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Journal articles on the topic 'Philippine American War, 1899-'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Brody, David. "Celebrating Empire on the Home Front: New York City's Welcome-Home Party for Admiral Dewey." Prospects 25 (October 2000): 391–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000715.

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The January 3, 1900, edition of the popular, New York City newspaper the World contains an advertisement for a new edition of The Century Dictionary & Cyclopedia & Atlas (Figure 1). The strength of this reference guide, according to the full-page advertisement, is the volume's war maps. The presentation of battle cartography “enable[s] one to trace instantly the movements of every important campaign on land or sea, the routes of invading armies, raids, etc., placing and dating on the maps the battles, sieges and blockades not only of ancient and medieval times, but also those of the year just ended – and this without any complexity in the maps themselves.” In case the reader needed to be reminded about recent wars, the advertisement has enormous graphic representations of “Africa” and the “Philippine Is.” The map of the Philippines would have immediately signified the Spanish-American (1898) and Philippine-American (1899–1902) Wars to readers, conflicts that the pages of the mass media covered widely.

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2

Diokno, Maria Serena I. "Perspectives on Peace during the Philippine—American War of 1899–1902." South East Asia Research 5, no. 1 (March 1997): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9700500102.

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3

Lifshey, Adam. "The Literary Alterities of Philippine Nationalism in José Rizal's El filibusterismo." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1434–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1434.

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The seminal novels of the Philippines, José Rizal's Noli me tangere (1887) and El filibusterismo (1891), are written in Spanish, a language that began evaporating in the archipelago when the United States defeated Spain in the Spanish-American War in 1898 and imposed English as a lingua franca. Where does a foundational author like Rizal fit in a discussion of globalized literatures when the Philippines are commonly framed as a historical and cultural hybrid neither quite Asian nor quite Western? In Rizal's El filibusterismo, the Philippines are an inchoate national project imagined not in Asia but amid complex allusive dynamics that emanate from the Americas. Rizal and his novel, like the Philippine nation they inspired, appear in global and postcolonial frameworks as both Asian and American in that epistemes Eastern and Western, subaltern and hegemonic, interact in a ceaseless flow that resists easy categorization.

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4

Smiley, Will. "Lawless Wars of Empire? The International Law of War in the Philippines, 1898–1903." Law and History Review 36, no. 3 (June 13, 2018): 511–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000682.

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Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued, had “remembered all the time that he was struggling with an enemy who was not entitled to the privileges usually granted prisoners of war,” and could be summarily executed, without benefit of “court-martial or other regular tribunal.” If anything, the Americans had been too generous. “Many [American] participants in the struggle,” he maintained, “have failed to fully understand that we were practically fighting an Asiatic nation in arms and almost every man a soldier in disguise and a violator” of the laws of war. But what did those laws mean to the United States during the conflict, and what does this indicate about the broader history of international law's relationship to empire?

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5

Holden, William N. "The role of geography in counterinsurgency warfare: The Philippine American War, 1899–1902." GeoJournal 85, no. 2 (January 24, 2019): 423–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-019-09971-7.

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6

Federspiel, Howard M. "Islam and Muslims in the Southern Territories of the Philippine Islands During the American Colonial Period (1898 to 1946)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (September 1998): 340–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400007487.

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The United States gained authority over the Philippine Islands as a result of the Spanish-American War (1898) and the Treaty of Paris (1899), which recognized American wartime territorial gains. Prior to that time the Spanish had general authority over the northern region of the Islands down to the Visayas, which they had ruled from their capital at Manila on Luzon for nearly three hundred years. The population in that Spanish zone was Christianized as a product of deliberate Spanish policy during that time frame. The area to the south, encompassing much of the island of Mindanao and all of the Sulu Archipelago, was under Spanish military control at the time of the Spanish American War (1898), having been taken over in the previous fifteen years by a protracted military campaign. This southern territory was held by the presence of Spanish military units in a series of strong forts located throughout the settled areas, but clear control over the society was quite weak and, in fact, collapsed after the American naval victory at Manila Bay. The United States did not establish its own presence in much of the southern region until 1902. It based its claim over the region on the treaty with the Spanish, and other colonial powers recognized that claim as legitimate.

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7

Russell, Timothy D. "“I FEEL SORRY FOR THESE PEOPLE”: AFRICAN AMERICAN SOLDIERS IN THE PHILIPPINE-AMERICAN WAR, 1899–1902." Journal of African American History 99, no. 3 (July 2014): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.99.3.0197.

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8

Lowitz, Leza. "Vestiges of War: The Philippine-American War and the Aftermath of an Imperial Dream 1899-1999 (review)." Manoa 15, no. 2 (2003): 212–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2003.0137.

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9

Ventura, Theresa. "“I Am Already Annexed”: Ramon Reyes Lala and the Crafting of “Philippine” Advocacy for American Empire." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 3 (June 4, 2020): 426–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000092.

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AbstractThis article reconstructs the American career of the Manila-born author Ramon Reyes Lala. Lala became a naturalized United States citizen shortly before the War of 1898 garnered public interest in the history and geography of the Philippines. He capitalized on this interest by fashioning himself into an Oxford-educated nationalist exiled in the United States for his anti-Spanish activism, all the while hiding a South Asian background. Lala's spirited defense of American annexation and war earned him the political patronage of the Republican Party. Yet though Lala offered himself as a ‘model’ Philippine-American citizen, his patrons offered Lala as evidence of U.S. benevolence and Philippine civilization potential shorn of citizenship. His embodied contradictions, then, extended to his position as a producer of colonial knowledge, a racialized commodity, and a representative Filipino in the United States when many in the archipelago would not recognize him as such. Lala's advocacy for American Empire, I contend, reflected an understanding of nationality born of diasporic merchant communities, while his precarious success in the middle-class economy of print and public speaking depended on his deft maneuvering between modalities of power hardening in terms of race. His career speaks more broadly to the entwined and contradictory processes of commerce, race formation, and colonial knowledge production.

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10

Ortiz, Stephen R. "Rethinking the Bonus March: Federal Bonus Policy, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and the Origins of a Protest Movement." Journal of Policy History 18, no. 3 (July 2006): 275–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2006.0010.

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In 1927, the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW), the national organization founded in 1899 by veterans of the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars, appeared destined for historical obscurity. The organization that would later stand with the American Legion as a pillar of the powerful twentieth-century veterans' lobby struggled to maintain a membership of sixty thousand veterans. Despite desperate attempts to recruit from the ranks of the nearly 2.5 million eligible World War veterans, the VFW lagged behind in membership both the newly minted American Legion and even the Spanish War Veterans. The upstart Legion alone, from its 1919 inception throughout the 1920s, averaged more than seven hundred thousand members. Indeed, in 1929, Royal C. Johnson, the chairman of the House Committee on World War Veterans Legislation and a member of both the Legion and the VFW, described the latter as “not sufficiently large to make it a vital factor in public sentiment.” And yet, by 1932, in the middle of an economic crisis that dealt severe blows to the membership totals of almost every type of voluntary association, the VFW's membership soared to nearly two hundred thousand veterans. Between 1929 and 1932, the VFW experienced this surprising growth because the organization demanded full and immediate cash payment of the deferred Soldiers' Bonus, while the American Legion opposed it. Thus, by challenging federal veterans' policy, the VFW rose out of relative obscurity to become a prominent vehicle for veteran political activism. As important, by doing so the VFW unwittingly set in motion the protest movement known as the Bonus March.

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11

McCoy, Alfred William. "Policing the Imperial Periphery: The Philippine-American War and the Origins of U.S. Global Surveillance." Surveillance & Society 13, no. 1 (July 29, 2014): 4–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v13i1.5161.

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Using a methodology that inserts the current controversy over NSA surveillance into its historical context, this essay traces the origins of U.S. internal security back to America’s emergence as a global power circa 1898. In the succeeding century, Washington’s information infrastructure advanced through three technological regimes: first, the manual during the Philippine War (1898–1907); next, the computerized in the Vietnam War (1963–75); and, recently, the robotic in Afghanistan and Iraq (2001–14). While these military missions have skirted defeat if not disaster, the information infrastructure, as if driven by some in-built engineering, has advanced to higher levels of data management and coercive capacity. With costs for conventional military occupations now becoming prohibitive, the U.S. will likely deploy, circa 2020, its evolving robotic regime—with a triple-canopy aerospace shield, advanced cyberwarfare, and digital surveillance—to envelop the earth in an electronic grid capable of blinding entire armies on the battlefield or atomizing a single insurgent in field or favela.

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12

BEAUPRE, MYLES. "“What Are the Philippines Going to Do to Us?” E. L. Godkin on Democracy, Empire and Anti-imperialism." Journal of American Studies 46, no. 3 (March 23, 2012): 711–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875811001290.

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From his position as editor of theNationfrom 1865 until 1899, E. L. Godkin steered one of the liberal standard-bearers in a transatlantic network of cosmopolitan liberals. From this position he helped define nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism. However, while Godkin fitted in the mainstream of liberal thought in 1865, by the time he retired he occupied the conservative fringe. Godkin never made the transition from a nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism to a newer nationalistic democratic liberalism because democracy failed him. Instead of peace, commerce, and learning, democracy created an American Empire rooted in war, protectionism, ignorance, jingoism, and plunder, culminating in the Spanish–American War. Godkin's critique of American imperialism was thus based on his pessimistic but perceptive reading of the flaws of American democracy. Godkin believed that the rise of “jingoist” democracy had doomed the American “experiment” and thought that the nation had slipped into the historical, degenerative cycle of empire. By tracing Godkin's increasingly bitter warnings about the dangers of democracy in the second half of the nineteenth century, we can catch a glimpse of a dying worldview that questioned the ability of democracy to act as a moral force in the world.

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13

Tone, John. "Mark R Barnes, The Spanish-American War and Philippine Insurrection, 1898–1902: An Annotated Bibliography." European History Quarterly 43, no. 3 (July 2013): 524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691413493729c.

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14

Greene, Julie. "MOVABLE EMPIRE: LABOR, MIGRATION, AND U.S. GLOBAL POWER DURING THE GILDED AGE AND PROGRESSIVE ERA." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 1 (January 2016): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000572.

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The acquisition of an empire that stretched across North America, the Caribbean, Central America, and the Pacific world transformed the United States during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. While scholars have examined many aspects of U.S. expansionism, a neglected issue involved the imperial labor migrations it required. From across North America, the Caribbean, southern Europe, and Asia, men and women were recruited to labor in the service of building U.S. global power at the turn of the twentieth century. Officials saw recruiting and moving laborers from far away as necessary to ensure productivity and discipline. This required U.S. government and corporate leaders to experiment with labor management in ways that shaped the “long twentieth century” of U.S. history. Mobility was not only central to the logic of the U.S. Empire; when possible, workers also deployed it for their own ends. Therefore migration became a terrain of struggle between workers and government officials. This paper looks in particular at documents generated by two migrating groups important in the making of U.S. global power. Afro-Caribbeans who traveled to construct the Panama Canal; and soldiers who served in the War of 1898 and the Philippine-American War.

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15

Lahiri, Smita. "Rhetorical Indios: Propagandists and Their Publics in the Spanish Philippines." Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, no. 2 (April 2007): 243–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000485.

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Censorship notwithstanding, the final half-century of Spanish rule in the Philippines was a time of efflorescence in colonial print culture. Between the advent of typo-lithography in 1858 and the successive occurrence, in 1896 and 1898, of the Filipino revolution and the Spanish-American War, printing presses operating in Manila and beyond issued thousands of books and periodicals, the first public library, the Muséo-Bibliotéca de Filipinas, opened its doors in 1887, and the importation of books from Europe and America could scarcely keep pace with demand.

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16

Crawford, James G., and Brian McAllister Linn. "The Philippine War, 1899-1902." Journal of Military History 65, no. 4 (October 2001): 1112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677663.

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17

Cohen, Eliot A., and Brian McAllister Linn. "The Philippine War, 1899-1902." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 3 (2000): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049757.

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18

Gravlin, Steven C. "The Philippine War, 1899–1902." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 3 (January 2000): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525528.

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19

Wellburn, Peter. "The Spanish‐American War and Philippine Insurrection, 1898‐1902: An Annotated Bibliography2011192Mark R. Barnes. The Spanish‐American War and Philippine Insurrection, 1898‐1902: An Annotated Bibliography. New York and London: Routledge 2011. xxiv + 413 pp., ISBN: 978 0 415 99957 1 (print); 978 0 203 84682 7 (e‐book) £95; $150 (print and e‐book)." Reference Reviews 25, no. 4 (May 3, 2011): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09504121111134223.

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20

Cullinane, Michael. "The War Against the Americans: Resistance and Collaboration in Cebu, 1899–1906. By Resil B. Mojares. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999. vi, 250 pp. $20.00 (paper). - The Philippine War, 1899–1902. By Brian McAllister Linn. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2000. xiv, 427 pp. $39.95 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 3 (August 2002): 1117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096423.

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21

Kaplan, Amy. "The Birth of an Empire." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 114, no. 5 (October 1999): 1068–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/463466.

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The Spanish-Cuban-American war of 1898 was one of the first wars in history to be filmed. Yet despite its participation in the birth of American cinema, the war disappeared as a subject from the later archives of filmmaking. No major films chronicle the three-month war in Cuba or the subsequent three-year war in the Philippines, although films have been made about virtually every other war in American history. My paper is about that duality, about the formative presence and telling absence of this pivotal war in the history of American film.

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22

Park, Jun-Byong. "American Perceptions of “Before and After the Philippines-American War (1898-1902)”." STUDIES IN HUMANITIES 66 (September 30, 2020): 377–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.33252/sih.2020.9.66.377.

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23

Bartholomew, Duane P., Richard A. Hawkins, and Johnny A. Lopez. "Hawaii Pineapple: The Rise and Fall of an Industry." HortScience 47, no. 10 (October 2012): 1390–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.47.10.1390.

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The date pineapple (Ananas comosus var. comosus) was introduced to Hawaii is not known, but its presence was first recorded in 1813. When American missionaries first arrived in Hawaii in 1820, pineapple was found growing wild and in gardens and small plots. The pineapple canning industry began in Baltimore in the mid-1860s and used fruit imported from the Caribbean. The export-based Hawaii pineapple industry was developed by an entrepreneurial group of California migrants who arrived in Hawaii in 1898 and the well-connected James D. Dole who arrived in 1899. The first profitable lot of canned pineapples was produced by Dole’s Hawaiian Pineapple Company in 1903 and the industry grew rapidly from there. Difficulties encountered in production and processing as the industry grew included low yields resulting from severe iron chlorosis and the use of low plant populations, mealybug wilt that devastated whole fields, inadequate machinery that limited cannery capacity, and lack of or poorly developed markets for the industry’s canned fruit. The major production problems were solved by public- and industry-funded research and innovation in the field and in the cannery. An industry association and industry-funded cooperative marketing efforts, initially led by James Dole, helped to expand the market for canned pineapple. Industry innovations were many and included: selection of ‘Smooth Cayenne’ pineapple as the most productive cultivar with the best quality fruit for canning; identification of the cause of manganese-induced iron chlorosis and its control with biweekly iron sulphate sprays; the use of mulch paper and the mechanization of its application, which increased yields by more than 20 t·ha−1; and the invention of the Ginaca peeler–corer machine, which greatly sped cannery throughput. Nematodes were also a serious problem for the industry, which resulted in the discovery and development of nematicides in the 1930s. As a result, by 1930 Hawaii led the world in the production of canned pineapple and had the world’s largest canneries. Production and sale of canned pineapple fell sharply during the world depression that began in 1929. However, the formation of an industry cartel to control output and marketing of canned pineapple, aggressive industry-funded marketing programs, and rapid growth in the volume of canned juice after 1933 restored industry profitability. Although the industry supported the world’s largest pineapple breeding program from 1914 until 1986, no cultivars emerged that replaced ‘Smooth Cayenne’ for canning. The lack of success was attributed in part to the superiority of ‘Smooth Cayenne’ in the field and the cannery, but also to the difficulty in producing defect-free progeny from crosses between highly heterozygous parents that were self-incompatible. Production of canned pineapple peaked in 1957, but the stage was set for the decline of the Hawaii industry when Del Monte, one of Hawaii’s largest canners, established the Philippine Packing Corporation (PPC) in the Philippines in the 1930s. The expansion of the PPC after World War II, followed by the establishment of plantations and canneries by Castle and Cooke’s Dole division in the Philippines in 1964 and in Thailand in 1972, sped the decline. The decline occurred mainly because foreign-based canneries had labor costs approximately one-tenth those in Hawaii. As the Hawaii canneries closed, the industry gradually shifted to the production of fresh pineapples. During that transition, the pineapple breeding program of the Pineapple Research Institute of Hawaii produced the MD-2 pineapple cultivar, now the world’s pre-eminent fresh fruit cultivar. However, the first and major beneficiary of that cultivar was Costa Rica where Del Monte had established a fresh fruit plantation in the late 1970s. Dole Food Co. and Maui Gold Pineapple Co. continue to produce fresh pineapples in Hawaii, mostly for the local market. All of the canneries eventually closed, the last one on Maui in 2007.

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24

Bankoff, Greg. "Reviews of Books:The Philippine War 1899-1902 Brian McAllister Linn." American Historical Review 107, no. 2 (April 2002): 530–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532334.

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25

Cosmas, Graham A., and Brian McAllister Linn. "The U.S. Army and Counterinsurgency in the Philippine War, 1899-1902." Journal of American History 77, no. 2 (September 1990): 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079277.

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26

Onorato, Michael Paul, and Brian McAllister Linn. "The U.S. Army and Counterinsurgency in the Philippine War, 1899-1902." American Historical Review 95, no. 5 (December 1990): 1643. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162912.

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27

Linn, Brian McAllister. "Intelligence and low‐intensity conflict in the Philippine war, 1899–1902." Intelligence and National Security 6, no. 1 (January 1991): 90–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529108432092.

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28

Fry, Joseph A. "Exploring the Origins of the Modern American Empire - David J. Silbey A War of Frontier and Empire: The Philippine-American War, 1899-1902. New York: Hill and Wang, 2007. xvi + 254 pp. Introduction, illustrations, further reading, index. $26 (cloth), ISBN 10-0809071878. - Bartholomew H. Sparrow The Insular Cases and the Emergence of American Empire. Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2006. xii + 300 pp. Introduction, bibliographical essay, index. $35 (cloth), ISBN 10-0700614814; $15 (paper), ISBN 10-0700614826." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 4 (October 2008): 513–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000888.

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29

Yates, Lawrence A., and Brian McAllister Linn. "The U. S. Army and Counterinsurgency in the Philippine War, 1899-1902." Journal of Military History 54, no. 2 (April 1990): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986048.

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30

Shaffer, Robert. "Fagen: an African American renegade in the Philippine-American war." Historian 82, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2020.1722529.

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Losang, Eric H. "National Atlases – an atlas type reconsidered." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-230-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The publication of the first National Atlas in 1899 marked the emergence of an atlas category that thrived over the upcoming century. The "Atlas de Finlande", successfully presented at the Paris World Exhibition in 1900, used to coin this title and being published in Paris by the National Geographic Society of Finland, had a true nation-building function.</p><p>In the same year, following the US victory in the Spanish-American War, the Atlas of the Philippine Islands (Atlas de Filipinas) was published by the US Coastal and Geodetic Survey, containing two front pages, one in English indicating the USC&GS as publisher, the other in Spanish mentioning the supervision of the project by Father J. Algue, the director of the Manila Observatory. Never referred to as a national atlas, it comprises a series of maps on the Islands and a bilingual abstract on map conventions, a bilingual gazetteer and a thorough introduction into places, places names and their pronunciation. For these atlases, the publication circumstances remain somehow heterogeneous and cannot be compared with modern national atlases and even atlases published in the same period seem to have different hallmarks.</p><p>Why considering the Atlas de Finlande a national atlas but define the 1878 Statistical Atlas of the United States only a statistical Atlas? Because of the title? What atlases are more nationally defined than school atlases? Is an atlas published by a non-governmental executing agency a national atlas? Is governmental support and approval needed?</p><p>How national atlases fit into different approaches to thoroughly define them (e.g. Salischew 1967) has been subject to academic cartographic self-conception that ignored technological, institutional, economic and user-related developments over time. In addition, these approaches to categorise atlases solely focused structural elements, such as the number and topics of maps and their temporal and spatial sequence. The question of how atlases have been characterised by their publishers and have been perceived in closely following reviews is a possible approach to either situate national atlases as a strict category or a politically induced perception.</p><p>The article introduces a post-structuralist approach focussing the textual analysis of both, self-perception verbalized through introductions and prefaces in respective atlases and reviews, contemporarily published in the following years. Introducing common definitions and juxtapose the historical perception of national atlases tries to operationalize Harley's critical approach, that situates maps in their respective historical context. By regarding an atlas not only as a bound collection of maps but as a carefully organised selection of spatial information unveils the power of atlases, which maybe exceeds those of single maps. To analyse atlases in their historic context by including their self-definition and contemporary perception will identify so far unattended aspects and to alternative views on national atlases and their editing and production frameworks. Thus retrograde definitions can be reconsidered.</p>

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32

Ratcliffe, Jason. "Forgotten under a Tropical Sun: War Stories by American Veterans in the Philippines, 1898–1913." History: Reviews of New Books 46, no. 4 (May 9, 2018): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2018.1464793.

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33

Meixsel, Richard B. "Gentleman Soldier: John Clifford Brown and the Philippine-American War (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 3 (2004): 970–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0131.

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34

May, Glenn Anthony. "Father Frank Lynch and the Shaping of Philippine Social Science." Itinerario 22, no. 3 (November 1998): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009621.

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Although the United States granted the Philippines formal independence in 1946, American influence in the former colony did not disappear overnight. In the decades following independence, American policymakers continued to play key roles in Philippine politics; American businessmen, presidents, legislators, and bureaucrats and US-based international money lending agencies continued to have a considerable impact on the Philippine economy; and American popular culture continued to penetrate Philippine society and culture (as it did elsewhere). But perhaps no sector of Philippine society was as profoundly influenced by Americans as the academic one, and no subdivision of the Philippine academy bore the American imprint as visibly as Philippine social science. This paper examines the academic career, writings, institution-building efforts, and scholarly agenda of the US-born scholar who arguably had the greatest impact on post-war Philip- pine social science: Father Frank Lynch, a Jesuit professor of anthropology and sociology at Ateneo de Manila University.

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35

Castro, Renato Cruz De. "THE REVITALIZED PHILIPPINE-U.S. SECURITY RELATIONS: A Ghost from the Cold War or an Alliance for the 21st Century?" Asian Survey 43, no. 6 (November 1, 2003): 971–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.6.971.

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Abstract This article contends that the Philippine-U.S. post-9/11 security relationship is characterized by temporary and limited American troop deployment aimed at developing the Armed Forces of the Philippines' counterterrorism capability and fostering interoperability between the Philippine and American armed forces. The article concludes that the post-9/11 alliance is significantly different from the two countries' security relationship during the Cold War.

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36

Niedermeier, Silvan. "Imperial narratives: reading US soldiers' photo albums of the Philippine–American War." Rethinking History 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642529.2014.873581.

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37

Murphy, Erin L. "Women's Anti-Imperialism, “The White Man's Burden,” and the Philippine-American War." Gender & Society 23, no. 2 (April 25, 2008): 244–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243209333791.

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Hubert, Rosario. "World Literature, Diplomacy, and War." Journal of World Literature 2, no. 4 (2017): 475–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00204003.

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The Belgian poet Henri Michaux (1899–1984) visited Argentina in 1936 as guest of honor of the first South American PEN Club Congress. After publishing his impressions of the country in 1938 in an essay that the Argentinean officials considered utterly “undiplomatic” he was denied permission to return in 1939. This article explores the double function of diplomacy as institutional practice and rhetorical gesture by situating Michaux’s essay within a network of interwar textualities, namely, nationalist narratives of the South American landscape and emerging protocols of ethnographic discourse. This approach highlights international channels of circulation of literary texts and imaginaries beyond academia and the market that have not been significantly explored in debates on world literature in the Latin American context.

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Reyes, Soledad S. "The Philippine Komiks: Text as Containment." Asian Journal of Social Science 25, no. 1 (1997): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382497x00059.

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AbstractIn its 80 years of existence, the Philippine komiks has provided more than fun and entertainment to its millions of readers. A large number of series, especially in the American colonial era, problematized taken-for-granted realities shaped by the people's colonial experience. The post-war years witnessed the production of more serials which mirrored the complex series of transformations that Philippine society has undergone.

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kramer, paul a. "Race-Making and Colonial Violence in the U.S. Empire: The Philippine-American War as Race War*." Diplomatic History 30, no. 2 (April 2006): 169–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2006.00546.x.

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José, Ricardo T. "War and Violence, History and Memory: The Philippine Experience of the Second World War." Asian Journal of Social Science 29, no. 3 (2001): 457–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853101x00190.

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AbstractThe subject of War and Memory in the Philippines remains a sensitive topic in the Philippines today. Many controversial issues about the Second World War remain subjects of debate, among them collaboration with the Japanese; Japanese war responsibility; American responsibility for the failed defense of the Philippines, and others. In one sense, the war in the Philippines has left an ambiguous legacy which leads to conflicting war memories and commemorations, particularly in the light of present conditions and evolving relationships with the other countries involved.

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Suva, Cesar Andres-Miguel. "In the Shadow of 1881: The Death of Sultan Jamalul Alam and its Impact on Colonial Transition in Sulu, Philippines from 1881–1904." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 8, no. 2 (July 15, 2020): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2020.9.

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AbstractIn 1881, the southern Philippine archipelago of Sulu was plunged into an extended contest for the succession to its sultanate. With only a tentative peace established by 1894, tensions remained volatile between the districts of Patikul, Parang, Luuk, and Maimbung on the main island of Jolo. These tensions straddled coincided with the transition of the colonial regimes from the Spanish to the US regime in 1899. Therefore, the events of the early years of American rule, most often understood in the context of the American arrival and Spanish departure, were in fact intertwined with the prevailing conflict and rivalry between local candidates vying for the sultanate

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Castro, Renato Cruz De. "Congressional Intervention in Philippine Post-Cold War Defense Policy, 1991-2003." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2004): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501004.

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This essay analyzes the Armed forces of the Philippines' (AFP) modernization program as a case study of how the legislature was able to influence a state's strategic doctrine and posture. The withdrawal of American forces in 1992, and the challenge poised by China in the mid-90s created the expectation that the Philippines was to embark on an arms modernization program that would develop the armed forces' autonomous and external defense capability. However, almost a decade after the program was annovnced and almost seven years after an AFP modernization /ow was passed, the Philippine military has yet to implement any meaningful change in its strategic doctrine and posture. The essay observes that a political stasis-the post-1986 Philippine Congress' reassertion of its authority-played a very important role in impeding any doctrinal change in the country's defense establishment and preventing the Philippine military from diverting scarce resources to the country's defense needs. It maintains that current developments in Philippine defense policy point to a return to a dose security relationship with the United States. This, in turn, will hinder the AFP from pursuing the initial goals of its modernization program-autonomy and capacity to address external security threats. In conclusion, the essay asserts that the current conservatism in the country's strategic affairs reflects the political stasis in Philippine society, which is a result of the restoration of elite democracy and the continuing ability of the political elite to use Congress to shape the country's defense affairs.

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Montesano, Michael J. "The Philippines in 2002: Playing Politics, Facing Deficits, and Embracing Uncle Sam." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.156.

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Philippine politics in 2002 was characterized by early maneuvering for the presidential election of 2004, which President Arroyo will be eligible to contest, and by continuing violence in the country's troubled South. Economic indicators looked promising in the first half of the year. But the second half brought signs of a downturn on several fronts. Crippling revenue shortfalls contributed to a mounting fiscal deficit. As part of Washington's international war on terror, Manila welcomed American troops to the southern Philippines early in 2002. Renewed Philippine-American military ties seemed to reflect long-term U.S. priorities in the region. Three issues shaped Philippine affairs in 2002: President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's eligibility to contest the 2004 election, ever-greater government revenue shortfalls, and American determination to use the country as a venue for strategic posturing in Southeast Asia. The persistent problems of the Philippine South and continued economic sluggishness framed the ways in which these issues played out over the course of the year.

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Strauss, Charles T. "God Save the Boer: Irish American Catholics and the South African War, 1899-1902." U.S. Catholic Historian 26, no. 4 (2008): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2008.0014.

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Lumba, Allan E. S. "Imperial Standards: Colonial Currencies, Racial Capacities, and Economic Knowledge during the Philippine-American War." Diplomatic History 39, no. 4 (June 15, 2014): 603–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhu020.

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Aquino. "Unremembering and Re-membering the Philippine-American War through the Composite Bodies of Reenactment." Verge: Studies in Global Asias 5, no. 2 (2019): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/vergstudglobasia.5.2.0132.

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Schenker, Frederick. "Tin Pan Alley and the Philippines: American Songs of War and Love, 1898–1946: A Resource Guide by Thomas P. Walsh." Notes 72, no. 1 (2015): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2015.0120.

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Chase, Robert. "Art and War in the Pacific World: Making, Breaking, and Taking from Anson's Voyage to the Philippine-American War." Journal of American History 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 187–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa061.

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Chavez, Yve. "Art and War in the Pacific World: Making, Breaking, and Taking from Anson’s Voyage to the Philippine–American War." Journal of Pacific History 53, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 524–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2018.1541147.

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