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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Philadelphia. First African Baptist Church

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Academic literature on the topic 'Philadelphia. First African Baptist Church'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Philadelphia. First African Baptist Church"

1

Angel, J. Lawrence, Jennifer Olsen Kelley, Michael Parrington, and Stephanie Pinter. "Life stresses of the free Black community as represented by the First African Baptist Church, Philadelphia, 1823–1841." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 74, no. 2 (October 1987): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.1330740209.

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Ericksen, M. F., and A. I. Stix. "Histologic examination of age of the first African Baptist Church adults." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 85, no. 3 (July 1991): 247–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.1330850302.

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Ndille, Roland. "Joshua Dibundu, Lotin Same, and the Native Baptist Church: Resistance and Nationalism in Cameroon’s History of Religion." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v8i2.309.

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This article sets out to present Joshua Dibundu and Lotin Same, two clergymen and contemporaries of John Chilembwe of Nyasaland and Simon Kibangu of the Congo, who stood out against European missionary pressure and colonial administrative oppression in an effort to establish and sustain the first African Independent Church (AIC) in Cameroon: the Native Baptist Church (NBC). I argue in this article that unlike the Cameroon kings and chiefs who resisted European occupation of the territory, and nationalists who fought for independence, the leaders of the Native Baptist Church represent another type of early nationalist and change-oriented agents who deserve their place in the historiography of the country. I have privileged the use of archival documents, structured interviews and some critical empirical literature to establish this account.

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Kosek, Joseph Kip. "“Just a Bunch of Agitators”: Kneel-Ins and the Desegregation of Southern Churches." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 23, no. 2 (2013): 232–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2013.23.2.232.

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AbstractCivil rights protests at white churches, dubbed “kneel-ins,” laid bare the racial logic that structured Christianity in the American South. Scholars have investigated segregationist religion, but such studies tend to focus on biblical interpretation rather than religious practice. A series of kneel-ins at Atlanta's First Baptist Church, the largest Southern Baptist church in the Southeast, shows how religious activities and religious spaces became sites of intense racial conflict. Beginning in 1960, then more forcefully in 1963, African American students attempted to integrate First Baptist's sanctuary. When they were alternately barred from entering, shown to a basement auditorium, or carried out bodily, their efforts sparked a wide-ranging debate over racial politics and spiritual authenticity, a debate carried on both inside and outside the church. Segregationists tended to avoid a theological defense of Jim Crow, attacking instead the sincerity and comportment of their unwanted visitors. Yet while many church leaders were opposed to open seating, a vibrant student contingent favored it. Meanwhile, mass media—local, national, and international—shaped interpretations of the crisis and possibilities for resolving it. Roy McClain, the congregation's popular minister, attempted to navigate a middle course but faced criticism from all sides. The conflict came to a head when Ashton Jones, a white minister, was arrested, tried, and imprisoned for protesting outside the church. In the wake of the controversy, the members of First Baptist voted to end segregation in the sanctuary. This action brought formal desegregation—but little meaningful integration—to the congregation.

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Platt, Warren C. "The African Orthodox Church: An Analysis of Its First Decade." Church History 58, no. 4 (December 1989): 474–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168210.

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The African Orthodox church, an expression of religious autonomy among black Americans, had its genesis in the work and thought of George Alexander McGuire, a native of Antigua, whose religious journey and changing ecclesiastical affiliation paralleled his deepening interest in and commitment to the cause of Afro-American nationalism and racial consciousness. Born in 1866 to an Anglican father and a Moravian mother, George Alexander McGuire was educated at Mico College for Teachers in Antigua and the Nisky Theological Seminary, a Moravian institution in St. Thomas, Virgin Islands (then the Danish West Indies). In 1893 McGuire, having served a pastorate at a Moravian church in the Virgin Islands, migrated to the United States, where he became an Episcopalian. In 1897 he was ordained a priest in that church and, in the succeeding decade, served several parishes, including St. Thomas Church in Philadelphia, which was founded by Absalom Jones. His abilities and skills were recognized, and in 1905 he became the archdeacon for Colored Work in the Episcopal Diocese of Arkansas. Here he became involved with various plans—none of which bore fruit—which would have provided for the introduction of black bishops in the Episcopal church to assist in that church's work of evangelization among black Americans. It is believed, however, that McGuire was influenced by the different schemes which were advanced, and that he “almost certainly carried away from Arkansas the notion of a separate, autonomous black church, and one that was episcopal in character and structure, as one option for black religious self-determination and one avenue for achieving black independence.”

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Haight, W. L. ""Gathering the Spirit" at First Baptist Church: Spirituality as a Protective Factor in the Lives of African American Children." Social Work 43, no. 3 (May 1, 1998): 213–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/43.3.213.

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Wittmers, L. E., A. C. Aufderheide, J. G. Pounds, K. W. Jones, and J. L. Angel. "Problems in determination of skeletal lead burden in archaeological samples: An example from the First African Baptist Church population." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 136, no. 4 (August 2008): 379–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.20819.

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8

Thomas, Gerald L. "Achieving Racial Reconciliation in the Twenty-First Century: The Real Test for the Christian Church." Review & Expositor 108, no. 4 (December 2011): 559–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463731110800410.

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The issue of racial reconciliation has been a major concern for me since the days of my youth in Youngstown, Ohio. I was blessed to see the growth and development of African American people during the civil rights era. There were, however, racial tensions of a major magnitude during my days in junior high and high school. It was the first time we (students from Thorn Hill) had ever experienced racism because our elementary school was 99.8 percent black. I had to live in a whole new world when six primary grade schools were condensed into one junior high school. In high school, it became increasingly evident to me that there was a white world and a black world. Attending Howard University definitely heightened my anger and resentment towards white people. Howard was the Mecca of black power and intellectual thinking. By God's grace, after eight years in corporate America, I accepted my call to preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ and realized that hatred had no place in the heart and mind of a servant of the Son of God. The seminary experience at The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary was equally frustrating at times even though I had the blessings of the seminary's leadership, thus becoming the first Martin Luther King, Jr. Fellow. Through twenty-five years of pastoring and thirty years of spreading the Gospel, I have gained additional insights into how we must eradicate racism in our society. Through my position in the Progressive National Baptist Convention as National Chairperson for “Social Action on Public Policy,” I realize how difficult is the task at hand. Research and writings on “Racial Reconciliation” are my own convictions and struggles to support the Church of God in becoming all that Jesus Christ had intended for it to be.

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Collins, John. "Ghanaian Christianity and Popular Entertainment: Full Circle." History in Africa 31 (2004): 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003570.

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In this paper I look at the relationship between Christianity and popular entertainment in Ghana over the last 100 years or so. Imported Christianity was one of the seminal influences on the emergence of local popular music, dance, and drama. But Christianity in turn later became influenced by popular entertainment, especially in the case of the local African separatist churches that began to incorporate popular dance music, and in some cases popular theatre. At the same time unemployed Ghanaian commercial performing artists have, since the 1980s, found a home in the churches. To begin this examination of this circular relationship between popular entertainment and Christianity in Ghana we first turn to the late nineteenth century.The appearance of transcultural popular performance genres in southern and coastal Ghana in the late nineteenth century resulted from a fusion of local music and dance elements with imported ones introduced by Europeans. Very important was the role of the Protestant missionaries who settled in southern. Ghana during the century, establishing churches, schools, trading posts, and artisan training centers. Through protestant hymns and school songs local Africans were taught to play the harmonium, piano, and brass band instruments and were introduced to part harmony, the diatonic scale, western I- IV- V harmonic progressions, the sol-fa notation and four-bar phrasing.There were two consequences of these new musical ideas. Firstly a tradition of vernacular hymns was established from the 1880s and 1890s, when separatist African churches (such as the native Baptist Church) were formed in the period of institutional racism that followed the Berlin Conference of 1884/85. Secondly, and of more importance to this paper, these new missionary ideas helped to establish early local popular Highlife dance music idioms such as asiko (or ashiko), osibisaaba, local brass band “adaha” music and “palmwine” guitar music. Robert Sprigge (1967:89) refers to the use of church harmonies and suspended fourths in the early guitar band Highlife composition Yaa Amponsah, while David Coplan (1978:98-99) talks of the “hybridisation” of church influences with Akan vocal phrasing and the preference of singing in parallel thirds and sixths in the creation of Highlife.

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Ragwan, Rodney. "The impact of the Bible and Bible themes on John Rangiah's Ministry in South Africa." Verbum et Ecclesia 33, no. 1 (February 8, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v33i1.415.

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John Rangiah was the first Indian Baptist missionary who came to Natal (today called KwaZulu-Natal). He was born in India in 1866 and died in 1915. He established the first Telugu Baptist Church on the African continent in Kearsney, Natal. In the corpus of South African Baptist mission literature, the contribution of John Rangiah is given very little attention. Although he is referenced by Baptist historians for his work amongst Indian Baptists, the impact of the Bible and Bible themes as well as his theology in South Africa have not been examined. This article provides insight into Rangiah�s early life and faith, and critically examines his understanding of the Bible and its themes, such as the Bible, prayer, salvation and eschatological hope. These themes will be critically examined from a conservative evangelical perspective and thereafter attempts to examine these using elements of post-colonial hermeneutics will be undertaken.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Philadelphia. First African Baptist Church"

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Stubblefield, Thomas D. "Preaching to communicate the global vision of the First Baptist Church of Chesterfield, Missouri." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2004. http://www.tren.com.

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Weaver, Yvette Sarah. "A Project Of Discovering The Elements Of Belonging At Mt. Olivet Baptist Church, Columbus, Ohio." Ashland Theological Seminary / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=atssem1618855760437517.

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Books on the topic "Philadelphia. First African Baptist Church"

1

A biohistory of 19th-century Afro-Americans: The burial remains of a Philadelphia cemetery. Westport, Conn: Bergin & Garvey, 1997.

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2

Thompson, William D. Philadelphia's First Baptists: A brief history of the First Baptist Church of Philadelphia, founded 1698. Philadelphia, PA: First Baptist Church of the City of Phildelphia, 1989.

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3

McIntyre, L. H. One grain of the salt: The first African Baptist church west of the Allegheny Mountains. [S.l.]: L.H. McIntyre, 1986.

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4

Association, Philadelphia Baptist. Minutes of the Philadelphia Baptist Association, 1707 to 1807: Being the first one hundred years of its existence. Springfield, Mo: Particular Baptist Press, 2002.

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5

Love, E. K. History of the First African Baptist Church, from its organization, January 20th, 1788, to July 1st, 1888: Including the centennial celebration, addresses, sermons, etc. Savannah, Ga: Morning News Print., 1987.

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6

Burell, Raymond. Vancouver Avenue: Yesterday, today & forever : celebrating 65 years as a spiritual landmark : the Vancouver Avenue First Baptist Church, Portland, Oregon. [Portland, Or.]: Vancouver Avenue First Baptist Church, 2009.

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Simms, James Meriles. The first Colored Baptist church in North America: Constituted at Savannah, Georgia, January 20, A.D. 1788 : with biographical sketches of the pastors. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1987.

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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundredth Congress, first session, religious intolerance, May 29, 1987, Philadelphia, Pa. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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Europe, United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundredth Congress, first session, religious intolerance, May 29, 1987, Philadelphia, PA. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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10

First African Baptist Church (Tuscaloosa, Ala.). Church History Committee., ed. History of the First African Baptist Church, 1866-1986. Tuscaloosa, Ala: Weatherford Print. Co., 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Philadelphia. First African Baptist Church"

1

Rankin-Hill, Lesley M. "Identifying the First African Baptist Church: searching for historically invisible people." In New Directions in Biocultural Anthropology, 133–56. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118962954.ch7.

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Billingsley, Andrew. "First African Baptist Church, Richmond: Seedbed of Social Reform." In Mighty Like a River, 62–84. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195161793.003.0007.

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Smith, Eric C. "“The humble Baptists”." In Oliver Hart and the Rise of Baptist America, 11–32. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197506325.003.0002.

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In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Baptists in middle colonies like Pennsylvania competed against a staggering variety of religious denominations and sects. Essential for establishing and maintaining their denomination in this context was the founding of the Philadelphia Baptist Association in 1707, the first Baptist institutional structure in America. In addition to tracing his family lineage, this chapter explores the early influences of the Philadelphia Baptist Association on Oliver Hart, along with the Baptist rituals and doctrines he absorbed in the Pennepek Baptist Church. Hart’s exposure to Quaker and Keithian antislavery sentiments in Pennsylvania is also considered.

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4

Lechtreck, Elaine Allen. "Church Visitations." In Southern White Ministers and the Civil Rights Movement, 89–107. University Press of Mississippi, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496817525.003.0004.

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During the Civil Rights Movement, many white churches in the South issued closed-door policies that prevented black people from entering their sanctuaries. Many white ministers who attempted to admit African Americans lost their churches. This chapter relates crisis incidents in three Alabama churches, First Presbyterian, Tuscaloosa, First Presbyterian, Tuskegee, and First Baptist, Birmingham; two Baptist churches in Georgia, Tattnell Square in Macon, and Plains Baptist in Plains, three churches in Jackson, Mississippi, Galloway Memorial Methodist, First Christian, and Capitol Street Church of Christ The chapter also includes an account of the sustained campaign in Jackson by black students from Tougaloo University who suffered pain and rejection. William Cunningham, one of the ministers forced to leave Galloway Memorial Methodist Church, commented, “There was agony for the churches outside and agony within…. The church could not change the culture; but the culture changed and carried the church along with it.”

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Lindsay, Lisa A. "Vaughan’s Rebellion." In Atlantic Bonds: A Nineteenth-Century Odyssey from America to Africa. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631127.003.0007.

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By the late 1880s, freedom as prosperity and autonomy was coming under threat in Lagos. Increasing numbers of European personnel pushed Africans out of their posts in the civil service and foreign-owned commercial firms, limiting opportunities for elite Africans. White leaders of the mission churches sought to reverse decades-old policies and monopolize control over African congregations. Within the Baptist church—with which Vaughan had been associated since coming to Yorubaland thirty years earlier--a new generation of white missionaries subjected him and others to racist condescension. This chapter considers the responses of Vaughan and his contemporaries to the new era of white supremacy in Lagos. In 1888, Vaughan and several others formed the Native Baptist Church, the first non-missionary church in West Africa; they were followed by separatist movements in other denominations. They linked their struggles to those against slavery, referring to the mission church as a barracoon and their subordination to white missionaries as bondage. Understanding the new racism as part of a wider, Atlantic world phenomenon, Vaughan and the other Christian rebels drew on a classic diasporic strategy of separation from white establishments. Thus, this chapter illustrates the role of the African diaspora in changing developments within Africa.

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6

Brown, Jeannette. "From Academia to Board Room and Science Policy." In African American Women Chemists. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199742882.003.0010.

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Reatha Clark King is a woman who began life in rural Georgia and rose to become a chemist, a college president, and vice president of a major corporate foundation. Reatha Belle Clark was born in Pavo, Georgia, on April 11, 1938, the second of three daughters born to Willie and Ola Watts Clark Campbell. Her mother Ola had a third grade education and her father Willie was illiterate. Her families were sharecroppers in Pavo. Her mother and grandmother raised her in Moultrie, Georgia, after her parents separated when she was young. She and her sisters worked long hours in the cotton and tobacco field during the summer to raise money. She could pick 200 pounds of cotton a day and earn $6.00, which was more than her mother’s salary as a maid. 1 In the 1940s in the rural segregated South, the only career aspirations for young black girls were to become a hairdresser, a teacher, or a nurse. Reatha started school at the age of four in the one-room schoolhouse at Mt. Zion Baptist Church. Still more than a decade before Brown v. Board of Education , Reatha’s schools were segregated. The teacher, Miss Florence Frazier, became Reatha’s first role model. Reatha said, “I never wondered if I could succeed in a subject. It was only a question of whether I wanted to study the subject.” She later attended the segregated Moutrie High School for Negro Youth. Despite missing much school to attend to fieldwork, Reatha maintained her studies. She graduated in 1954 as the valedictorian of her class. Reatha received a scholarship to enter Clark College in September 1954, originally planning to major in home economics and teach in her local high school. These plans changed after her first chemistry course with Alfred Spriggs, the chemistry professor. He encouraged her to major in chemistry and go to graduate school. She found that chemistry was the perfect major for her. She says, “Both the subject matter and methodology were interesting and challenging; the laboratory and lecture sessions were exciting; and my fellow students in chemistry were both serious students and fun to work with.”

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McCreless, Patrick. "Richard Allen and the Sacred Music of Black Americans, 1740–1850." In Theology, Music, and Modernity, 201–16. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846550.003.0010.

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This chapter’s central claim is that the notion of freedom, in the context of theology, music, and modernity (1740–1850), is incomplete if it does not address the sacred music of the enslaved people of North America during this period—a population for whom theology, music, and freedom were of enormous personal and social consequence. The central figure in this regard is Richard Allen (1760–1831), who in 1816 founded the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, the first independent black religious denomination in the United States. Allen was born enslaved, in Philadelphia or Delaware, but was able to purchase his freedom in 1783. He had already had a conversion experience in 1777, and once he gained his freedom, he became an itinerant preacher, ultimately settling in Philadelphia, where he preached at St George’s Methodist Church and a variety of venues in the city. In 1794 he led a walkout of black members at St George’s, in protest of racism; and over the course of a number of years he founded Mother Bethel, which would become the original church of the AME. This chapter situates Allen in the development of black sacred music in the US: first, as the publisher of hymnals for his church (two in 1801, and another in 1818); and second, as an important arbitrator between the traditions and performance styles of Protestant hymnody as inherited in the British colonies, and an evolving oral tradition and performance style of black sacred music.

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Smolla, Rodney A. "Reverend Edwards." In Confessions of a Free Speech Lawyer, 20–22. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749650.003.0004.

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This chapter talks about Rev. Dr. Alvin Edwards, pastor of Mount Zion First African Baptist Church in Charlottesville. After the Charleston murders, Edwards reflected on what religious groups in Charlottesville could do to prevent a similar event of racial hate. It describes how Edwards realized that the lack of interaction between the black and white clergy in Charlottesville symbolized a broader theme in American life, the difference between diversity and integration. Viewed statistically, Charlottesville's religious community was racially “diverse,” but the lack of meaningful interaction between black and white clergy exposed a lack of authentic integration. This chapter discusses how Edwards countered the habit of estrangement among race by forming the Charlottesville Clergy Collective. A God-centered faith community of prayer, solidarity, and impact within the Charlottesville-Albemarle Region of Central Virginia.

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"upon disciplinary committees investigating both black and white members, occasional black men were recognized as preachers, and white church mem-bers, including masters, were sometimes called to account for sinful dealings with their enslaved or free black men and women. Moreover, in their accep-tance and even encouragement of black preachers evangelical churches were implicitly (if not explicitly) encouraging the formation of smaller prayer and study groups among, and sometimes led by, African-Americans. By the nine-teenth century these separate networks and communions led by community members would serve as a source of personal strength and spiritual and political power for African-American Christians. Within this climate of increasing lay authority women arose as active par-ticipants in New Light communities. They formed their own private groups where they found extraordinary spiritual counsel and nurture. The poet Phillis Wheatley maintained a correspondence with her friend Arbour Tanner, confiding her religious hopes, worries and pleasures, while Esther Edwards Burr and Sarah Prince kept up a three-year correspondence through which they admonished and encouraged one another. Sarah Osborn found a true spiritual companion in Susana Anthony, while Deborah Prince joined a female society ‘for the most indearing Exercise of social Piety’. In Philadelphia it was reported that after Whitefield had first preached there ‘four or five godly women in the city, were the principal counsellors to whom awakened and inquiring sinners used to resort, or could resort, for advice and direction’." In The Rise of the Laity in Evangelical Protestantism, 112–13. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203166505-55.

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