Journal articles on the topic 'Philippe-Jean-Louis'

After introducing the concept of an "image of a constitution", Mr Conklin examines the federalism writings and judgments of Justices Pigeon and Beetz with a view to identifying the bounderies of their respective concepts of a constitution. He argues that their writings presuppose coherent answers to such boundaries as the role of a text as the primary source of law, the posited character of rules, rules as the starting point of constitutional analysis, the scientistic role of a lawyer, and a horizontal / vertical spectrum of posited rules. Mr. Conklin claims that their understanding of law collapses into a more primordial image of law whose boundaries we have for too long left unexamined.

Este texto apresenta o estado da arte do debate sobre a autoficção, as apropriações, usos (e abusos) do conceito doubrovskyano, desde a sua criação. A discussão se concentra no debate teórico realizado predominantemente em língua francesa por alguns de seus principais expoentes: Serge Doubrovsky, Vincent Colonna, Gérard Genette, Jacques Lecarme, Philippe Gasparini e Jean-Louis Jeanelle.

AbstractWho was Jean de Savoie, the clerk with whom the composers Jean Campion and Philippe de Vitry penned the jeu-partiUlixea fulgensin 1350? This article uses Jean's hitherto unnoticed will and foundations at the church of Saint-Benoît-le-Bestourné, Paris, with other documentation, to bring together Jean's two identities in a unified biography (including a new date for his death, in 1354); to illustrate the close parallels between his own career and that of Philippe de Vitry, and to map the scope of opportunities for contact between them in and around the French royal court from the early 1320s onwards. Jean was also an artist and illustrator, and his career as one of the more prominent cartoonists of Philippe VI, king of France, throws light on potential contact with Vitry via the adoption by Louis I de Bourbon of the hitherto largely royal practice of charter illustration. In addition the properties acquired to support two chaplaincies endowed by Jean at Saint-Benoît demonstrate the extent to which he was professionally embedded in a network of royal councillors working in and around the Parlement in the 1330–50s, in which Vitry was also active. Also identified is a house acquired at Saint-Benoît by Gervès du Bus, author of the Roman de Fauvel.

Le XVIIe siècle fut celui où les Européens continuaient à découvrir des territoires et des modes de vie nouveaux. En France, ce sont, pour la plupart, des missionnaires qui entreprennent des voyages vers l’étranger, notamment vers l’Est, afin d’y propager le christianisme, mais aussi en poursuivant des buts plus pragmatiques. C’est le cas du jésuite Philippe Avril (1654-1698) cherchant, sur demande de Louis XIV, le moyen d’ouvrir une voie terrestre vers la Chine. D’autres, comme Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1605-1689), voyageaient dans un but plus prosaïque tel que le commerce. Les carnets de ces voyageurs représentent une source d’informations importantes sur la vision de l’altérité à l’époque. Ces voyageurs aux motivations diverses voyaient-ils l’Autre dans des termes différents ? C’est la question que nous tenterons d’aborder dans cet article en comparant les procédés linguistiques à l’oeuvre dans les descriptions des peuples étrangers dans Les Six Voyages de Jean Baptiste Tavernier, écuyer baron d'Aubonne, qu'il a fait en Turquie, en Perse, et aux Indes... par Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1676) et Voyage en divers États d'Europe et d'Asie entrepris pour découvrir un nouveau chemin à la Chine par Philippe Avril (1692).

La politique étrangère des États-Unis. Fondements, acteurs, formulation, Charles-Philippe David, Louis Balthazar et Justin Vaïsse, Paris : Presses de sciences po, 2003, 382 p.Avec l'avènement de l'administration de George W. Bush et les suites des attentats de septembre 2001, l'étude de la politique étrangère des États-Unis, en langue française, connaît un dynamisme renouvelé. Plusieurs travaux récents, dont ceux de Jean-Yves Haine et de Sabine Lavorel respectivement sur la politique américaine face à l'Alliance atlantique et sur la formulation de la politique de sécurité nationale sous G.W. Bush, sont des exemples qui illustrent bien cette tendance.

Jean-Paul Michel est né en 1948, en Corrèze. Après le reflux de la vague de Mai 68, il revient à la poésie, après une diète de huit années. Ses premiers poèmes publiés sont salués par Roland Barthes, Michel Foucault, Jude Stéfan, Jacques Réda, Louis-René des Forêts, Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, Jean-Luc Nancy. Ses poèmes ont été rassemblés aux éditions Flammarion: Le plus réel est ce hasard, et ce feu (1997); 'Défends-toi, Beauté violente!' (2007); Je ne voudrais rien qui mente, dans un livre (2010). Un volume d'Écrits sur la poésie a paru aux mêmes éditions en 2016. Un colloque a été consacré à son travail à Cerisy-la-Salle en juillet 2016, sous la direction de Michael Bishop et Matthieu Gosztola: Jean-Paul Michel, la surprise de ce qui est. Les Actes paraîtront dans la collection Cerisy/Littérature, Classiques Garnier, en décembre 2018. Jean-Paul Michel est le créateur des Éditions William Blake and Co., à Bordeaux, en 1975. Il entretient de 2000 à 2016 d'étroites relations de travail et d'amitié avec Yves Bonnefoy, dont il a publié une dizaine de volumes. Dernier titre publié, avec Pierre Bergounioux: Correspondance. 1981–2017 (Verdier éditeur, 2018).

Philippe Herzog and Jean-Louis Moynot were members of the top leaderships of the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) and the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), respectively. Each participated in and lived through the dramatic years from the 1960s through the 1980s when both organizations first supported Union de la Gauche and then turned away from it, eventually precipitating both into decline in ways that would transform eventually the French political and trade union left. The strategic shifts underlying these deep and significant changes were traumatic for those who lived through them. Herzog and Moynot have recently published memoirs detailing their experiences of this period and their political lives thereafter. Both books, in different ways, give us new and important understandings of what happened during a critical moment of change in French politics.

Abstract In his late writings, Jean-Philippe Rameau attributed mystical, almost divine qualities to the corps sonore, a fundamental element in his theory of harmonic generation. This article traces the use that Rameau made of the corps sonore in his stage works as part of a tradition of the oracular pronouncements in the French opera. In addition to using it to symbolize enlightenment, starting from the late 1740s Rameau used it to accompany the spells of the benevolent magicians who take the place of the deities of Classical mythology. The fact that the librettist of these works, Louis de Cahusac, was closely associated with Freemasonry substantiates a case for the influence of progressive philosophy over Rameau. This impacted not only the thematics of his stage works, but the symbolic use of the corps sonore in his musical philosophy and the political message conveyed through his operas.

Abstract From the mid-1960s to the early 1970s, free jazz was the subject of considerable public interest in France. The present article examines the conditions that fueled enthusiasm for American avant-garde jazz, focusing on the politicization of discourse surrounding the ‘new thing.’ Critics hostile to the movement felt that it undermined jazz's claim to universality, a cornerstone of postwar attempts to valorize the genre in the French cultural sphere. Yet the tendency to identify free jazz with various forms of African American political radicalism presented no less of a challenge for the movement's advocates. By constructing an image of free jazz that stressed its irremediable difference from the norms and values of European culture, writers were compelled to find alternative ways of relating it to contemporary French concerns. A reading of Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli's text Free Jazz Black Power shows how the authors' attempt to reinscribe African American cultural nationalism as an expression of transnational anticolonial struggle not only helped bring free jazz closer to the French experience, but also served as a way of working through the unresolved legacies of colonialism.

AbstractThrough the cinematic experience of heritage films’ historical reconstitutions, audiences may acquire a vivid cultural memory of prior eras, where the powerful corporeal effect of the cinematographic language stimulates a lived sensation of the past. Yet the recreations of heritage cinema are, at times, refracted through the lens of auteurism, impacting the historical realism and effect of authenticity and in the case of adaptations transforming the original source text. This article considers key French heritage films to depict the July Monarchy in France, investigating how different auteurs influence the films’ sensual audio-visual recreations and consequently spectators’ filmic experience. Former new wave auteur Claude Chabrol’s adaptation Madame Bovary (1991) and its recreation of 1830–1840s France is compared and contrasted with later-generation auteur Jean-Paul Rappeneau’s Le Hussard sur le toit/The Horseman on the Roof (1995) and younger-generation auteur Catherine Breillat’s Une vieille maîtresse/The Last Mistress (2007), exploring history via their unique authorial aesthetics and ideologies. The depiction of (semi-)fictional historical figures during events of the July Monarchy is analysed, in the films’ portraits of past landscapes, focusing on the intimate settings of courtship, weddings, marriage, and adultery during the reign of Louis Philippe I. The article examines the adaptation of Chabrol’s vision of Gustave Flaubert’s canonical 1857 work, together with Rappeneau’s interpretation of Jean Giono’s 1951 novel and Breillat’s recreation of Barbey d’Aurevilly’s 1851 text. It explores the cinematic cultural memory of the past potentially acquired by spectators through the embodied experience of each auteur’s powerful heritage adaptation.

Catel Muller est l’auteure d’une quinzaine de bandes dessinées. La majorité d’entre elles traite de femmes extraordinaires. Ces bandes dessinées sont faites soit en collaboration avec José-Louis Bocquet, son compagnon, pour des best-sellers comme : Olympes de Gouges [Casterman, 2012], « héroïne » de la Révolution française, femme de théâtre et auteure des « droits de la femme » ; Kiki de Montparnasse [Casterman, 2007], modèle des grands artistes du début du siècle comme Man Ray, Modigliani, Foujita, … ; soit seule comme Ainsi soit Benoite Groult qui met en scène l’une des féministes les plus importantes du XXe siècle [Grasset, 2014]. Elle est aussi la coauteure avec Véronique Grisseaux de Lucie s’en soucie [1999], équivalent féminin de Monsieur Jean, c’est-à-dire de « monsieur tout le monde », de Dupuy et Berberian. Elle a aussi collaboré sur des projets de fiction avec des artistes de BD comme Christian De Metter pour Le Sang des Valentines [2014] qui raconte la guerre de 1914-1918 à travers une histoire d’amour à rebondissements qui passe par les « Valentines », ces lettres envoyées aux soldats dans les tranchées. Avec Philippe Paringaux, elle a signé Dolor en 2010, sorte de roman noir entre réalité et fiction sur la vie de Mireille Balin (actrice et femme fatale célèbre des années 40) L’entretien a été conduit le mardi 15 juillet 2014 à 10h du matin au domicile de l’auteure dans le 19e arrondissement à Paris.

Isnard, Richard, Philippe Lechat, Hanna Kalotka, Hafida Chikr, Serge Fitoussi, Joseph Salloum, Jean-Louis Golmard, Daniel Thomas, and Michel Komajda. Muscular blood flow response to submaximal leg exercise in normal subjects and in patients with heart failure. J. Appl. Physiol. 81(6): 2571–2579, 1996.—Blood flow to working skeletal muscle is usually reduced during exercise in patients with congestive heart failure. An intrinsic impairment of skeletal muscle vasodilatory capacity has been suspected as a mechanism of this muscle underperfusion during maximal exercise, but its role during submaximal exercise remains unclear. Therefore, we studied by transcutaneous Doppler ultrasonography the arterial blood flow in the common femoral artery at rest and during a submaximal bicycle exercise in 12 normal subjects and in 30 patients with heart failure. Leg blood flow was lower in patients than in control subjects at rest [0.29 ± 0.14 (SD) vs. 0.45 ± 0.14 l/min, P < 0.01], at absolute powers and at the same relative power (2.17 ± 1.06 vs. 4.39 ± 1.4 l/min, P< 0.001). Because mean arterial pressure was maintained, leg vascular resistance was higher in patients than in control subjects at rest (407 ± 187 vs. 247 ± 71 mmHg ⋅ l−1 ⋅ min, P < 0.01) and at the same relative power (73 ± 49 vs. 31 ± 13 mmHg ⋅ l−1 ⋅ min, P < 0.01) but not at absolute powers. Although the magnitude of increase in leg blood flow corrected for power was similar in both groups (31 ± 10 vs. 34 ± 10 ml ⋅ min−1 ⋅ W−1), the magnitude of decrease of leg vascular resistance corrected for power was higher in patients than in control subjects (5.9 ± 3.3 vs. 1.9 ± 0.94 mmHg ⋅ l−1 ⋅ min ⋅ W−1, P < 0.001). These results suggest that the ability of skeletal muscle vascular resistance to decrease is not impaired and that intrinsic vascular abnormalities do not limit vasodilator response to submaximal exercise in patients with heart failure.

Background:Low back pain (LBP) is a frequent, disabling symptom, for which the risk of chronicity is increased by heterogeneous care. Developing and implementing recommendations is likely to improve LBP management.Objectives:To develop French guidelines and care pathway on the management of LBP, coordinated by the French National Authority for Health (FNAH) and based on previous international guidelines in addition to update literature.Methods:A compilation report was constituted on the basis of a systematic review of guidelines between January 2013 and December 2018, and systematic reviews and meta-analysis in the field of LBP between January 2015 and December 2018. This report summarized the state-of-the-art for each predefined area of the guideline. A panel of experts including patients’ representatives and 19 health professionals involved in LBP management was constituted to elaborate the guideline based on the compilation report. A care pathway was constituted to identify the trajectory and the different steps followed by a patient with LBP. Then, the compilation report and the preliminary guidelines were submitted to 24 academic institutions and stakeholders for feedback. Based on the preliminary guideline and the responses of academic institutions and stakeholders, the final recommendations were drawn up by the expert panel. The guideline was finally submitted to an independent committee of the FNAH for final validation. For each area of the guidelines, agreement between experts of the working group was evaluated through the RAND/UCLA method.Results:The initial literature search identified 572 references of recent international guidelines or systematic reviews about LBP. After selection, the compilation report included 101 references. The compilation report was submitted to the expert group during 3 different meetings to reach a consensus on different topics. Thirty-one preliminary recommendations and a care pathway (divided in two parts to facilitate its use and readability) were drafted and submitted to academic institutions and stakeholders. Having considered their comments, final recommendations and care pathway were written. The final guideline was validated by the FNAH. Then, the consensus of the expert panel was assessed about all the final guidelines separately: 32 recommendations (including the care pathway) were evaluated as appropriate; none were evaluated uncertain or inappropriate. Strong approval was obtained for 27 of them (including the care pathway) and weak for 5 of them.Conclusion:This new LBP guideline was based on recent scientific evidence. It introduced several concepts, including the need to identify low back pain at risk of chronicity, in order to provide quicker intensive management if necessary. This guideline should be updated in 5 years’ time, in order to keep it in line with ongoing scientific evidence.Disclosure of Interests: :Florian Bailly Consultant of: Consultation fees from Lilly and Grünenthal laboratories, Anne Priscille Trouvin Speakers bureau: Speaker for menarini, recordati, pfizer, astellas, Sandrine Bercier: None declared, Sabrina Dadoun: None declared, Jean Philippe Deneuville: None declared, Rogatien Faguer: None declared, Jean Baptiste Fassier: None declared, Michèle Koleck: None declared, Louis Lassalle: None declared, Thomas Le Vraux: None declared, Brigitte Liesse: None declared, Karine Petitprez: None declared, Aline Ramond: None declared, Jean François Renard: None declared, Alexandra Roren: None declared, Sylvie Rozenberg Consultant of: Pfizer, Catherine Sebire: None declared, Gilles Viudes: None declared, François Rannou Grant/research support from: Pierre Fabre, Fidia, MSD, Pfizer, Bone Therapeutics, Expanscience, Grunenthal, Thuasne, Genévrier, Fondation Arthritis, Consultant of: Pierre Fabre, Fidia, MSD, Pfizer, Bone Therapeutics, Expanscience, Grunenthal, Thuasne, Genévrier, Speakers bureau: Pierre Fabre, Fidia, MSD, Pfizer, Bone Therapeutics, Expanscience, Grunenthal, Thuasne, Audrey Petit: None declared

Background:Interstitial lung disease (ILD) is an extra-articular manifestation of rheumatoid arthritis (RA) detected in 20% to 60% of patients with RA on high-resolution computed-tomography (HRCT) chest scan and is clinically significant in near 10%. Despite a high morbi-mortality rate, a definite strategy for preclinical ILD screening in patients with RA remains to be determined. To date, several factors have been reported to increase the risk of RA-ILD occurrence (i.e. older age at RA onset, ACPA positivity, male sex, RA disease activity, the MUC5B rs35705950 promoter variant...). However, none of these risk factors has been validated in a prospective cohort of patients with RA. The ESPOIR prospective cohort includes patients aged 18 to 70 years with recent arthritis (less than 6 months) and a definite or probable diagnosis of RA.Objectives:To identify in the ESPOIR cohort factors associated with ILD after at least 10 years of RA duration in order to develop a predictive score to identify patients with preclinical RA-ILD.Methods:An ILD detection by chest HRCT scan was systematically offered to every patient with definite RA after at least 10 years-follow-up. Chest HRCT scans were centrally reviewed by an experienced radiologist. Potential predictors of ILD were prospectively collected from baseline to the date of the HRCT scan, and all included patients were genotyped for MUC5B rs35705950. To take into account repeated measures, trajectories were determined for disease activity, C reactive protein, smoking, treatment exposure (i.e. prednisone, methotrexate [MTX] and biological disease modifying anti-rheumatic drugs [bDMARDs]). A logistic model was used to identify independent predictors for the occurrence of ILD on HRCT scans. Confidence intervals were estimated using sampling methods. A predictive score for preclinical ILD occurrence was developed based on the identified predictors.Results:163 RA patients according to 2010 ACR/EULAR classification criteria, none of whom had pulmonary symptoms, were investigated with a chest HRCT scan (128 women (78.5%), mean RA duration 13.7 ± 1.1 years, age at inclusion 47.6 y/o ± 10.4, mean disease activity score [DAS]-28 during follow up was 3.1 ± 1.0). ILD was detected in 31 patients (19.0%). The MUC5B rs35705950 minor allele frequency (MAF) was 22.2% and 10.0% in the RA-ILD and RA-noILD populations, respectively (OR univariate=2.6 CI95% [1.2-5.5], P=0.01). After logistic regression, independent predictors for preclinical RA-ILD were male sex (OR=3.9 CI95% [1.4-11.4]), older age at RA onset (OR=1.1 per year CI95% [1.0-1.2]), mean DAS-28 score during the follow-up (OR=2.0 CI95% [1.2-3.4]) and MUC5B rs35705950 T risk allele (OR=3.7 CI95% [1.4-10.4]) (Figure 1). No influence of the use of RA-related drugs (prednisone, MTX or bDMARDs) was identified as risk factor. The logistic model could predict preclinical ILD occurrence after 13 years of RA duration with an AUC=0.82 CI95% (0.72-0.91). A predictive score for preclinical RA-ILD based on the 4 identified predictive risk factors was developed (Sensitivity 80%, Specificity 56%).Figure 1.Factors independently associated with preclinical ILD after 13 years of RA durationConclusion:In this cross-sectional study of the prospective ESPOIR cohort, we identified clinical and genetic predictors for ILD after 13 years of RA duration. We developed a predictive score that could improve risk stratification for preclinical RA-ILD and help physicians identify patients with RA in whom a HRCT scan should be performed.Disclosure of Interests:Pierre-Antoine Juge Consultant of: BMS, Benjamin Granger: None declared, Marie-Pierre Debray: None declared, Esther Ebstein: None declared, Fabienne Louis Sidney: None declared, Joanna KEDRA: None declared, Raphael Borie: None declared, Arnaud Constantin Consultant of: Bristol-Meyers Squibb, Chugai, Roche, Abbvie, MSD, Pfizer, and UCB, Bernard Combe Consultant of: Abbvie, Bristol-Meyers Squibb, Lilly, MSD, Janssen, Pfizer, Roche, Chigai, and Sanofi, Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Bristol-Meyers Squibb, Lilly, MSD, Janssen, Pfizer, Roche, Chugai, and Sanofi, René-Marc Flipo Consultant of: Bristol-Meyers Squibb, Roche, Chugai, Abbvie, and Pfizer, Grant/research support from: Roche, Chugai, Abbvie, and Pfizer, Xavier Mariette Consultant of: Bristol-Meyers Squibb, GSK, Janssen, Pfizer, and UCB, Olivier VITTECOQ Consultant of: Bristol Myers Squibb, Roche, Chugai, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Abbvie, and Lilly, Alain Saraux Consultant of: Roche, Chugai, and Bristol-Meyers Squibb, Grant/research support from: Roche, Chugai, and Bristol-Meyers Squibb, Guillermo CARVAJAL ALEGRIA: None declared, Jean Sibilia Consultant of: Roche, Chugai, Bristol-Meyers Squibb, UCB, GSK, LFB, Actelion, Pfizer, MSD, Novartis, Amgen, Hospira, AbbVie, Sandoz, Gilead, Lilly, Sanofi, Janssen, and Mylan, Francis Berenbaum Consultant of: Boehringer, Bone Therapeutics, Expanscience, Galapagos, Gilead, GSK, Elli Lilly, Merck Sereno, MSD, Nordic, Novartis, Pfizer, Regulaxis, Roche, Sandoz, Sanofi, Servier, UCB, Peptinov, TRB Chemedica, 4P Pharma, Caroline Kannengiesser: None declared, Catherine Boileau: None declared, Bruno Crestani Consultant of: Boehringer Ingelheim, Roche, Sanofi, Apellis, Astra-Zeneca, Grant/research support from: MedImmune, Boehringer Ingelheim, Bruno Fautrel Consultant of: AbbVie, Biogen, BMS, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Medac, MSD, NORDIC Pharma, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi-Aventis, SOBI, UCB, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, MSD, Pfizer, Philippe Dieudé: None declared

This volume of Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad offers a wide variety of approaches and topics in international education research. First, readers will note the geographic diversity that the articles represent; they examine study abroad topics in Africa, Argentina, Costa Rica, France, Nepal, Thailand, and Vietnam. Second, the articles cover a wide-range of issues, including language acquisition, risk management, recruitment of minority students for study abroad, evaluation of cultural integration, and financial inequities in study abroad. Third, this volume contains articles by a variety of authors, including U.S.-based study abroad administrators, faculty members, and on-site resident directors. Finally, the modes of inquiry are as varied as the topics and authors. Research approaches in this volume include survey instruments, interviews, participant observation, case studies, literature review, as well as analytical essays. This diversity of geography, issues, authors, and modes of inquiry has from the beginning characterized the content of Frontiers and been one of its chief strengths. When the first volume of Frontiers appeared in 1995, one was hard pressed to find many research-based and analytical studies in the field, let alone the diversity of such work that this volume represents. In this regard, Frontiers has matured along with the field of international education, and today, almost ten years later, this volume reflects the growing importance being placed on research on the critical aspects of our work. The opening article by Lilli Engle and John Engle, “Study Abroad Levels: Toward a Classification of Program Types,” offers a revolutionary perspective by which international educators may categorize and judge study abroad programs. Their proposed typology makes qualitative distinctions between study abroad program models based on their view of a spectrum of cultural immersion. Frontiers readers will find their analysis provocative, stimulating study abroad professionals to examine programming in useful ways. In “Women and Cultural Learning in Costa Rica: Reading the Contexts,” Adele Anderson reviews research on Costa Rica’s cultural context, student adjustment and tourism theory, relating them to American student experiences, and she includes data from ethnographic observations and interviews collected during three years as a resident director of short-term programs. Anderson introduces a tool that may be used by resident directors to guide student cultural adjustment more systematically. Mark Ritchie, an on-site resident director in Thailand, provides a very useful analysis of study abroad risk management in his article, “Risk Management in Study Abroad: Lessons from the Wilderness.” Ritchie draws upon the principles of wilderness education, especially as it is conducted in developing countries, in offering recommendations for study abroad risk management. Readers will appreciate his suggestions for reducing risk by applying the experiential techniques of wilderness education. J. Scott Van Der Meid’s study, “Asian Americans: Factors Influencing the Decision to Study Abroad,” examines the factors that influence Asian American students’ decision to study abroad, and provides useful suggestions for considering ways to increase study abroad participation among this population. As the field of study abroad continues to seek ways to increase minority participation in study abroad, Van Der Meid’s study offers a model for examining this question among all ethnic groups. In their analysis of an innovative Vietnam study abroad program, “History Lived and Learned: Students and Vietnam Veterans in an Integrative Study Abroad Course,” Raymond Scurfield, Leslie Root, and Andrew Wiest et al, analyze the collaborative learning experience of students and Vietnam veterans in a program that combined the teaching of Vietnam culture and military history with an exploration of the mental health aspects of combat and post-war recovery of the veterans. This article discusses the lessons learned from the experience of designing and implementing a study abroad program that integrates history education with therapeutic objectives. Jennifer Coffman and Kevin Brennan analyze the economic imbalance of African educational exchange with the United States in their article, “African Studies Abroad: Meaning and Impact of America’s Burgeoning Export Industry.” Coffman and Brennan recommend developing more equitable models of reciprocity by examining the economics of U.S. – African exchanges, and by reconsidering the ways in which African study abroad programs are conceived and implemented in light of their social and intellectual impact. “Development of Oral Communication Skills Abroad” by Christina Isabelli-Garcia examines the impact of a semester study abroad program in Argentina on the second language acquisition of three American university Spanish learners. Isabelli-Garcia’s study measures the development of two aspects of communications skills: first, fluency and performance in the oral functions of narration, and, second, description and supporting an opinion. Her study provides insight into the conditions of a study abroad program that best promote the acquisition of improved oral communication skills in a target language. In “Studying Abroad in Nepal: Assessing Impact,” Patricia Farrell and Murari Suvedi present the perceived impact of studying in Nepal on students’ academic program, personal development, and intellectual development. Using a survey instrument as well as interviews and case studies, the authors link the reported outcomes to the objectives of the study abroad program. We are pleased to include in this volume of Frontiers an essay by Patti McGill Peterson, “New Directions for the Global Century.” McGill Peterson’s analysis of the changing and challenging context for global education inspires us to meet the demands of the 21st century with determination, creativity, and enhanced global collaboration. This volume of Frontiers concludes with reviews of books of interest to international educators, each relating to diverse intellectual foundations of the field: Jean-Philippe Mathy’s Extrême-Occident: French Intellectuals and America, Louis Menand’s The Metaphysical Club: A Story of Ideas in America, and First Great Triumph: How Five Americans Made Their Country a World Power by Warren Zimmermann. We encourage our readers to continue to suggest books of interest, and to submit reviews for consideration. The update on the Forum on Education Abroad that appears at the back of this volume reflects the continuing fruitful collaboration between Frontiers and the Forum. Together with the Forum, Frontiers will continue to encourage and support research studies on study abroad topics, and to disseminate this research as widely as possible. The next volume of Frontiers, due to be published in November, 2004, will be our tenth anniversary volume. It is appropriate that this anniversary volume will be a Special Issue that focuses on the assessment of the learning outcomes of study abroad, a topic that reflects the maturation of a field that is now beginning to document the results of its activity. Other Special Issues that are in the planning stages include: curriculum integration and study abroad, the arts and study abroad, and student development and study abroad. Finally, I want to thank the new sponsors of Frontiers who, together with our existing sponsors, make the publication of this journal possible. The sponsors of Frontiers are institutions with a strong commitment to international education, and we are proud to be supported by them. The editorial board takes seriously its responsibility to provide the very best writing about and research on study abroad to our readers, and the support of our sponsors makes this mission possible. Brian J. Whalen Editor

Abstracttitle RIASSUNTO /title Dopo la pubblicazione delle istruzioni scientifiche di Jean-Baptiste Lamarck e Philippe Pinel, si presentano qui altri documenti inediti (di Louis-Claude-Marie Richard, Lezerme e Antoine-Franois Fourcroy) relativi alla spedizione di D'Entrecasteaux (1791) alla ricerca di La Prouse, la cui organizzazione scientifica fu curata dalla Socit d'histoire naturelle di Parigi.

Abstracttitle SUMMARY /title After the publication of the scientific instructions of Jean-Baptiste Lamarck and Philippe Pinel, here we present other unpublished documents (by Louis-Claude-Marie Richard, Lezerme and Antoine-Franois Fourcroy). These documents relate to the expedition, in search of La Perouse, made by D'Entrecasteaux (1791), the scientific organization of which was under the direction of the Societe d'histoire naturelle of Paris.

Abstract Literary narratives of Jewish refugees in the Caribbean uncover a forgotten chapter of wartime history. A key example is Haitian author Louis-Philippe Dalembert’s novel Avant que les ombres s’effacent (2017), which tracks the traumatic dispersion of a Polish Jewish family to Haiti, Cuba, Israel, and the US in the late 1930s. Dalembert interweaves the tale of his Jewish protagonist’s flight to Haiti with portrayals of the Haitian émigré community in Paris and the Haitian concentration camp prisoner Jean-Marcel Nicolas. Blending fact and fiction, the novel highlights the Haitian state’s little-known efforts to aid Holocaust refugees and connects those efforts to the island nation’s own revolutionary history. In this article, I argue that fiction’s unique traits as a medium of cultural memory enable Dalembert to reframe the wartime past from a Haitian perspective. Avant que les ombres s’effacent harnesses the fictional privileges of literary narrative, mediating between the real and the imaginary and combining Jewish and Caribbean memory systems in unexpected and often startling ways. Generating images of the wartime past that transform our perception of it, the novel moves Haiti to the center of the story and in so doing uncovers global dimensions of Jewish experience.

LUSSIER, ANDRÉ. Le nationalisme québécois sur le divan. Par Frédéric Boily 666THéRIAULT, JOSEPH YVON. Critique de l'américanité. Mémoire et démocratie au Québec. Par Guy Lachapelle 668LEMIEUX, VINCENT. L'étude des politiques publiques. Les acteurs et leur pouvoir, 2e édition. Par Christian Poirier 670MCKENZIE, JUDITH. Environmental Politics in Canada: Managing the Commons into the Twenty-First Century; and PARSON, EDWARD, ed. Governing the Environment: Persistent Challenges, Uncertain Innovations. By Debora L. Vannijnatten 673SAVITCH, HANK V. AND PAUL KANTOR. Cities in the International Marketplace. By Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly 674MILNER, HENRY. Civic Literacy: How Informed Citizens Make Democracy Work. By Gregg M. Olsen 676ISBESTER, KATHERINE. Still Fighting: The Nicaraguan Women's Movement, 1977-2000; and KAMPWIRTH, KAREN. Women and Guerrilla Movements: Nicaragua, El Salvador, Chiapas, Cuba. By Jeffery R. Webber 679ROY, OLIVIER. Les illusions du 11 septembre. Le débat stratégique face au terrorisme. Par Dany Deschênes 682FONTAINE, JOSEPH ET PATRICK HASSENTEUFEL, sous la direction de. To change or not to change? Les changements de l'action publique à l'épreuve du terrain. Par Anne Mevellec 684LAUVAUX, PHILIPPE. Destins du présidentialisme. Par Mariette Sineau 685LUCIAK, ILJA A. After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala. By Monica Escudero 687RAMEL, FRéDéRIC, avec la collaboration de DAVID CUMIN. Philosophie des relations internationales. Par Philippe Constantineau 689CHAMBERS, SIMONE AND WILL KYMLICKA, eds. Alternative Conceptions of Civil Society. By Shaun P. Young 690PLANINC, ZDRAVKO, ed. Politics, Philosophy, Writing: Plato's Art of Caring for Souls. By Dana Jalbert Stauffer 692LACASCADE, JEAN-LOUIS. Les métamorphoses du jeune Marx. Par étienne Cantin 693OTTESON, JAMES R. Adam Smith's Marketplace of Life. By Laurent Dobuzinskis 694HAYDEN, PATRICK. John Rawls: Towards a Just World Order. By Ernie Keenes 696MORIN, EDGAR. Pour une politique de civilisation. Par Yves Laberge 698KITCHING, GAVIN. Seeking Social Justice through Globalization: Escaping a Nationalist Perspective; and HELLIWELL, JOHN F. Globalization and Well-Being. By Philip G. Cerny 699BRUNEL, GILLES et CLAUDE-YVES CHARRON, sous la direction de. La communication internationale : mondialisation, acteurs et territoires socio-culturels. Par Radu Dobrescu 701

Fleur des histoires, en universalkrønike skrevet af Jean Mansel (1400/1401-1473/1474), var en stor succes blandt adelen i Bourgogne i anden halvdel af det femtende arhundrede. Man kender til knap 60 manuskripter i dag (mange af dem bestaende af flere bind), der stammer fra en af de to versioner, som Jean Mansel lavede af teksten. Det primære formal med denne artikel er at præsentere to manuskriptbind af Fleur des histoires og vise, at de udgør to ud af tre eller fire bind af et og samme manuskript. Det første bind er i 2008 anskaffet af Det Kongelige Bibliotek (Acc. 2008/74). Det sidste bind hører til Thott-samlingen, som blev testamenteret til Det Kongelige Bibliotek i slutningen af det attende arhundrede. Med denne artikel ønskes det desuden at placere disse bind i deres oprindelige kontekst, manuskriptfremstilling i Brugge i slutningen af det femtende arhundrede. Begge bind indeholder Montmorency-familiens vabenskjold, men efter grundige studier har det vist sig, at i begge tilfælde er de malet oven pa andre vabenskjold tilhørende Philippe de Hornes (1423-1488), herre til Gaasbeek. Fleur des histoires er da ogsa nævnt i boopgørelsen efter Philippes død i august 1488 sammen med adskillige andre manuskripter. Ved en sammenligning med et nært beslægtet, komplet eksemplar i fire bind, der nu opbevares i Paris (BnF, fr. 296-299), og som indeholder et vabenskjold tilhørende Jean Louis af Savoyen (d. 1480), biskop af Geneve, viser det sig, at de to bind oprindeligt var en del af en samling pa muligvis tre, sandsynligvis fire bind. Begge eksemplarer blev skrevet og illustreret i Brugge omkring1480. De er desuden del af en meget større gruppe af manuskripter, som har det til fælles, at de er fremstillet af den samme gruppe af samarbejdende anonyme kunstnere. Tilsyneladende var Mesteren af Harley Froissart en ledende skikkelse i gruppen. Han arbejdede ofte tæt sammen med Mesteren af de talende hænder, Mesteren af Chroniques d’Angleterre i Wien og Bruggemesteren af 1482. Mesteren af Soane Josephus var ogsa et vigtigt medlem af gruppen, som havde andre medlemmer, der kun deltog af og til. Med denne samarbejdende produktionsmade blev det muligt for skriverne og illustratorerne at fremstille manuskripter af meget lange tekster som Fleur des histoires, Froissarts Chroniques, Bible historiale o.a., og at opna en rationalisering. Man kunne fremstille dem meget hurtigere, end det ville være muligt, hvis arbejdet skulle udføres af den samme hand – eller i det samme værksted. Desuden fik manuskripterne, som ofte indeholder gentagne og standardiserede illustrationer, et element af variation gennem de stilmæssige forskelle mellem de forskellige deltagere i samarbejdet, og manuskripterne blev pa denne made mere attraktive for potentielle købere. Tilblivelsen af denne produktionsmade kan meget vel være skrivernes reaktion pa den voksende konkurrence fra trykte bøger. Skriverne og illustratorerne gjorde det, de var gode til (og de gjorde det meget bedre end trykkerne): de fremstillede rigt illustrerede luksusudgaver. Manuskriptfremstillingens langsomme natur blev dog sandsynligvis i stigende grad oplevet som et alvorligt handicap, som kun kunne overvindes ved at forfine den samarbejdende arbejdsform til perfektion. Denne metode til manuskriptfremstilling i Brugge i 1470’erne og 1480’erne giver en kontekst til og en forklaring pa forskellene i layout, tekst og illustrationer mellem de to bind af Philippe de Hornes’ Fleur des histoires. Det eneste miniaturebillede i det første bind er blevet tilskrevet Mesteren af Soane Josephus (der var sandsynligvis endnu et miniaturebillede, men det er gaet tabt), mens de tyve miniaturebilleder i det sidste bind blev fremstillet af ham og af tre andre mestre i gruppen. De to bind er to kronblade fra samme Fleur, nu genforenet for første gang i mere end tre arhundreder. Man kan blot habe pa, at de manglende bind imellem dem ogsa dukker op en skønne dag.

On a longtemps vu l’histoire et l’anthropologie comme deux disciplines très distinctes n’ayant pas grand-chose en partage. Jusqu’au début du XXe siècle, l’histoire fut essentiellement celle des « civilisés », des Européens et donc des colonisateurs. Si les colonisés n’étaient pas complètement absents du tableau, ils étaient, au mieux, des participants mineurs. L’anthropologie, pour sa part, s’est instituée en ayant pour objet la compréhension des populations lointaines, les « petites sociétés », autochtones et colonisées, ces populations vues comme hors du temps et de l’histoire. Cette situation était le produit d’une division traditionnelle (Harkin 2010 : 114) – et coloniale (Naepels 2010 : 878) – du travail entre histoire et anthropologie. Celle-ci se prolongeait dans le choix des méthodes : les historiens travaillaient en archives alors que les anthropologues s’intéressaient aux témoignages oraux et donc, s’adonnaient à l’enquête de terrain. Les deux disciplines divergeaient également quant à la temporalité : « Pour l’histoire, (…) le temps est une sorte de matière première. Les actes s’inscrivent dans le temps, modifient les choses tout autant qu’ils les répètent. (…) Pour l’anthropologue, s’il n’y prend garde, le temps passe en arrière-plan, au profit d’une saisie des phénomènes en synchronie » (Bensa 2010 : 42). Ces distinctions ne sont plus aujourd’hui essentielles, en particulier pour « l’anthropologie historique », champ de recherche dont se revendiquent tant les historiens que les anthropologues, mais il n’en fut pas de tout temps ainsi. Après s’être d’abord intéressés à l’histoire des civilisations dans une perspective évolutionniste et spéculative, au tournant du siècle dernier, les pères de l’anthropologie, tant en France (Émile Durkheim, Marcel Mauss), aux États-Unis (Franz Boas), qu’en Angleterre (Bronislaw Malinowski, Alfred Radcliffe-Brown), prendront fermement leur distance avec cette histoire. Les questions de méthode, comme le développement de l’observation participante, et l’essor de concepts qui devinrent centraux à la discipline tels que « culture » et « fonction » furent déterminants pour sortir de l’idéologie évolutionniste en privilégiant la synchronie plutôt que la diachronie et les généalogies. On se détourna alors des faits uniques pour se concentrer sur ceux qui se répètent (Bensa 2010 : 43). On s’intéressa moins à l’accidentel, à l’individuel pour s’attacher au régulier, au social et au culturel. Sans être nécessairement antihistoriques, ces précepteurs furent largement ahistoriques (Evans-Pritchard 1962 : 172), une exception ayant été Franz Boas – et certains de ses étudiants, tels Robert Lowie ou Melville J. Herskovits – avec son intérêt pour les contacts culturels et les particularismes historiques. Du côté de l’histoire, on priorisait la politique, l’événement et les grands hommes, ce qui donnait lieu à des récits plutôt factuels et athéoriques (Krech 1991 : 349) basés sur les événements « vrais » et uniques qui se démarquaient de la vie « ordinaire ». Les premiers essais pour réformer l’histoire eurent lieu en France, du côté des historiens qui seront associés aux « Annales », un nom qui réfère à la fois à une revue scientifique fondée en 1929 par Marc Bloch et Lucien Febvre et à une École d’historiens français qui renouvela la façon de penser et d’écrire l’histoire, en particulier après la Seconde Guerre mondiale (Krech 1991; Schöttler 2010). L’anthropologie et la sociologie naissantes suscitèrent alors l’intérêt chez ce groupe d’historiens à cause de la variété de leurs domaines d’enquête, mais également par leur capacité à enrichir une histoire qui n’est plus conçue comme un tableau ou un simple inventaire. Les fondateurs de la nouvelle École française des Annales décrivent leur approche comme une « histoire totale », expression qui renvoie à l’idée de totalité développée par les durkheimiens, mais également à l’idée de synthèse du philosophe et historien Henry Berr (Schöttler 2010: 34-37). L’histoire fut dès lors envisagée comme une science sociale à part entière, s’intéressant aux tendances sociales qui orientent les singularités. L’ouvrage fondateur de Marc Bloch, Les rois thaumaturges (1983 [1924]), pose les jalons de ce dépassement du conjoncturel. Il utilise notamment la comparaison avec d’autres formes d’expériences humaines décrites notamment dans Le Rameau d’Or (1998 [1924; 1890 pour l’édition originale en anglais]) de James G. Frazer et explore le folklore européen pour dévoiler les arcanes religieux du pouvoir royal en France et en Angleterre (Bensa 2010; Goody 1997). Il s’agit alors de faire l’histoire des « mentalités », notion qui se rapproche de celle de « représentation collective » chère à Durkheim et Mauss (sur ce rapprochement entre les deux notions et la critique qui en a été faite, voir Lloyd 1994). Les travaux de la deuxième génération des historiens des Annales, marqués par la publication de l’ouvrage de Fernand Braudel La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II en 1949 et de son arrivée en 1956 à la direction de la revue, peuvent encore une fois mieux se comprendre dans l’horizon du dialogue avec l’anthropologie, d’une part, et avec les area studiesqui se développèrent aux États-Unis après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, de l’autre (Braudel 1958). Le projet est de rapporter « la spécificité des acteurs singuliers, des dates et des événements à des considérations plus vastes sur la transformation lente des mœurs et des représentations. Le travail ne consiste pas seulement à capter au projet de l’histoire des rubriques chères à l’anthropologie, mais aussi à caractériser une époque [et une région] par sa façon de percevoir et de penser le monde » (Bensa 2010 : 46). Il s’agit alors de faire l’histoire des structures, des conjonctures et des mentalités (Schöttler 2010 : 38). Les travaux de cette deuxième génération des Annales s’inscrivent dans un vif débat avec l’anthropologie structuraliste de Claude Lévi-Strauss. Si tant Braudel que Lévi-Strauss voulaient considérer les choses de façon globale, Lévi-Strauss situait la globalité dans un temps des sociétés des origines, comme si tout s’était joué au départ et comme si l’histoire n’en serait qu’un développement insignifiant. Pour sa part, Braudel, qui s’intéressait à l’histoire sérielle et à la longue durée, situait plutôt la globalité dans un passé qui sert à comprendre le présent et, jusqu’à un certain point, à prévoir ce qui peut se passer dans le futur. Ce qui constitue le fond de leur opposition est que l’un s’intéresse à l’histoire immobile alors que l’autre s’intéresse à l’histoire de longue durée, soit l’histoire quasi immobile selon laquelle, derrière les apparences de la reproduction à l’identique, se produisent toujours des changements, même très minimes. Dans les deux cas, l’ « événementiel » ou ce qui se passe à la « surface » sont à l’opposé de leur intérêt pour la structure et la profondeur, même si ces dernières ne sont pas saisies de la même façon. Pour Braudel, la structure est pleinement dans l’histoire ; elle est réalité concrète et observable qui se décèle notamment dans les réseaux de relations, de marchandises et de capitaux qui se déploient dans l’espace et qui commandent les autres faits dans la longue durée (Dosse 1986 : 89). Les travaux de Braudel et son concept d’ « économie-monde » inspireront plusieurs anthropologues dont un Marshall Sahlins et un Jonathan Friedman à partir du tournant des années 1980. Pour Lévi-Strauss, la structure profonde, celle qui correspond aux enceintes mentales humaines, « ne s’assimile pas à la structure empirique, mais aux modèles construits à partir de celle-ci » (Dosse 1986 : 85). Elle est donc hors de l’histoire. Comme le rappelait François Hartog (2014 [2004] : 287), Lévi-Strauss a souvent dit « rien ne m’intéresse plus que l’histoire. Et depuis fort longtemps! » (1988 : 168; voir d’ailleurs notamment Lévi-Strauss 1958, 1983), tout en ajoutant « l’histoire mène à tout, mais à condition d’en sortir » (Lévi-Strauss 1962 : 348) ! Parallèlement à l’entreprise déhistoricisante de Lévi-Strauss, d’autres anthropologues insistent au contraire à la même époque sur l’importance de réinsérer les institutions étudiées dans le mouvement du temps. Ainsi, Edward E. Evans-Pritchard, dans sa célèbre conférence Marett de 1950 qui sera publiée en 1962 sous le titre « Anthropology and history », dénonce le fait que les généralisations en anthropologie autour des structures sociales, de la religion, de la parenté soient devenues tellement généralisées qu’elles perdent toute valeur. Il insiste sur la nécessité de faire ressortir le caractère unique de toute formation sociale. C’est pour cette raison qu’il souligne l’importance de l’histoire pour l’anthropologie, non pas comme succession d’événements, mais comme liens entre eux dans un contexte où on s’intéresse aux mouvements de masse et aux grands changements sociaux. En invitant notamment les anthropologues à faire un usage critique des sources documentaires et à une prise en considération des traditions orales pour comprendre le passé et donc la nature des institutions étudiées, Evans-Pritchard (1962 : 189) en appelle à une combinaison des points de vue historique et fonctionnaliste. Il faut s’intéresser à l’histoire pour éclairer le présent et comment les institutions en sont venues à être ce qu’elles sont. Les deux disciplines auraient donc été pour lui indissociables (Evans-Pritchard 1962 : 191). Au milieu du XXe siècle, d’autres anthropologues s’intéressaient aux changements sociaux et à une conception dynamique des situations sociales étudiées, ce qui entraîna un intérêt pour l’histoire, tels que ceux de l’École de Manchester, Max Gluckman (1940) en tête. En France, inspiré notamment par ce dernier, Georges Balandier (1951) insista sur la nécessité de penser dans une perspective historique les situations sociales rencontrées par les anthropologues, ce qui inaugura l’étude des situations coloniales puis postcoloniales, mais aussi de l’urbanisation et du développement. Cette importance accordée à l’histoire se retrouva chez les anthropologues africanistes de la génération suivante tels que Jean Bazin, Michel Izard et Emmanuel Terray (Naepels 2010 : 876). Le dialogue entre anthropologie et histoire s’est développé vers la même époque aux États-Unis. Après le passage de l’Indian Claims Commission Act en 1946, qui établit une commission chargée d’examiner les revendications à l’encontre de l’État américain en vue de compensations financières pour des territoires perdus par les nations autochtones à la suite de la violation de traités fédéraux, on assista au développement d’un nouveau champ de recherche, l’ethnohistoire, qui se dota d’une revue en 1954, Ethnohistory. Ce nouveau champ fut surtout investi par des anthropologues qui se familiarisèrent avec les techniques de l’historiographie. La recherche, du moins à ses débuts, avait une orientation empirique et pragmatique puisque les chercheurs étaient amenés à témoigner au tribunal pour ou contre les revendications autochtones (Harkin 2010). Les ethnohistoriens apprirent d’ailleurs à ce moment à travailler pour et avec les autochtones. Les recherches visaient une compréhension plus juste et plus holiste de l’histoire des peuples autochtones et des changements dont ils firent l’expérience. Elles ne manquèrent cependant pas de provoquer un certain scepticisme parmi les anthropologues « de terrain » pour qui rien ne valait la réalité du contact et les sources orales et pour qui les archives, parce qu’étant celles du colonisateur, étaient truffées de mensonges et d’incompréhensions (Trigger 1982 : 5). Ce scepticisme s’estompa à mesure que l’on prit conscience de l’importance d’une compréhension du contexte historique et de l’histoire coloniale plus générale pour pouvoir faire sens des données ethnologiques et archéologiques. L’ethnohistoire a particulièrement fleuri en Amérique du Nord, mais très peu en Europe (Harkin 2010; Trigger 1982). On retrouve une tradition importante d’ethnohistoriens au Québec, qu’on pense aux Bruce Trigger, Toby Morantz, Rémi Savard, François Trudel, Sylvie Vincent. L’idée est de combiner des données d’archives et des données archéologiques avec l’abondante ethnographie. Il s’agit également de prendre au sérieux l’histoire ou la tradition orale et de confronter les analyses historiques à l’interprétation qu’ont les acteurs de l’histoire coloniale et de son impact sur leurs vies. La perspective se fit de plus en plus émique au fil du temps, une attention de plus en plus grande étant portée aux sujets. Le champ de recherche attira graduellement plus d’historiens. La fin des années 1960 fut le moment de la grande rencontre entre l’anthropologie et l’histoire avec la naissance, en France, de l’« anthropologie historique » ou « nouvelle histoire » et, aux États-Unis, de la « New Cutural History ». L’attention passa des structures et des processus aux cultures et aux expériences de vie des gens ordinaires. La troisième génération des Annales fut au cœur de ce rapprochement : tout en prenant ses distances avec la « religion structuraliste » (Burguière 1999), la fascination pour l’anthropologie était toujours présente, produisant un déplacement d’une histoire économique et démographique vers une histoire culturelle et ethnographique. Burguière (1999) décrivait cette histoire comme celle des comportements et des habitudes, marquant un retour au concept de « mentalité » de Bloch. Les inspirations pour élargir le champ des problèmes posés furent multiples, en particulier dans les champs de l’anthropologie de l’imaginaire et de l’idéologique, de la parenté et des mythes (pensons aux travaux de Louis Dumont et de Maurice Godelier, de Claude Lévi-Strauss et de Françoise Héritier). Quant à la méthode, la description dense mise en avant par Clifford Geertz (1973), la microhistoire dans les traces de Carlo Ginzburg (1983) et l’histoire comparée des cultures sous l’influence de Jack Goody (1979 [1977]) permirent un retour de l’événement et du sujet, une attention aux détails qui rejoignit celle qu’y accordait l’ethnographie, une conception plus dynamique des rapports sociaux et une réinterrogation des généralisations sur le long terme (Bensa 2010 : 49 ; Schmitt 2008). Aux États-Unis, la « New Culturel History » qui s’inscrit dans les mêmes tendances inclut les travaux d’historiens comme Robert Darnon, Natalie Zemon Davis, Dominick La Capra (Iggers 1997; Krech 1991; Harkin 2010). L’association de l’histoire et de l’anthropologie est souvent vue comme ayant été pratiquée de manière exemplaire par Nathan Wachtel, historien au sens plein du terme, mais également formé à l’anthropologie, ayant suivi les séminaires de Claude Lévi-Strauss et de Maurice Godelier (Poloni-Simard et Bernand 2014 : 7). Son ouvrage La Vision des vaincus : les Indiens du Pérou devant la Conquête espagnole 1530-1570 qui parut en 1971 est le résultat d’un va-et-vient entre passé et présent, la combinaison d’un travail en archives avec des matériaux peu exploités jusque-là, comme les archives des juges de l’Inquisition et les archives administratives coloniales, et de l’enquête de terrain ethnographique. Cet ouvrage met particulièrement en valeur la capacité d’agir des Autochtones dans leur rapport avec les institutions et la culture du colonisateur. Pour se faire, il appliqua la méthode régressive mise en avant par Marc Bloch, laquelle consiste à « lire l’histoire à rebours », c’est-à-dire à « aller du mieux au moins bien connu » (Bloch 1931 : XII). Du côté des anthropologues, l’anthropologie historique est un champ de recherche en effervescence depuis les années 1980 (voir Goody 1997 et Naepels 2010 pour une recension des principaux travaux). Ce renouveau prit son essor notamment en réponse aux critiques à propos de l’essentialisme, du culturalisme, du primitivisme et de l’ahistoricisme (voir Fabian 2006 [1983]; Thomas 1989; Douglas 1998) de la discipline anthropologique aux prises avec une « crise de la représentation » (Said 1989) dans un contexte plus large de décolonisation qui l’engagea dans un « tournant réflexif » (Geertz 1973; Clifford et Marcus 1986; Fisher et Marcus 1986). Certains se tournèrent vers l’histoire en quête de nouvelles avenues de recherche pour renouveler la connaissance acquise par l’ethnographie en s’intéressant, d’un point de vue historique, aux dynamiques sociales internes, aux régimes d’historicité et aux formes sociales de la mémoire propres aux groupes auprès desquels ils travaillaient (Naepels 2010 : 877). Les anthropologues océanistes participèrent grandement à ce renouveau en discutant de la nécessité et des possibilités d’une anthropologie historiquement située (Biersack 1991; Barofsky 2000; Merle et Naepels 2003) et par la publication de plusieurs monographies portant en particulier sur la période des premiers contacts entre sociétés autochtones et Européens et les débuts de la période coloniale (entre autres, Dening 1980; Sahlins 1981, 1985; Valeri 1985; Thomas 1990). L’ouvrage maintenant classique de Marshall Sahlins, Islands of History (1985), suscita des débats vigoureux qui marquèrent l’histoire de la discipline anthropologique à propos du relativisme en anthropologie, de l’anthropologie comme acteur historique, de l’autorité ethnographique, de la critique des sources archivistiques, des conflits d’interprétation et du traitement de la capacité d’agir des populations autochtones au moment des premiers contacts avec les Européens et, plus largement, dans l’histoire (pour une synthèse, voir Kuper 2000). Pour ce qui est de la situation coloniale, le 50e anniversaire de la publication du texte fondateur de Balandier de 1951, au début des années 2000, fut l’occasion de rétablir, approfondir et, dans certains cas, renouveler le dialogue non seulement entre anthropologues et historiens, mais également, entre chercheurs français et américains. Les nouvelles études coloniales qui sont en plein essor invitent à une analyse méticuleuse des situations coloniales d’un point de vue local de façon à en révéler les complexités concrètes. On y insiste aussi sur l’importance de questionner les dichotomies strictes et souvent artificielles entre colonisateur et colonisé, Occident et Orient, Nord et Sud. Une attention est aussi portée aux convergences d’un théâtre colonial à un autre, ce qui donne une nouvelle impulsion aux analyses comparatives des colonisations (Sibeud 2004: 94) ainsi qu’au besoin de varier les échelles d’analyse en établissant des distinctions entre les dimensions coloniale et impériale (Bayart et Bertrand 2006; Cooper et Stoler 1997; Singaravélou 2013; Stoler, McGranahn et Perdue 2007) et en insérant les histoires locales dans les processus de globalisation, notamment économique et financière, comme l’ont par exemple pratiqué les anthropologues Jean et John Comaroff (2010) sur leur terrain sud-africain. Ce « jeu d’échelles », représente un défi important puisqu’il force les analystes à constamment franchir les divisions persistantes entre aires culturelles (Sibeud 2004: 95). Ce renouveau a également stimulé une réflexion déjà amorcée sur l’usage des archives coloniales ainsi que sur le contexte de production et de conservation d’une archive (Naepels 2011; Stoler 2009), mais également sur les legs coloniaux dans les mondes actuels (Bayart et Bertrand 2006; De l’Estoile 2008; Stoler 2016)

IntroductionThe European will to modify the natural world emerged through English landscape design during the eighteenth century. Released from the neo-classical aesthetic dichotomy of the beautiful and the ugly, new categories of the picturesque and the sublime gestured towards an affective relationship to nature. Europeans began to see the world as a picture, the elements of which were composed as though part of a theatrical scene. Quite literally, as I shall discuss below, gardens were “composed with ‘pantomimic’ elements – ruins of castles and towers, rough hewn bridges, Chinese pagodas and their like” (McGillivray 134–35) transforming natural vistas into theatrical scenes. Such a transformation was made possible by a habit of spectating that was informed by the theatrical metaphor or theatrum mundi, one version of which emphasised the relationship between spectator and the thing seen. The idea of the natural world as an aesthetic object first developed in poetry and painting and then through English landscape garden style was wrought in three dimensions on the land itself. From representations of place a theatrical transformation occurred so that gardens became a places of representation.“The Genius of the Place in All”The eighteenth century inherited theatrum mundi from the Renaissance, although the genealogy of its key features date back to ancient times. Broadly speaking, theatrum mundi was a metaphorical expression of the world and humanity in two ways: dramaturgically and formally. During the Renaissance the dramaturgical metaphor was a moral emblem concerned with the contingency of human life; as Shakespeare famously wrote, “men and women [were] merely players” whose lives consisted of “seven ages” or “acts” (2.7.139–65). In contrast to the dramaturgical metaphor with its emphasis on role-playing humanity, the formalist version highlighted a relationship between spectator, theatre-space and spectacle. Rooted in Renaissance neo-Platonism, the formalist metaphor configured the world as a spectacle and “Man” its spectator. If the dramaturgical metaphor was inflected with medieval moral pessimism, the formalist metaphor was more optimistic.The neo-Platonist spectator searched in the world for a divine plan or grand design and spectatorship became an epistemological challenge. As a seer and a knower on the world stage, the human being became the one who thought about the world not just as a theatre but also through theatre. This is apparent in the etymology of “theatre” from the Greek theatron, or “seeing place,” but the word also shares a stem with “theory”: theaomai or “to look at.” In a graceful compression of both roots, Martin Heidegger suggests a “theatre” might be any “seeing place” in which any thing being beheld offers itself to careful scrutiny by the beholder (163–65). By the eighteenth century, the ancient idea of a seeing-knowing place coalesced with the new empirical method and aesthetic sensibility: the world was out there, so to speak, to provide pleasure and instruction.Joseph Addison, among others, in the first half of the century reconsidered the utilitarian appeal of the natural world and proposed it as the model for artistic inspiration and appreciation. In “Pleasures of the Imagination,” a series of essays in The Spectator published in 1712, Addison claimed that “there is something more bold and masterly in the rough careless strokes of nature, than in the nice touches and embellishments of art,” and compared to the beauty of an ordered garden, “the sight wanders up and down without confinement” the “wide fields of nature” and is “fed with an infinite variety of images, without any certain stint or number” (67).Yet art still had a role because, Addison argues, although “wild scenes [. . .] are more delightful than any artificial shows” the pleasure of nature increases the more it begins to resemble art; the mind experiences the “double” pleasure of comparing nature’s original beauty with its copy (68). This is why “we take delight in a prospect which is well laid out, and diversified, with fields and meadows, woods and rivers” (68); a carefully designed estate can be both profitable and beautiful and “a man might make a pretty landskip of his own possessions” (69). Although nature should always be one’s guide, nonetheless, with some small “improvements” it was possible to transform an estate into a landscape picture. Nearly twenty years later in response to the neo-Palladian architectural ambitions of Richard Boyle, the third Earl of Burlington, and with a similarly pictorial eye to nature, Alexander Pope advised:To build, to plant, whatever you intend,To rear the Column, or the Arch to bend,To swell the Terras, or to sink the Grot;In all, let Nature never be forgot.But treat the Goddess like a modest fair,Nor over-dress, nor leave her wholly bare;Let not each beauty ev’ry where be spy’d,Where half the skill is decently to hide.He gains all points, who pleasingly confounds,Surprizes, varies, and conceals the Bounds.Consult the Genius of the Place in all;That tells the Waters or to rise, or fall,Or helps th’ ambitious Hill the heav’ns to scale,Or scoops in circling theatres the Vale,Calls in the Country, catches opening glades, Joins willing woods, and varies shades from shades,Now breaks or now directs, th’ intending Lines;Paints as you plant, and, as you work, designs. (Epistle IV, ll 47–64) Whereas Addison still gestured towards estate management, Pope explicitly advocated a painterly approach to garden design. His epistle articulated some key principles that he enacted in his own garden at Twickenham and which would inform later garden design. No matter what one added to a landscape, one needed to be guided by nature; one should be moderate in one’s designs and neither plant too much nor too little; one must be aware of the spectator’s journey through the garden and take care to provide variety by creating “surprises” that would be revealed at different points. Finally, one had to find the “spirit” of the place that gave it its distinct character and use this to create the cohesion in diversity that was aspired to in a garden. Nature’s aestheticisation had begun with poetry, developed into painting, and was now enacted on actual natural environments with the emergence of English landscape style. This painterly approach to gardening demanded an imaginative, emotional, and intellectual engagement with place and it stylistically rejected the neo-classical geometry and regularity of the baroque garden (exemplified by Le Nôtre’s gardens at Versailles). Experiencing landscape now took on a third dimension as wealthy landowners and their friends put themselves within the picture frame and into the scene. Although landscape style changed during the century, a number of principles remained more or less consistent: the garden should be modelled on nature but “improved,” any improvements should not be obvious, pictorial composition should be observed, the garden should be concerned with the spectator’s experience and should aim to provoke an imaginative or emotional engagement with it. During the seventeenth century, developments in theatrical technology, particularly the emergence of the proscenium arch theatre with moveable scenery, showed that poetry and painting could be spectacularly combined on the stage. Later in the eighteenth century the artist and stage designer Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg combined picturesque painting aesthetics with theatrical design in works such as The Wonders of Derbyshire in 1779 (McGillivray 136). It was a short step to shift the onstage scene outside. Theatricality was invoked when pictorial principles were applied three dimensionally; gardens became sites for pastoral genre scenes that ambiguously positioned their visitors both as spectators and actors. Theatrical SceneryGardens and theatres were explicitly connected. Like “theatre,” the word “garden” was sometimes used to describe a collection, in book form, which promised “a whole world of items” which was not always “redeemable” in “straightforward ways” (Hunt, Gardens 54–55). Theatrum mundi could be emblematically expressed in a garden through statues and architectural fabriques which drew spectators into complex chains of associations involving literature, art, and society, as they progressed through it.In the previous century, writes John Dixon Hunt, “the expectation of a fine garden [. . .] was that it work upon its visitor, involving him [sic] often insidiously as a participant in its dramas, which were presented to him as he explored its spaces by a variety of statues, inscriptions and [. . .] hydraulically controlled automata” (Gardens 54). Such devices, which featured heavily in the Italian baroque garden, were by the mid eighteenth century seen by English and French garden theorists to be overly contrived. Nonetheless, as David Marshall argues, “eighteenth-century garden design is famous for its excesses [. . .] the picturesque garden may have aimed to be less theatrical, but it aimed no less to be theater” (38). Such gardens still required their visitors’ participation and were designed to deliver an experience that stimulated the spectators’ imaginations and emotions as they moved through them. Theatrum mundi is implicit in eighteenth-century gardens through a common idea of the world reimagined into four geographical quadrants emblematically represented by fabriques in the garden. The model here is Alexander Pope’s influential poem, “The Temple of Fame” (1715), which depicted the eponymous temple with four different geographic faces: its western face was represented by western classical architecture, its east face by Chinese, Persian, and Assyrian, its north was Gothic and Celtic, and its south, Egyptian. These tropes make their appearance in eighteenth-century landscape gardens. In Désert de Retz, a garden created between 1774 and 1789 by François Racine de Monville, about twenty kilometres west of Paris, one can still see amongst its remaining fabriques: a ruined “gothic” church, a “Tartar” tent (it used to have a Chinese maison, now lost), a pyramid, and the classically inspired Temple of Pan. Similar principles underpin the design of Jardin (now Parc) Monceau that I discuss below. Retz: Figure 1. Tartar tent.Figure 2. Temple of PanStowe Gardens in Buckinghamshire has a similar array of structures (although the classical predominates) including its original Chinese pavillion. It, too, once featured a pyramid designed by the architect and playwright John Vanbrugh, and erected as a memorial to him after his death in 1726. On it was carved a quote from Horace that explicitly referenced the dramaturgical version of theatrum mundi: You have played, eaten enough and drunk enough,Now is time to leave the stage for younger men. (Garnett 19) Stowe’s Elysian Fields, designed by William Kent in the 1730s according to picturesque principles, offered its visitor two narrative choices, to take the Path of Virtue or the Path of Vice, just like a re-imagined morality play. As visitors progressed along their chosen paths they would encounter various fabriques and statues, some carved with inscriptions in either Latin or English, like the Vanbrugh pyramid, that would encourage associations between the ancient world and the contemporary world of the garden’s owner Richard Temple, Lord Cobham, and his circle. Stowe: Figure 3. Chinese Pavillion.Figure 4. Temple of VirtueKent’s background was as a painter and scene designer and he brought a theatrical sensibility to his designs; as Hunt writes, Kent particularly enjoyed designing “recessions into woodland space where ‘wings’ [were] created” (Picturesque 29). Importantly, Kent’s garden drawings reveal his awareness of gardens as “theatrical scenes for human action and interaction, where the premium is upon more personal experiences” and it this spatial dimension that was opened up at Stowe (Picturesque 30).Picturesque garden design emphasised pictorial composition that was similar to stage design and because a garden, like a stage, was a three-dimensional place for human action, it could also function as a set for that action. Unlike a painting, a garden was experiential and time-based and a visitor to it had an experience not unlike, to cautiously use an anachronism, a contemporary promenade performance. The habit of imaginatively wandering through a theatre in book-form, moving associatively from one item to the next, trying to discern the author’s pattern or structure, was one educated Europeans were used to, and a garden provided an embodied dimension to this activity. We can see how this might have been by visiting Parc Monceau in Paris which still contains remnants of the garden designed by Louis Carrogis (known as Carmontelle) for the Duc de Chartres in the 1770s. Carmontelle, like Kent, had a theatrical background and his primary role was as head of entertainments for the Orléans family; as such he was responsible for designing and writing plays for the family’s private theatricals (Hays 449). According to Hunt, Carmontelle intended visitors to Jardin de Monceau to take a specific itinerary through its “quantity of curious things”:Visitors entered by a Chinese gateway, next door to a gothic building that served as a chemical laboratory, and passed through greenhouses and coloured pavilions. Upon pressing a button, a mirrored wall opened into a winter garden painted with trompe-l’œil trees, floored with red sand, filled with exotic plants, and containing at its far end a grotto in which supper parties were held while music was played in the chamber above. Outside was a farm. Then there followed a series of exotic “locations”: a Temple of Mars, a winding river with an island of rocks and a Dutch mill, a dairy, two flower gardens, a Turkish tent poised, minaret-like, above an icehouse, a grove of tombs [. . .], and an Italian vineyard with a classical Bacchus at its center, regularly laid out to contrast with an irregular wood that succeeded it. The final stretches of the itinerary included a Naumachia or Roman water-theatre [. . .], more Turkish and Chinese effects, a ruined castle, yet another water-mill, and an island on which sheep grazed. (Picturesque 121) Monceau: Figure 5. Naumachia.Figure 6. PyramidIn its presentation of a multitude of different times and different places one can trace a line of descent from Jardin de Monceau to the great nineteenth-century World Expos and on to Disneyland. This lineage is not as trite as it seems once we realise that Carmontelle himself intended the garden to represent “all times and all places” and Pope’s four quadrants of the world were represented by fabriques at Monceau (Picturesque 121). As Jardin de Monceau reveals, gardens were also sites for smaller performative interventions such as the popular fêtes champêtres, garden parties in which the participants ate, drank, danced, played music, and acted in comedies. Role playing and masquerade were an important part of the fêtes as we see, for example, in Jean-Antoine Watteau’s Fêtes Vénitiennes (1718–19) where a “Moorishly” attired man addresses (or is dancing with) a young woman before an audience of young men and women, lolling around a fabrique (Watteau). Scenic design in the theatre inspired garden designs and gardens “featured prominently as dramatic locations in intermezzi, operas, and plays”, an exchange that encouraged visitors to gardens to see themselves as performers as much as spectators (Hunt, Gardens 64). A garden, particularly within the liminal aegis of a fête was a site for deceptions, tricks, ruses and revelations, assignations and seductions, all activities which were inherently theatrical; in such a garden visitors could find themselves acting in or watching a comedy or drama of their own devising. Marie-Antoinette built English gardens and a rural “hamlet” at Versailles. She and her intimate circle would retire to rustic cottages, which belied the opulence of their interiors, and dressed in white muslin dresses and straw hats, would play at being dairy maids, milking cows (pre-cleaned by the servants) into fine porcelain buckets (Martin 3). Just as the queen acted in pastoral operas in her theatre in the grounds of the Petit Trianon, her hamlet provided an opportunity for her to “live” a pastoral fantasy. Similarly, François Racine de Monville, who commissioned Désert de Retz, was a talented harpist and flautist and his Temple of Pan was, appropriately, a music room.Versailles: Figure 7. Hamlet ConclusionRichard Steele, Addison’s friend and co-founder of The Spectator, casually invoked theatrum mundi when he wrote in 1720: “the World and the Stage [. . .] have been ten thousand times observed to be the Pictures of one another” (51). Steele’s reiteration of a Renaissance commonplace revealed a different emphasis, an emphasis on the metaphor’s spatial and spectacular elements. Although Steele reasserts the idea that the world and stage resemble each other, he does so through a third level of abstraction: it is as pictures that they have an affinity. World and stage are both positioned for the observer within complementary picture frames and it is as pictures that he or she is invited to make sense of them. The formalist version of theatrum mundi invokes a spectator beholding the world for his (usually!) pleasure and in the process nature itself is transformed. No longer were natural landscapes wildernesses to be tamed and economically exploited, but could become gardens rendered into scenes for their aristocratic owners’ pleasure. Désert de Retz, as its name suggests, was an artfully composed wilderness, a version of the natural world sculpted into scenery. Theatrum mundi, through the aesthetic category of the picturesque, emerged in English landscape style and effected a theatricalised transformation of nature that was enacted in the aristocratic gardens of Europe.ReferencesAddison, Joseph. The Spectator. No. 414 (25 June 1712): 67–70. Eighteenth Century Collections Online.Garnett, Oliver. Stowe. Buckinghamshire. The National Trust, 2011.Hays, David. “Carmontelle's Design for the Jardin de Monceau: A Freemasonic Garden in Late-Eighteenth-Century France.” Eighteenth-Century Studies 32.4 (1999): 447–62.Heidegger, Martin. The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays. Trans. William Lovitt. New York: Harper and Row, 1977.Hunt, John Dixon. Gardens and the Picturesque: Studies in the History of Landscape Architecture. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1992.———. The Picturesque Garden in Europe. London: Thames and Hudson, 2002.Marshall, David. The Frame of Art. Fictions of Aesthetic Experience, 1750–1815. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2005.Martin, Meredith S. Dairy Queens: The Politics of Pastoral Architecture from Catherine de' Medici to Marie-Antoinette. Harvard: Harvard UP, 2011.McGillivray, Glen. "The Picturesque World Stage." Performance Research 13.4 (2008): 127–39.Pope, Alexander. “Epistle IV. To Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington.” Epistles to Several Persons. London, 1744. Eighteenth Century Collections Online.———. The Temple of Fame: A Vision. By Mr. Pope. 2nd ed. London, 1715. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Shakespeare, William. As You Like It. Ed. Agnes Latham. London: Routledge, 1991.Steele, Richard. The Theatre. No. 7 (23 January 1720).

Ever since I tripped over Tiddles while I was carrying a pile of discs into the studio, I’ve known it was possible to get a laugh out of gramophone records!Max Bygraves In 1978 the music critic Lester Bangs published a typically pugnacious essay with the fighting title, “The Ten Most Ridiculous Albums of the Seventies.” Before deliciously launching into his execution of Uri Geller’s self-titled album or Rick Dees’ The Original Disco Duck, Bangs asserts that because that decade was history’s silliest, it stands to reason “that ridiculous records should become the norm instead of anomalies,” that abominations should be the best of our time (Bangs, 1978). This absurd pretzel logic sounds uncannily like Jacques Derrida’s definition of the “post” condition, since for it to arrive it begins by not arriving (Derrida 1987, 29). Lester is thinking like a poststructuralist. The oddness of the most singularly odd album out in Bangs’ greatest misses of the seventies had nothing to do with how ridiculous it was, but the fact that it even existed at all. (Bangs 1978) The album was entitled The Best of Marcel Marceao. Produced by Michael Viner the album contained four tracks, with two identical on both sides: “Silence,” which is nineteen minutes long and “Applause,” one minute. To underline how extraordinary this gramophone record is, John Cage’s Lecture on Nothing (1959) is cacophonous by comparison. While Bangs agrees with popular opinion that The Best of Marcel Marceao the “ultimate concept album,” he concluded that this is “one of those rare records that never dates” (Bangs, 1978). This tacet album is a good way to start thinking about the Classical Gas project, and the ironic semiotics at work in it (Tofts & Gye 2011). It too is about records that are silent and that never date. First, the album’s cover art, featuring a theatrically posed Marceau, implies the invitation to speak in the absence of speech; or, in our terms, it is asking to be re-written. Secondly, the French mime’s surname is spelled incorrectly, with an “o” rather than “u” as the final letter. As well as the caprice of an actual album by Marcel Marceau, the implicit presence and absence of the letters o and u is appropriately in excess of expectations, weird and unexpected like an early title in the Classical Gas catalogue, Ernesto Laclau’s and Chantal Mouffe’s Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. (classical-gas.com) Like a zootrope animation, it is impossible not to see the o and u flickering at one at the same time on the cover. In this duplicity it performs the conventional and logical permutation of English grammar. Silence invites difference, variation within a finite lexical set and the opportunity to choose individual items from it. Here is album cover art that speaks of presence and absence, of that which is anticipated and unexpected: a gramophone recoding without sound. In this the Marceau cover is one of Roland Barthes’ mythologies, something larger than life, structured like a language and structured out of language (Barthes 1982). This ambiguity is the perfidious grammar that underwrites Classical Gas. Images, we learned from structuralism, are codified, or rather, are code. Visual remix is a rhetorical gesture of recoding that interferes with the semiotic DNA of an image. The juxtaposition of text and image is interchangeable and requires our imagination of what we are looking at and what it might sound like. This persistent interplay of metaphor and metonymy has enabled us to take more than forty easy listening albums and republish them as mild-mannered recordings from the maverick history of ideas, from Marxism and psychoanalysis, to reception theory, poststructuralism and the writings of critical auteurs. Foucault à gogo, for instance, takes a 1965 James Last dance album and recodes it as the second volume of The History of Sexuality. In saying this, we are mindful of the ambivalence of the very possibility of this connection, to how and when the eureka moment of remix recognition occurs, if at all. Mix and remix are, after Jean Baudrillard, both precession and procession of simulacra (Baudrillard, 1983). The nature of remix is that it is always already elusive and anachronistic. Not everyone can be guaranteed to see the shadow of one text in dialogue with another, like a hi-fi palimpsest. Or another way of saying this, such an epiphany of déjà vu, of having seen this before, may happen after the fact of encounter. This anachrony is central to remix practices, from the films of Quentin Tarrantino and the “séance fictions” of Soda_Jerk, to obscure Flintstones/Goodfellas mashups on YouTube. It is also implicit in critical understandings of an improbable familiarity with the superabundance of cultural archives, the dizzying excess of an infinite record library straight out of Jorge Luis Borges’ ever-expanding imagination. Drifting through the stacks of such a repository over an entire lifetime any title found, for librarian and reader alike, is either original and remix, sometime. Metalanguages that seek to counter this ambivalence are forms of bad faith, like film spoilers Brodie’s Notes. Accordingly, this essay sets out to explain some of the generic conventions of Classical Gas, as a remix project in which an image’s semiotic DNA is rewired and recontextualised. While a fake, it is also completely real (Faith in fakes, as it happens, may well be a forthcoming Umberto Eco title in the series). While these album covers are hyperreal, realistic in excess of being real, the project does take some inspiration from an actual, rather than imaginary archive of album covers. In 2005, Jewish artist Dani Gal happened upon a 1968 LP that documented the events surrounding the Six Day War in Israel in 1967. To his surprise, he found a considerable number of similar LPs to do with significant twentieth century historical events, speeches and political debates. In the artist’s own words, the LPs collected in his Historical Record Archive (2005-ongoing) are in fact silent, since it is only their covers that are exhibited in installations of this work, signifying a potential sound that visitors must try to audition. As Gal has observed, the interactive contract of the work is derived from the audience’s instinct to “try to imagine the sounds” even though they cannot listen to them (Gal 2011, 182). Classical Gas deliberately plays with this potential yearning that Gal astutely instils in his viewer and aspiring auditor. While they can never be listened to, they can entice, after Gilles Deleuze, a “virtual co-existence” of imaginary sound that manifests itself as a contract between viewer and LP (Deleuze 1991, 63). The writer Jeffrey Sconce condensed this embrace of the virtual as something plausibly real when he pithily observed of the Classical Gas project that it is “the thrift-bin in my fantasy world. I want to play S/Z at 78 rpm” (Sconce 2011). In terms of Sconce’s spectral media interests the LPs are haunted by the trace of potential “other” sounds that have taken possession of and appropriated the covers for another use (Sconce 2000).Mimetic While most albums are elusive and metaphoric (such as Freud’s Totem and Taboo, or Luce Irigaray’s Ethics of Sexual Difference), some titles do make a concession to a tantalizing, mimetic literalness (such as Das Institut fur Sozialforschung). They display a trace of the haunting subject in terms of a tantalizing echo of fact or suggestion of verifiable biography. The motivation here is the recognition of a potential similarity, since most Classical Gas titles work by contrast. As with Roland Barthes’ analysis of the erotics of the fashion system, so with Gilles Deleuze’s Coldness and Cruelty: it is “where the garment gapes” that the tease begins. (Barthes 1994, 9) Or, in this instance, where the cigarette smokes. (classical-gas.com) A casual Max Bygraves, paused in mid-thought, looks askance while lighting up. Despite the temptation to read even more into this, a smoking related illness did not contribute to Bygraves’ death in 2012. However, dying of Alzheimer’s disease, his dementia is suggestive of the album’s intrinsic capacity to be a palimpsest of the co-presence of different memories, of confused identities, obscure realities that are virtual and real. Beginning with the album cover itself, it has to become an LP (Deleuze 1991, 63). First, it is a cardboard, planar sleeve measuring 310mm squared, that can be imprinted with a myriad of different images. Secondly, it is conventionally identified in terms of a title, such as Organ Highlights or Classics Up to Date. Thirdly it is inscribed by genre, which may be song, drama, spoken word, or novelty albums of industrial or instrumental sounds, such as Memories of Steam and Accelerated Accordians. A case in point is John Woodhouse And His Magic Accordion from 1969. (classical-gas.com) All aspects of its generic attributes as benign and wholesome accordion tunes are warped and re-interpreted in Classical Gas. Springtime for Kittler appeared not long after the death of its eponymous philosopher in 2011. Directed by Richard D. James, also known as Aphex Twin, it is a homage album to Friedrich Kittler by the PostProducers, a fictitious remix collective inspired by Mel Brooks whose personnel include Mark Amerika and Darren Tofts. The single from this album, yet to be released, is a paean to Kittler’s last words, “Alle Apparate auschalten.” Foucault à gogo (vol. 2), the first album remixed for this series, is also typical of this archaeological approach to the found object. (classical-gas.com) The erasure and replacement of pre-existing text in a similar font re-writes an iconic image of wooing that is indicative of romantic album covers of this period. This album is reflective of the overall project in that the actual James Last album (1968) preceded the publication of the Foucault text (1976) that haunts it. This is suggestive of how coding and recoding are in the eye of the beholder and the specific time in which the remixed album is encountered. It doesn’t take James Last, Michel Foucault or Theodor Holm Nelson to tell you that there is no such thing as a collective memory with linear recall. As the record producer Milt Gabler observes in the liner notes to this album, “whatever the title with this artist, the tune remains the same, that distinct and unique Foucault à gogo.” “This artist” in this instance is Last or Foucault, as well as Last and Foucault. Similarly Milt Gabler is an actual author of liner notes (though not on the James Last album) whose words from another album, another context and another time, are appropriated and deftly re-written with Last’s Hammond à gogo volume 2 and The History of Sexuality in mind as a palimpsest (this approach to sampling liner notes and re-writing them as if they speak for the new album is a trope at work in all the titles in the series). And after all is said and done with the real or remixed title, both artists, after Umberto Eco, will have spoken once more of love (Eco 1985, 68). Ambivalence Foucault à gogo is suggestive of the semiotic rewiring that underwrites Classical Gas as a whole. What is at stake in this is something that poststructuralism learned from its predecessor. Taking the tenuous conventionality of Ferdinand de Saussure’s signifier and signified as a starting point, Lacan, Derrida and others embraced the freedom of this arbitrariness as the convention or social contract that brings together a thing and a word that denotes it. This insight of liberation, or what Hélène Cixous and others, after Jacques Lacan, called jouissance (Lacan 1992), meant that texts were bristling with ambiguity and ambivalence, free play, promiscuity and, with a nod to Mikhail Bakhtin, carnival (Bakhtin 1984). A picture of a pipe was, after Foucault after Magritte, not a pipe (Foucault 1983). This po-faced sophistry is expressed in René Magritte’s “Treachery of Images” of 1948, which screamed out that the word pipe could mean anything. Foucault’s reprise of Magritte in “This is Not a Pipe” also speaks of Classical Gas’ embrace of the elasticity of sign and signifier, his “plastic elements” an inadvertent suggestion of vinyl (Foucault 1983, 53). (classical-gas.com) This uncanny association of structuralism and remixed vinyl LPs is intimated in Ferdinand de Saussure’s Cours de linguistique générale. Its original cover art is straight out of a structuralist text-book, with its paired icons and words of love, rain, honey, rose, etc. But this text as performed by Guy Lombardo and his Royal Canadians in New York in 1956 is no less plausible than Saussure’s lectures in Geneva in 1906. Cultural memory and cultural amnesia are one and the same thing. Out of all of the Classical Gas catalogue, this album is arguably the most suggestive of what Jeffrey Sconce would call “haunting” (Sconce, 2000), an ambivalent mixing of the “memory and desire” that T.S. Eliot wrote of in the allusive pages of The Waste Land (Eliot 1975, 27). Here we encounter the memory of a bookish study of signs from the early twentieth century and the desire for its vinyl equivalent on World Record Club in the 1960s. Memory and desire, either or, or both. This ambivalence was deftly articulated by Roland Barthes in his last book, Camera Lucida, as a kind of spectral haunting, a vision or act of double seeing in the perception of the photographic image. This flickering of perception is never static, predictable or repeatable. It is a way of seeing contingent upon who is doing the looking and when. Barthes famously conceptualised this interplay in perception of an between the conventions that culture has mandated, its studium, and the unexpected, idiosyncratic double vision that is unique to the observer, its punctum (Barthes 1982, 26-27). Accordingly, the Cours de linguistique générale is a record by Saussure as well as the posthumous publication in Paris and Lausanne of notes from his lectures in 1916. (Barthes 1982, 51) With the caption “Idiot children in an institution, New Jersey, 1924,” American photographer Lewis Hine’s anthropological study declares that this is a clinical image of pathological notions of monstrosity and aberration at the time. Barthes though, writing in a post-1968 Paris, only sees an outrageous Danton collar and a banal finger bandage (Barthes 1982, 51). With the radical, protestant cries of the fallout of the Paris riots in mind, as well as a nod to music writer Greil Marcus (1989), it is tempting to see Hine’s image as the warped cover of a Dead Kennedys album, perhaps Plastic Surgery Disasters. In terms of the Classical Gas approach to recoding, though, this would be far too predictable; for a start there is neither a pipe, a tan cardigan nor a chenille scarf to be seen. A more heart-warming, suitable title might be Ray Conniff’s 1965 Christmas Album: Here We Come A-Caroling. Irony (secretprehistory.net) Like our Secret Gestural Prehistory of Mobile Devices project (Tofts & Gye), Classical Gas approaches the idea of recoding and remixing with a relentless irony. The kind of records we collect and the covers which we use for this project are what you would expect to find in the hutch of an old gramophone player, rather than “what’s hot” in iTunes. The process of recoding the album covers seeks to realign expectations of what is being looked at, such that it becomes difficult to see it in any other way. In this an album’s recoded signification implies the recognition of the already seen, of album covers like this, that signal something other than what we are seeing; colours, fonts etc., belonging to a historical period, to its genres and its demographic. One of the more bucolic and duplicitous forms of rhetoric, irony wants it both ways, to be totally lounge and theoretically too-cool-for school, as in Rencontre Terrestre by Hélène Cixous and Frédéric-Yves Jeannet. (classical-gas.com) This image persuades through the subtle alteration of typography that it belongs to a style, a period and a vibe that would seem to be at odds with the title and content of the album, but as a totality of image and text is entirely plausible. The same is true of Roland Barthes’ S/Z. The radical semiologist invites us into his comfortable sitting room for a cup of coffee. A traditional Times font reinforces the image of Barthes as an avuncular, Sunday afternoon story-teller or crooner, more Alistair Cooke/Perry Como than French Marxist. (classical-gas.com) In some instances, like Histoire de Tel Quel, there is no text at all on the cover and the image has to do its signifying work iconographically. (classical-gas.com) Here a sixties collage of French-ness on the original Victor Sylvester album from 1963 precedes and anticipates the re-written album it has been waiting for. That said, the original title In France is rather bland compared to Histoire de Tel Quel. A chic blond, the Eiffel Tower and intellectual obscurity vamp synaesthetically, conjuring the smell of Gauloises, espresso and agitated discussions of Communism on the Boulevard St. Germain. With Marcel Marceao with an “o” in mind, this example of a cover without text ironically demonstrates how Classical Gas, like The Secret Gestural Prehistory of Mobile Devices, is ostensibly a writing project. Just as the images are taken hostage from other contexts, text from the liner notes is sampled from other records and re-written in an act of ghost-writing to complete the remixed album. Without the liner notes, Classical Gas would make a capable Photoshop project, but lacks any force as critical remix. The redesigned and re-titled covers certainly re-code the album, transform it into something else; something else that obviously or obliquely reflects the theme, ideas or content of the title, whether it’s Louis Althusser’s Philosophy as a Revolutionary Weapon or Luce Irigaray’s An Ethics of Sexual Difference. If you don’t hear the ruggedness of Leslie Fiedler’s essays in No! In Thunder then the writing hasn’t worked. The liner notes are the albums’ conscience, the rubric that speaks the tunes, the words and elusive ideas that are implied but can never be heard. The Histoire de Tel Quel notes illustrate this suggestiveness: You may well think as is. Philippe Forest doesn’t, not in this Éditions du Seuil classic. The titles included on this recording have been chosen with a dual purpose: for those who wish to think and those who wish to listen. What Forest captures in this album is distinctive, fresh and daring. For what country has said it like it is, has produced more robustesse than France? Here is some of that country’s most famous talent swinging from silk stockings, the can-can, to amour, presented with the full spectrum of stereo sound. (classical-gas.com) The writing accurately imitates the inflection and rhythm of liner notes of the period, so on the one hand it sounds plausibly like a toe-tapping dance album. On the other, and at the same time, it gestures knowingly to the written texts upon which it is based, invoking its rigours as a philosophical text. The dithering suggestiveness of both – is it music or text – is like a scrambled moving image always coming into focus, never quite resolving into one or the other. But either is plausible. The Tel Quel theorists were interested in popular culture like the can-can, they were fascinated with the topic of love and if instead of books they produced albums, their thinking would be auditioned in full stereo sound. With irony in mind, then, it’s hardly surprising to know that the implicit title of the project, that is neither seen nor heard but always imminent, is Classical Gasbags. (classical-gas.com) Liner notes elaborate and complete an implicit narrative in the title and image, making something compellingly realistic that is a composite of reality and fabulation. Consider Adrian Martin’s Surrealism (A Quite Special Frivolity): France is the undeniable capital of today’s contemporary sound. For Adrian Martin, this is home ground. His French soul glows and expands in the lovely Mediterranean warmth of this old favourite, released for the first time on Project 3 Total Sound Stereo. But don’t be deceived by the tonal and melodic caprices that carry you along in flutter-free sound. As Martin hits his groove, there will be revolution by night. Watch out for new Adrian Martin releases soon, including La nuit expérimentale and, his first title in English in many years, One more Bullet in the Head (produced by Bucky Pizzarelli). (classical-gas.com) Referring to Martin’s famous essay of the same name, these notes allusively skirt around his actual biography (he regularly spends time in France), his professional writing on surrealism (“revolution by night” was the sub-title of a catalogue for the Surrealism exhibition at the National Gallery of Australia in Canberra and the Art Gallery of New South Wales in 1993 to which he contributed an essay) (Martin 1993), as well as “One more bullet in the head,” the rejected title of an essay that was published in World Art magazine in New York in the mid-1990s. While the cover evokes the cool vibe of nouvelle vague Paris, it is actually from a 1968 album, Roma Oggi by the American guitarist Tony Mottola (a real person who actually sounds like a fictional character from Sergio Leone’s Once Upon A Time in America, a film on which Martin has written a book for the British Film Institute). Plausibility, in terms of Martin’s Surrealism album, has to be as compellingly real as the sincerity of Sandy Scott’s Here’s Sandy. And it should be no surprise to see the cover art of Scott’s album return as Georges Bataille’s Erotism. Gramophone The history of the gramophone represents the technological desire to write sound. In this the gramophone record is a ligature of sound and text, a form of phonographic writing. With this history in mind it’s hardly surprising that theorists such as Derrida and Kittler included the gramophone under the conceptual framework of a general grammatology (Derrida 1992, 253 & Kittler 1997, 28). (classical-gas.com) Jacques Derrida’s Of Grammatology is the avatar of Classical Gas in its re-writing of a previous writing. Re-inscribing the picaresque Pal Joey soundtrack as a foundation text of post-structuralism is appropriate in terms of the gramme or literate principle of Western metaphysics as well as the echolalia of remix. As Derrida observes in Of Grammatology, history and knowledge “have always been determined (and not only etymologically or philosophically) as detours for the purpose of the reappropriation of presence” (Derrida 1976, 10). A gas way to finish, you might say. But in retrospect the ur-text that drives the poetics of Classical Gas is not Of Grammatology but the errant Marcel Marceau album described previously. Far from being an oddity, an aberration or a “novelty” album, it is a classic gramophone recording, the quintessential writing of an absent speech, offbeat and untimely. References Bahktin, Mikhail. Rabelais and His World. Trans. Hélène Iswolsky. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985. Bangs, Lester. “The Ten Most Ridiculous Albums of the Seventies”. Phonograph Record Magazine, March, 1978. Reproduced at http://rateyourmusic.com/list/dacapo/the_ten_most_ridiculous_records_of_the_seventies__by_lester_bangs. Barthes, Roland. Camera Lucida: Reflections on Photography. Trans. Richard Howard. London: Flamingo, 1982. ---. Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. London: Granada, 1982. ---. The Pleasure of the Text. Trans. Richard Miller. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. Baudrillard, Jean. Simulations. Trans. Paul Foss, Paul Patton and Philip Beitchman. New York: Semiotext[e], 1983. Deleuze, Gilles. Bergsonism. Trans. Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara Habberjam. New York: Zone Books, 2000. Derrida, Jacques. Of Grammatology. Trans. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976. ---. The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1987. ---. “Ulysses Gramophone: Hear Say Yes in Joyce,” in Acts of Literature. Ed. Derek Attridge. New York: Routledge, 1992. Eco, Umberto. Reflections on The Name of the Rose. Trans. William Weaver. London: Secker & Warburg, 1985. Eliot, T.S. The Waste Land and Other Poems. London: Faber & Faber, 1975. Foucault, Michel. This Is Not a Pipe. Trans. James Harkness. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983. ---. The Use of Pleasure: The History of Sexuality Volume 2. Trans. Robert Hurley. New York: Random House, 1985. Gal, Dani. Interview with Jens Hoffmann, Istanbul Biennale Companion. Istanbul Foundation for Culture and the Arts, 2011. Kittler, Friedrich. “Gramophone, Film, Typewriter,” in Literature, Media, Information Systems. Ed. John Johnston. Amsterdam: Overseas Publishers Association, 1997. Lacan, Jacques. The Ethics of Psychoanalysis (1959–1960): The Seminar of Jacques Lacan. Trans. Dennis Porter. London: Routledge, 1992. Marcus, Greil. Lipstick Traces: A Secret History of the Twentieth Century. London: Secker & Warburg, 1989. Martin, Adrian. “The Artificial Night: Surrealism and Cinema,” in Surrealism: Revolution by Night. Canberra: National Gallery of Australia, 1993. Sconce, Jeffrey. Haunted Media: Electronic Presence from Telegraphy to Television. Durham: Duke University Press, 2000. ---. Online communication with authors, June 2011. Tofts, Darren and Lisa Gye. The Secret Gestural Prehistory of Mobile Devices. 2010-ongoing. http://www.secretprehistory.net/. ---. Classical Gas. 2011-ongoing. http://www.classical-gas.com/.