintaining certain desirable processor performance characteristics.

Thermal distortion is a critical design consideration for the Haystack Ultrawide-band Satellite Imaging Radar (HUSIR) with respect to its performance at W-band. This design consideration is needed due to the thermal distortion effects on the surface accuracy of a parabolic reflector. For example, a tight surface tolerance of ∼100 microns root-mean-squared is required to obtain 85 percent antenna performance efficiency for the 37 meter (120 foot) diameter reflector. An understanding of the temperature and velocity fields aids compensation of these losses. Computational fluid dynamics models (CFD) are too computationally expensive to implement in a control algorithm. Therefore, this work applies proper orthogonal decomposition (POD) to simulated CFD data and creates a reduced order model of the fluid system that characterizes the dominant features of both the temperature and velocity fields. A case study of the HUSIR’s convective flow inside a dome is illustrated.

An innovative high power density and low drag ram air turbine for airborne power generation has been developed. Future systems on military and commercial aircraft will require greater electrical power. Unfortunately, expanding the capacity of the electrical systems on current aircraft and ones in development can result in costly design changes, require recertification, and significantly impact performance. Powering these systems locally with batteries is often considered. However, operation time is limited by the battery and the additional weight can limit aircraft range. The innovative ram air turbine design configuration described here has a power density that can be significantly higher than batteries and a lower drag and greater integration flexibility than conventional ram air turbines. Unlike batteries, which have a finite specific energy, the ram air turbine is only limited by the flight time of the vehicle. This system has a ducted turbine located in a pod or fuselage interior, unlike current ram air turbines that are externally mounted and require direct exposure to the free-stream flow. The internally mounted ram air turbine contributes less to overall aerodynamic drag than current ram air turbines, allows for more power to be extracted in an equivalent design space, and offers reduced radar signature compared to present externally-bladed turbines. Computational analyses along with wind tunnel testing have been conducted in support of this design. A 25-inch (0.635 m) diameter turbine demonstrated 110 kW of electrical power over a wide range of Mach numbers and simulated altitudes.

Traditional engine health management development has focused on major gas turbine engine components (i.e., disks, blades, bearings, etc.) due to the fact that these components are expensive to maintain and their failures frequently have safety implications. However, the majority of events that lead to standing down of aircraft arise from gas turbine accessory components such as pumps, generators, auxiliary power units, and motors. Common vibration diagnostics, which are based on frequency domain analysis that assumes the monitored signal is “stationary” during the analysis period, are not effective for these components. This is true because operating conditions are often non-stationary and evolving, which leads to spectral smearing and erroneous analysis that can cause missed detections and false alarms. Traditionally, this is avoided by defining steady state operating conditions in which to perform the analysis. Although this may be acceptable for major engine components, which are typically highly loaded during normal steady operation, many engine accessories are only high loaded during transients, especially startup. For example, an engine starter or fuel pump may be more highly loaded and therefore susceptible to damage during engine start up, typically avoided by traditional vibration analysis methods. More importantly, certain component faults and their progression can also lead to non-stationary vibration signals that, because of the smearing they induced, would be missed by traditional techniques. As a result, the authors have developed a novel engine accessory health monitoring methodology that is applicable during non-stationary operation through application of joint time-frequency analysis (JTFA). These JTFA approaches have been proven in other disciplines, such as speech analysis, radar processing, telecommunications, and structural analysis, but not yet readily applied to engine accessory component diagnostics. This paper will highlight the results obtained from applying JTFA techniques, including Short-Time Fourier Transform, Choi-Williams Distribution, Continuous Wavelet Transform, and Time-Frequency Domain Averaging, to very high frequency (VHF) vibration data collected from healthy and damaged turbine engine accessory components. The resulting accuracy of the various approaches were then evaluated and compared with conventional signal processing techniques. As expected, the JTFA approaches significantly outperformed the conventional methods. On-board application of these techniques will increase prognostics and health management (PHM) coverage and effectiveness by allowing accessory health monitoring during the most life influencing regimes regardless of operating speed and reducing inspection and replacement costs resulting in minimizing the vehicle down time.

Abstract: When it comes to economic growth of modern day developed countries, it can be concluded that certain factors can be distinguished as definitive quality indicators of economic growth. Meaning that the rise of said factors will in most cases ensure sustainable economic growth. Considering the rise of capitalism and the growth of multinational companies, one challenge most modern day countries face is strengthening of a countries export rates and inspiring continuous entrepreneurial activity. One key indicator that has thus far been often overlooked is the innovation rate. The aim of this paper is to conclude whether or not the innovation rate can be used as a quality indicator of economic development. The focus in this paper has been put on the former Yugoslavian countries. The reason for this being that all of their economies started developing at the same time and under a very similar socio-political background and origin. This makes them a good subject for observation, seeing as how they all developed to different capacities and at various rates. Observing these countries and various influential factors can help discern the factors which impact the GDP rate the most. In particular, the innovation rate. Sažetak: Kad je riječ o ekonomskom rastu današnjih razvijenih zemalja, može se zaključiti da se određeni čimbenici mogu razlikovati kao konačni pokazatelji kvalitete gospodarskog rasta. Što znači da će porast navedenih čimbenika u većini slučajeva osigurati održivi gospodarski rast. Uzimajući u obzir rast kapitalizma i rast multinacionalnih tvrtki, jedan od izazova s kojima se suočava većina modernih zemalja je jačanje izvoza i poticanje kontinuirane poduzetničke aktivnosti. Jedan od ključnih pokazatelja koji se do sada često zanemarivao je stopa inovacija. Cilj je ovog rada istražiti može li se stopa inovacija koristiti kao pokazatelj kvalitete gospodarskog razvoja. Fokus u ovom radu je stavljen na zemlje nastale na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Razlog tome je taj što su se njihova gospodarstva počela razvijati u isto vrijeme i pod vrlo sličnom društveno-političkim okolnostima. To ih čini podobnim za istraživanje i zaključivanje o tome kako su se razvijali do različitih razina i različitom dinamikom. Istraživanje ovih zemalja i različitih čimbenika utjecaja može pomoći u prepoznavanju čimbenika koji najviše utječu na stopu BDP-a. Konkretno, stopa inovacija.