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Journal articles on the topic 'Philippine-American War'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

May, Glenn Anthony. "Father Frank Lynch and the Shaping of Philippine Social Science." Itinerario 22, no. 3 (November 1998): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009621.

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Although the United States granted the Philippines formal independence in 1946, American influence in the former colony did not disappear overnight. In the decades following independence, American policymakers continued to play key roles in Philippine politics; American businessmen, presidents, legislators, and bureaucrats and US-based international money lending agencies continued to have a considerable impact on the Philippine economy; and American popular culture continued to penetrate Philippine society and culture (as it did elsewhere). But perhaps no sector of Philippine society was as profoundly influenced by Americans as the academic one, and no subdivision of the Philippine academy bore the American imprint as visibly as Philippine social science. This paper examines the academic career, writings, institution-building efforts, and scholarly agenda of the US-born scholar who arguably had the greatest impact on post-war Philip- pine social science: Father Frank Lynch, a Jesuit professor of anthropology and sociology at Ateneo de Manila University.

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2

Shaffer, Robert. "Fagen: an African American renegade in the Philippine-American war." Historian 82, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2020.1722529.

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3

Castro, Renato Cruz De. "THE REVITALIZED PHILIPPINE-U.S. SECURITY RELATIONS: A Ghost from the Cold War or an Alliance for the 21st Century?" Asian Survey 43, no. 6 (November 1, 2003): 971–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.6.971.

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Abstract This article contends that the Philippine-U.S. post-9/11 security relationship is characterized by temporary and limited American troop deployment aimed at developing the Armed Forces of the Philippines' counterterrorism capability and fostering interoperability between the Philippine and American armed forces. The article concludes that the post-9/11 alliance is significantly different from the two countries' security relationship during the Cold War.

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4

Li, Yixuan. "The impact of American Philippine economic policy on Philippine modern economy during the Cold War." SHS Web of Conferences 180 (2023): 01016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202318001016.

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As an important country in Southeast Asia, the Philippines has repeatedly occupied an important geographical position and had an important geographical and political position during the Cold War. Since the Cold War, the relationship between the United States and the Philippines has been very close, and the influence of the United States on the Philippines is self-evident. Therefore, studying the political influence of the United States on Philippine economic policy during the Cold War has important theoretical and practical significance. Starting from the economic policy adopted by the United States in the Philippines, this paper analyzes the economic assistance methods of the United States to the Philippines and its political influence on the Philippines and explains why the United States exercises neocolonial control over the Philippines from two aspects. This article argues that the United States has influenced the Philippine economy in a neocolonial way in an attempt to expand the political influence and sphere of influence of the United States itself.

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5

Hawkins, Michael. "The Colonial Past in the Postcolonial Present: Eddie Romero’s Cavalry Command." Plaridel 3, no. 2 (August 1, 2006): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.52518/2006.3.2-02mhwkns.

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In late 1963, Calvary Command, a fictional filmic account of the U.S. Army’s successful pacification of a Philippine village during the Philippine-American War, beamed across movie screens in the United States. Made through the interdependent efforts of an American film studio, a Filipino director and crew, and a cast of both American and Filipino performers, Calvary Command was one of many co-produced films made in this decade. This paper examines Calvary Command in relation to other contemporaneous accounts of the American colonial period, considering its distinct accounting of this history as a function of the production process itself and the subjectivities of its director, Eddie Romero.

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6

Montesano, Michael J. "The Philippines in 2002: Playing Politics, Facing Deficits, and Embracing Uncle Sam." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.156.

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Philippine politics in 2002 was characterized by early maneuvering for the presidential election of 2004, which President Arroyo will be eligible to contest, and by continuing violence in the country's troubled South. Economic indicators looked promising in the first half of the year. But the second half brought signs of a downturn on several fronts. Crippling revenue shortfalls contributed to a mounting fiscal deficit. As part of Washington's international war on terror, Manila welcomed American troops to the southern Philippines early in 2002. Renewed Philippine-American military ties seemed to reflect long-term U.S. priorities in the region. Three issues shaped Philippine affairs in 2002: President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's eligibility to contest the 2004 election, ever-greater government revenue shortfalls, and American determination to use the country as a venue for strategic posturing in Southeast Asia. The persistent problems of the Philippine South and continued economic sluggishness framed the ways in which these issues played out over the course of the year.

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7

Reyes, Soledad S. "The Philippine Komiks: Text as Containment." Asian Journal of Social Science 25, no. 1 (1997): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382497x00059.

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AbstractIn its 80 years of existence, the Philippine komiks has provided more than fun and entertainment to its millions of readers. A large number of series, especially in the American colonial era, problematized taken-for-granted realities shaped by the people's colonial experience. The post-war years witnessed the production of more serials which mirrored the complex series of transformations that Philippine society has undergone.

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8

Lambino, Antonio II. "The War Extension and Rhetoric: An Analogic Criticism of US Presidential Rhetoric During the Iraq and Philippine-American Wars." Plaridel 8, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.52518/2011.8.1-02lmbn.

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Studies on U.S. presidential war rhetoric tend to ignore the dimension of time, i.e., most focus analysis on the inception of war. In reality, however, many wars are protracted and may last beyond initial public expectations. War messages are therefore employed not only to seek congressional and public support for the inception, but also for the extension of armed conflict abroad. Using the methodology of analogic criticism, this study provides seminal ideas for what it calls the “war rhetoric of extension.” By comparing Bush’s speeches during the current Iraq War and McKinley/Roosevelt’s annual messages during the Philippine-American War, this paper argues that the war rhetoric of extension has the following characteristics: similar patterns of argumentation, epideictic statements that elevate American prestige, and paternalistic language.

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9

Castro, Renato Cruz De. "Congressional Intervention in Philippine Post-Cold War Defense Policy, 1991-2003." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2004): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501004.

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This essay analyzes the Armed forces of the Philippines' (AFP) modernization program as a case study of how the legislature was able to influence a state's strategic doctrine and posture. The withdrawal of American forces in 1992, and the challenge poised by China in the mid-90s created the expectation that the Philippines was to embark on an arms modernization program that would develop the armed forces' autonomous and external defense capability. However, almost a decade after the program was annovnced and almost seven years after an AFP modernization /ow was passed, the Philippine military has yet to implement any meaningful change in its strategic doctrine and posture. The essay observes that a political stasis-the post-1986 Philippine Congress' reassertion of its authority-played a very important role in impeding any doctrinal change in the country's defense establishment and preventing the Philippine military from diverting scarce resources to the country's defense needs. It maintains that current developments in Philippine defense policy point to a return to a dose security relationship with the United States. This, in turn, will hinder the AFP from pursuing the initial goals of its modernization program-autonomy and capacity to address external security threats. In conclusion, the essay asserts that the current conservatism in the country's strategic affairs reflects the political stasis in Philippine society, which is a result of the restoration of elite democracy and the continuing ability of the political elite to use Congress to shape the country's defense affairs.

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10

Shacillo, Vyacheslav. "Russian Diplomacy and the USA’s Seizure of the Phillipine Islands." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021545-8.

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The article examines the main aspects of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire concerning the seizure of the Philippine Islands by the United States during the Spanish-American War of 1898. This event did not affect the vital interests of the Russian Empire and Russia during this war avoided taking any steps that could damage the friendly relations with the United States. On the other hand, while pursuing an active foreign policy in the Pacific region in those years, St. Petersburg feared the strengthening of the positions of the British and German Empires in the Far East. That is why the seizure of the Philippine Archipelago by the United States Russian diplomacy met with understanding and this step did not cause any objections in Saint Petersburg.

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11

Meixsel, Richard B. "Gentleman Soldier: John Clifford Brown and the Philippine-American War (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 3 (2004): 970–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0131.

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12

Diokno, Maria Serena I. "Perspectives on Peace during the Philippine—American War of 1899–1902." South East Asia Research 5, no. 1 (March 1997): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9700500102.

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13

Ventura, Theresa. "“I Am Already Annexed”: Ramon Reyes Lala and the Crafting of “Philippine” Advocacy for American Empire." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 3 (June 4, 2020): 426–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000092.

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AbstractThis article reconstructs the American career of the Manila-born author Ramon Reyes Lala. Lala became a naturalized United States citizen shortly before the War of 1898 garnered public interest in the history and geography of the Philippines. He capitalized on this interest by fashioning himself into an Oxford-educated nationalist exiled in the United States for his anti-Spanish activism, all the while hiding a South Asian background. Lala's spirited defense of American annexation and war earned him the political patronage of the Republican Party. Yet though Lala offered himself as a ‘model’ Philippine-American citizen, his patrons offered Lala as evidence of U.S. benevolence and Philippine civilization potential shorn of citizenship. His embodied contradictions, then, extended to his position as a producer of colonial knowledge, a racialized commodity, and a representative Filipino in the United States when many in the archipelago would not recognize him as such. Lala's advocacy for American Empire, I contend, reflected an understanding of nationality born of diasporic merchant communities, while his precarious success in the middle-class economy of print and public speaking depended on his deft maneuvering between modalities of power hardening in terms of race. His career speaks more broadly to the entwined and contradictory processes of commerce, race formation, and colonial knowledge production.

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14

Niedermeier, Silvan. "Imperial narratives: reading US soldiers' photo albums of the Philippine–American War." Rethinking History 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642529.2014.873581.

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15

Murphy, Erin L. "Women's Anti-Imperialism, “The White Man's Burden,” and the Philippine-American War." Gender & Society 23, no. 2 (April 25, 2008): 244–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243209333791.

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16

Brazzeal, Bradley. "The University of Wisconsin and the Development of Librarianship in the Philippines." Libraries: Culture, History, and Society 7, no. 1 (March 2023): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/libraries.7.1.0001.

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ABSTRACT The Spanish-American War of 1898 ushered in an era of American rule over the Philippines that formally ended in 1946. An expansive colonial government developed with Americans filling most professional positions early on. There was a slow transition to Filipinos holding those positions, and this process can be seen in the field of librarianship. By the middle of 1924 library leadership and the teaching of library science was firmly in the hands of Filipinos. The University of Wisconsin and those associated with the institution, both Americans and Filipinos, played leading roles in the development of Philippine librarianship. This article explores this special relationship, focusing on the pre–World War II era.

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17

kramer, paul a. "Race-Making and Colonial Violence in the U.S. Empire: The Philippine-American War as Race War*." Diplomatic History 30, no. 2 (April 2006): 169–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2006.00546.x.

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18

Hunziker, Alyssa A. ""Battlefield and Classroom": Indigenous Student-Soldiers and US Imperialism in the Carlisle Indian School Press." American Periodicals: A Journal of History & Criticism 33, no. 2 (2023): 152–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/amp.2023.a911654.

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ABSTRACT: The late nineteenth and early twentieth century saw the beginnings of US empire abroad and simultaneously the crystallization of the US assimilation era at home. While off-reservation Native American boarding schools like the Carlisle Indian Industrial School (1879–1918) developed national recognition, the US began to acquire overseas territories in Cuba, Hawai'i, Guam, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico. Students at schools like Carlisle produced white-edited, school-controlled periodicals like the Indian Helper , the Red Man and Helper , the Arrow , and the Carlisle Arrow . Reading Carlisle's periodicals, this essay traces the experiences of thirty-eight Carlisle students who enlisted in the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars and wrote about their experiences across the US's new empire. Although such periodicals have long been read as colonial documents, these newspapers, newsletters, and magazines nevertheless offer insights into Native students' writing and Native soldiers' voices at war, including their impressions of—and, sometimes, identification with—Filipinos, Puerto Ricans, and Native Hawaiians. Carlisle's administrators often used student-soldiers' reprinted letters to demonstrate successful assimilation which promised to transform Native peoples into patriotic US soldiers. These new "war correspondents" could then provide first-hand accounts of some of the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars most famous battles. Although largely meant to legitimate assimilative education systems, reprinted letters by Native student-soldiers often detail their everyday lives at war, including interactions with other Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities overseas. This essay ultimately argues for more generous readings of Native voices in these otherwise heavily censored letters. Despite their framing in the periodicals as willing agents of US empire, these reprinted letters by Native students underscore how the US military was likewise a site of trans-Indigenous exchange that provided the material circumstances for connection and solidarity.

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19

Russell, Timothy D. "“I FEEL SORRY FOR THESE PEOPLE”: AFRICAN AMERICAN SOLDIERS IN THE PHILIPPINE-AMERICAN WAR, 1899–1902." Journal of African American History 99, no. 3 (July 2014): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.99.3.0197.

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20

Brody, David. "Celebrating Empire on the Home Front: New York City's Welcome-Home Party for Admiral Dewey." Prospects 25 (October 2000): 391–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000715.

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The January 3, 1900, edition of the popular, New York City newspaper the World contains an advertisement for a new edition of The Century Dictionary & Cyclopedia & Atlas (Figure 1). The strength of this reference guide, according to the full-page advertisement, is the volume's war maps. The presentation of battle cartography “enable[s] one to trace instantly the movements of every important campaign on land or sea, the routes of invading armies, raids, etc., placing and dating on the maps the battles, sieges and blockades not only of ancient and medieval times, but also those of the year just ended – and this without any complexity in the maps themselves.” In case the reader needed to be reminded about recent wars, the advertisement has enormous graphic representations of “Africa” and the “Philippine Is.” The map of the Philippines would have immediately signified the Spanish-American (1898) and Philippine-American (1899–1902) Wars to readers, conflicts that the pages of the mass media covered widely.

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21

Holden, William N. "The role of geography in counterinsurgency warfare: The Philippine American War, 1899–1902." GeoJournal 85, no. 2 (January 24, 2019): 423–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-019-09971-7.

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22

Lowitz, Leza. "Vestiges of War: The Philippine-American War and the Aftermath of an Imperial Dream 1899-1999 (review)." Manoa 15, no. 2 (2003): 212–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2003.0137.

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23

Aune, Stefan. "Indian Fighters in the Philippines." Pacific Historical Review 90, no. 4 (2021): 419–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.4.419.

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This article explores the connections between the violence that accompanied U.S. continental expansion in the nineteenth century and the Philippine-American War, which began in 1899 after Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States following the Spanish-American War. Perhaps geographic distance has served to mask the temporal proximity of these linked periods of U.S. expansion, because this is a connection that has remained largely unexplored in the historiography. Rather than viewing 1898 as a caesura marking the separation between the continental and global phases of American empire, this article explores continuities through an examination of the interaction between imperial culture and military violence. Some U.S. soldiers in the Philippines drew directly on their experiences in wars with Native people, while others narrated their time in the Philippines as an “Indian war” and validated their actions by discursively positioning themselves and their troops as “Indian fighters.” The Indian Wars were translated, through the actions, imaginations, and writing of U.S. soldiers, politicians, and journalists, into a flexible discourse able to travel across space and time. These frontier resonances became one of several structuring narratives that sought to racialize Filipinos in order to justify the war and occupation.

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Ara, Satoshi. "Resistance and collaboration: The Japanese Occupation of Leyte, Philippines, and the role of the masses in wartime violence." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 53, no. 1-2 (June 2022): 252–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463422000364.

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Philippine historiography has long ignored the significant but complex role played by the people at the margins of society during the Japanese Occupation, except for some rural movements such as the Hukbalahap in central Luzon. During the Second World War, besides the coercion and violence perpetrated or orchestrated by the Japanese occupying forces from 1942, the people of Leyte experienced many kinds and levels of violence, including among local factions. At the onset of the invasion and from late 1944, Leyte was also the site of major naval and land battles between the returning American forces and the Japanese army, each side seeking to incorporate locals in their campaigns. This essay traces violent episodes involving and among members of the local elite and masses alike in Leyte, during and in the aftermath of the Japanese Occupation and the return of Americans up to Philippine Independence, to show how such violence was not only unleashed by war, but also had deep and complicated roots in colonial history, local politics and rural poverty.

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25

Villegas, Richard Ryan. "The Advent, Evolution Termination of the 1947 Military Bases Agreement and Its Influences to Philippine Military Foreign Policy." Research Probe 2, no. 1 (April 15, 2022): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53378/352882.

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The history of the Military Bases Agreement (MBA) between the US and the Philippines brings a dynamic view of Philippine foreign policy. The Philippine foreign policy has to change to respond to the changing needs of the changing times. Among the areas of foreign policy that is very significant is the military aspect as it provides social, economic advantages. This study aims to provide a historical overview of the MBA and its implication towards the adoption of a military foreign policy of the Philippines from 1947-1991. Explanations on how the MBA has shaped the Philippine foreign policies from 1947-1991 were provided. This historical study utilized the descriptive-analytical-narrative method and theory of military dependency. The following are the major findings of the study: 1) The Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union became a major factor in the establishment of military bases in the Philippines; 2) The massive task of rebuilding a war-devastated nation was aided by extensive American assistance. However, the Philippines faced a major problem of Communist insurgency dominated by the Hukbong Mapagpalaya sa Bayan (HMB) guerrillas; 3) The MBA had undergone several amendments during the administrations of Manuel A. Roxas to Corazon C. Aquino, and; 4) The MBA paved way for the signing of more recent military agreements such as the the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA).

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26

Smiley, Will. "Lawless Wars of Empire? The International Law of War in the Philippines, 1898–1903." Law and History Review 36, no. 3 (June 13, 2018): 511–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000682.

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Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued, had “remembered all the time that he was struggling with an enemy who was not entitled to the privileges usually granted prisoners of war,” and could be summarily executed, without benefit of “court-martial or other regular tribunal.” If anything, the Americans had been too generous. “Many [American] participants in the struggle,” he maintained, “have failed to fully understand that we were practically fighting an Asiatic nation in arms and almost every man a soldier in disguise and a violator” of the laws of war. But what did those laws mean to the United States during the conflict, and what does this indicate about the broader history of international law's relationship to empire?

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27

Lumba, Allan E. S. "Imperial Standards: Colonial Currencies, Racial Capacities, and Economic Knowledge during the Philippine-American War." Diplomatic History 39, no. 4 (June 15, 2014): 603–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhu020.

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Aquino. "Unremembering and Re-membering the Philippine-American War through the Composite Bodies of Reenactment." Verge: Studies in Global Asias 5, no. 2 (2019): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/vergstudglobasia.5.2.0132.

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29

McCoy, Alfred William. "Policing the Imperial Periphery: The Philippine-American War and the Origins of U.S. Global Surveillance." Surveillance & Society 13, no. 1 (July 29, 2014): 4–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v13i1.5161.

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Using a methodology that inserts the current controversy over NSA surveillance into its historical context, this essay traces the origins of U.S. internal security back to America’s emergence as a global power circa 1898. In the succeeding century, Washington’s information infrastructure advanced through three technological regimes: first, the manual during the Philippine War (1898–1907); next, the computerized in the Vietnam War (1963–75); and, recently, the robotic in Afghanistan and Iraq (2001–14). While these military missions have skirted defeat if not disaster, the information infrastructure, as if driven by some in-built engineering, has advanced to higher levels of data management and coercive capacity. With costs for conventional military occupations now becoming prohibitive, the U.S. will likely deploy, circa 2020, its evolving robotic regime—with a triple-canopy aerospace shield, advanced cyberwarfare, and digital surveillance—to envelop the earth in an electronic grid capable of blinding entire armies on the battlefield or atomizing a single insurgent in field or favela.

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Morley, Ian. "The creation of modern urban form in the Philippines." Urban Morphology 16, no. 1 (November 8, 2011): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51347/jum.v16i1.3965.

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This paper explores the creation of city plans in the Philippines during the early-twentieth century. It considers how urban planning was employed to strengthen an embryonic sense of national character as defined by American colonial administrators, and how the employment of a particular urban morphological model helped to convey this identity. The implementation of ‘modern urban form’ as part of a governmental process to dissociate the Philippines from its past as an ‘uncivilized’ place is examined. Political and cultural transition after the Spanish-American War of 1898 is related to the manifestation of American visions of nationhood in environmental form. The alliance between urban form, colonial governance, the Philippine landscape, and identity production is explored, and new light is shone on how cultural, political, artistic, and environmental forces affected each other.

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31

Federspiel, Howard M. "Islam and Muslims in the Southern Territories of the Philippine Islands During the American Colonial Period (1898 to 1946)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (September 1998): 340–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400007487.

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The United States gained authority over the Philippine Islands as a result of the Spanish-American War (1898) and the Treaty of Paris (1899), which recognized American wartime territorial gains. Prior to that time the Spanish had general authority over the northern region of the Islands down to the Visayas, which they had ruled from their capital at Manila on Luzon for nearly three hundred years. The population in that Spanish zone was Christianized as a product of deliberate Spanish policy during that time frame. The area to the south, encompassing much of the island of Mindanao and all of the Sulu Archipelago, was under Spanish military control at the time of the Spanish American War (1898), having been taken over in the previous fifteen years by a protracted military campaign. This southern territory was held by the presence of Spanish military units in a series of strong forts located throughout the settled areas, but clear control over the society was quite weak and, in fact, collapsed after the American naval victory at Manila Bay. The United States did not establish its own presence in much of the southern region until 1902. It based its claim over the region on the treaty with the Spanish, and other colonial powers recognized that claim as legitimate.

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32

Chase, Robert. "Art and War in the Pacific World: Making, Breaking, and Taking from Anson's Voyage to the Philippine-American War." Journal of American History 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 187–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa061.

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Chavez, Yve. "Art and War in the Pacific World: Making, Breaking, and Taking from Anson’s Voyage to the Philippine–American War." Journal of Pacific History 53, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 524–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2018.1541147.

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34

Lifshey, Adam. "The Literary Alterities of Philippine Nationalism in José Rizal's El filibusterismo." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1434–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1434.

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The seminal novels of the Philippines, José Rizal's Noli me tangere (1887) and El filibusterismo (1891), are written in Spanish, a language that began evaporating in the archipelago when the United States defeated Spain in the Spanish-American War in 1898 and imposed English as a lingua franca. Where does a foundational author like Rizal fit in a discussion of globalized literatures when the Philippines are commonly framed as a historical and cultural hybrid neither quite Asian nor quite Western? In Rizal's El filibusterismo, the Philippines are an inchoate national project imagined not in Asia but amid complex allusive dynamics that emanate from the Americas. Rizal and his novel, like the Philippine nation they inspired, appear in global and postcolonial frameworks as both Asian and American in that epistemes Eastern and Western, subaltern and hegemonic, interact in a ceaseless flow that resists easy categorization.

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35

Tone, John. "Mark R Barnes, The Spanish-American War and Philippine Insurrection, 1898–1902: An Annotated Bibliography." European History Quarterly 43, no. 3 (July 2013): 524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691413493729c.

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36

Hasian, Marouf. "The Philippine–American War and the American Debates about the Necessity and Legality of the “Water Cure,” 1901–1903." Journal of International and Intercultural Communication 5, no. 2 (May 2012): 106–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17513057.2011.650184.

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37

Nepomuceno, Tyrone Jann. "Cold War Narrative of Dependency: Revisiting Philippine Collaboration with America and Diosdado Macapagal’s Neo-Realist Response." Scientia - The International Journal on the Liberal Arts 11, no. 2 (September 30, 2022): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.57106/scientia.v11i2.4.

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Diosdado Macapagal, Philippine President from 1961-1965, whose career was made rich by working in the foreign service, belonged to a tradition of championing a Foreign Policy shaped under America’s tutelage, adhering to democratic ideals, dismissive of Communism, and indifferent to neutralism and non-alignment. While various groups branded this policy as one of mendicancy that jeopardized Philippine Independence itself, President Manuel Roxas, who instituted it in 1946, was given little to no option but to side with America. The Second World War’s apocalyptic results required prompt and massive reconstruction and industrialization, necessitating foreign aid. This study reveals a chapter in the Philippines’ Cold War History, which show instances of balancing the state of dependence on America with neo-realist postures. Macapagal worked for Land Reform to peacefully address Communism within and collaborated with America in the name of national security to counter possible foreign communist infiltration. In an anarchic world forged by Cold War developments, Macapagal secured US financial and military assistance and defended national interest in a neorealist posture to the point of championing views more orthodox and even contrary to that of America. Filipino’s preference for collaboration with America made the neo-colonial situation manageable at that time, to still reap whatever the superpower is willing to give while it promoted its own global agenda. Macapagal worked within this neo-colonial setting by balancing dependency and neorealism. References Abaya, Hernando. Our Vaunted Press: A Critique. Philippine Graphic 35, no. 16 (1968). Buszybnski, Leszek. “Realism, Institutionalism, and Philippine Security.” Asian Survey 42, no. 3 (2002). Carr, Edward. What is History? New York: Pelican Books, 1961. Constantino, Renato. Identity and Consciousness: The Philippine Experience. Quezon City: Malaya Books, 1974. _________________. The Nationalist Alternative. Quezon City: Foundation for Nationalist Studies, 1984. David, Randolph. “Philippine Underdevelopment and Dependency Theory.” Philippine Sociological Review 28, no. 1/4 (1980). De Castro, Rene. “Historical Review of the Concept, Issues, and Proposals for an Independent Foreign Policy for the Philippines: 1855-1988, 1989.” https://www.asj.upd.edu.ph/mediabox/archive/ASJ-27-1989/decastro.pdf Accessed May 13, 2022. Fifield, Russel. “Philippine Foreign Policy.” Far Eastern Survey 20, 4 (1951). Forbes, William. The Philippine Islands. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1945. Gribble, Richard. Anti-Communism, Patrick Peyton, CSC and the C.I.A. Journal of Churchand State 45, no. 3 (2003). Guinto, Josias. A Study of Philippine Foreign Policy. Doctoral Dissertation, University of Santo Tomas, 1955. Higginson, P. (1980). The Vatican and Communism from ′Divini Redemptoris′ to Pope Paul VI. New Blackfriars. 61 (719) pp. 158-171 From: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43247119 John XXIII. Pacem in Terris, Encyclical Letter. April 11, 1963. https://www.vatican.va/content/john-xxiii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_j xxiii_enc_11041963_pacem.html Accessed: 19 March 2022. Lent, J. (1966). “The Press of the Philippines: Its History and Problems.” Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly (1966). Macapagal, Diosdado. A Stone for the Edifice: Memoirs of a President. Quezon City: MAC Publishing House, 1968. __________________. Constitutional Democracy in the World. Manila: Santo Tomas University Press, 1991. __________________. From Nipa Hut to Presidential Palace: Autobiography of President Diosdado Macapagal. Quezon City: Philippine Academy for Continuing Education and Research, 2002. __________________. Imperatives of Economic Development in the Philippines, University of Santo Tomas, 1957.__________________. New Hope for the Common Man: Speeches and Statements of President Diosdado Macapagal. Volume 1. Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1962. __________________. New Hope for the Common Man: Speeches and Statements of President Diosdado Macapagal. Volume 2. Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1963. __________________. 1963 State of the Nation Address. Delivered at the Old Legislative Building in Manila. Retrieved: March 19, 2022 From: https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1963/01/28/diosdado-macapagal-second-state- of-the-nation-address-january-28-1963/Accessed: 19 March 2022. __________________. 1964 State of the Nation Address. Delivered at the Old Legislative Building in Manila. https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1964/01/27/diosdado-macapagal-third-state-of-thenation-address-january-27-1964/Accessed March 19, 2022. __________________. 1965 State of the Nation Address. Delivered at the Old Legislative Building in Manila. https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1965/01/25/diosdado-macapagal-fourth-state-of-the-nation-address-january-25-1965/Accessed March 19, 2022. Magsaysay, Ramon. Roots of Philippine Policy. Foreign Affairs 35, no. 1 (1956). Manglapus, Raul. (1960). The State of Philippine Democracy. Foreign Affairs 38, no. 4. Official Gazette. Official Week in Review (May 27-June 2, 1962). Official Gazette. Official Week in Review (January 17, 1965). Perez, Louis. Dependency. The Journal of American History 77, no. 1 (1990). Pineda-Ofreneo, Rosalinda. A History of Philippine Journalism Since 1945. Mandaluyong: Cacho Hermanos, 1984. Pius IX. Qui Pluribus, Encyclical Letter. Issued November 9, 1846. https://www.vatican.va/content/pius-ix/it/documents/enciclica-qui-pluribus-9-novembre-1846.html Accessed: 19 March 2022. Pius XI. Divini Redemptoris, Encyclical Letter. Issued March 19, 1937. https://www.vatican.va/content/pius-xi/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_19370319_divini-redemptoris.html Accessed March 19, 2022. Russell, Bertrand. Portraits of Memory and Other Essays, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1956. Van der Kroef, Justus. “Communism and Reform in the Philippines.” Pacific Affairs 46, no. 1 (1973). Velasco, Andres. “Dependency Theory.” Foreign Policy, 33 (2002).

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Ortiz, Stephen R. "Rethinking the Bonus March: Federal Bonus Policy, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and the Origins of a Protest Movement." Journal of Policy History 18, no. 3 (July 2006): 275–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2006.0010.

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In 1927, the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW), the national organization founded in 1899 by veterans of the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars, appeared destined for historical obscurity. The organization that would later stand with the American Legion as a pillar of the powerful twentieth-century veterans' lobby struggled to maintain a membership of sixty thousand veterans. Despite desperate attempts to recruit from the ranks of the nearly 2.5 million eligible World War veterans, the VFW lagged behind in membership both the newly minted American Legion and even the Spanish War Veterans. The upstart Legion alone, from its 1919 inception throughout the 1920s, averaged more than seven hundred thousand members. Indeed, in 1929, Royal C. Johnson, the chairman of the House Committee on World War Veterans Legislation and a member of both the Legion and the VFW, described the latter as “not sufficiently large to make it a vital factor in public sentiment.” And yet, by 1932, in the middle of an economic crisis that dealt severe blows to the membership totals of almost every type of voluntary association, the VFW's membership soared to nearly two hundred thousand veterans. Between 1929 and 1932, the VFW experienced this surprising growth because the organization demanded full and immediate cash payment of the deferred Soldiers' Bonus, while the American Legion opposed it. Thus, by challenging federal veterans' policy, the VFW rose out of relative obscurity to become a prominent vehicle for veteran political activism. As important, by doing so the VFW unwittingly set in motion the protest movement known as the Bonus March.

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Brody, David. "J. M. Mancini. Art and War in the Pacific World: Making, Breaking, and Taking from Anson’s Voyage to the Philippine-American War." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz670.

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Cruz De Castro, Renato. "Twenty-First Century Philippine–American Security Relations: Managing an Alliance in the War of the Third Kind." Asian Security 2, no. 2 (August 2006): 102–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850600710655.

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Jackson, Stephen. "“The Triumph of the West”: American Education and the Narrative of Decolonization, 1930–1965." History of Education Quarterly 58, no. 4 (October 12, 2018): 567–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2018.31.

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This article examines representations of imperialism, anti-colonial nationalism, and decolonization in US textbooks for American and World History courses between 1930 and 1965. Broadly speaking, 1930s and early 1940s texts lauded imperialism and associated European colonialism with American imperialist activities. Authors extolled the benefits for colonial peoples, including literacy, good government, and peace, and anti-colonial nationalists were caricatured as irrational and ungrateful. US global engagement during and after World War II gradually changed the narrative, particularly following Philippine independence in 1946, as texts subsequently portrayed the US as an enlightened decolonizer. Postwar textbooks tended to argue that nationalism was a product of Western ideas and that anti-colonial nationalism was a triumph for Western civilization. While constructing this narrative of the spread of Western values, textbook authors largely marginalized colonial actors, promoted unflattering and stereotyped views of Africans and Asians, and de-emphasized the extreme violence inherent in the decolonization process.

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Yao, Chen. "Philippine Public School System During the American Rule (1901‒1935) ‒ From the Perspective of Global History and Soft Power." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 12-3 (December 1, 2021): 231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202112statyi77.

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This article analyzes the public school system established by the United States in the Philippines in 1901-1935 from the perspective of global history and soft power. It believes that the systematic public education of the United States in the Philippines is a colonial soft power policy. It had a profound impact on the modernization of the Philippines and the U.S.-Philippines relationship after World War II.

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Duggan, Marie Christine. "Review: Art and War in the Pacific World: Making, Breaking, and Taking from Anson’s Voyage to the Philippine-American War by J.M. Mancini." Pacific Historical Review 88, no. 4 (2019): 772–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2019.88.4.772.

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Pacheco, Vincent, and Jeremy De Chavez. "“. . .delivered from the lie of being truth”: The Affective Force of Disinformation, Stickiness and Dissensus in Randy Ribay’s Patron Saints of Nothing." Text Matters: A Journal of Literature, Theory and Culture, no. 11 (November 22, 2021): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-2931.11.06.

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Waged in 2016, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs has claimed over 20,000 lives according to human rights groups. The Duterte administration’s own count is significantly lower: around 6,000. The huge discrepancy between the government’s official count and that of arguably more impartial organizations about something as concretely material as body count is symptomatic of how disinformation is central to the Duterte administration and how it can sustain the approval of the majority of the Philippine electorate. We suggest that Duterte’s populist politics generates what Boler and Davis (2018) call “affective feedback loops,” which create emotional and informational ecosystems that facilitate smooth algorithmic governance. We turn to Patron Saints of Nothing, a recently published novel by Randy Ribay about a Filipino-American who goes back to the Philippines to uncover the truth behind the death of his cousin. Jay’s journey into the “heart of darkness” as a “hyphenated” individual (Filipino-American) allows him access to locally networked subjectivities but not its affective entanglements. Throughout the novel, he encounters numerous versions of the circumstances of Jun’s demise and the truth remains elusive at the end of the novel. We argue that despite the constant distortion of fact and fiction in the novel, what remains relatively stable or “sticky” throughout the novel are the letters from Jun Reguero that Jay carries with him back to the Philippines. We suggest that these letters can potentially serve as a form of “dissensus” that challenges the constant redistribution of the sensible in the novel.

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Smallman-Raynor, M., and A. D. Cliff. "The Epidemiological Legacy of War: The Philippine– American War and the Diffusion of Cholera in Batangas and La Laguna, South-West Luzón, 1902–1904." War in History 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/096834400668582867.

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Smallman-Raynor, Matthew, and Andrew D. Cliff. "The Epidemiological Legacy of War: The Philippine-American War and the Diffusion of Cholera in Batangas and La Laguna, South-West Luzón, 1902-1904." War in History 7, no. 1 (January 2000): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834450000700103.

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Greene, Julie. "MOVABLE EMPIRE: LABOR, MIGRATION, AND U.S. GLOBAL POWER DURING THE GILDED AGE AND PROGRESSIVE ERA." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 1 (January 2016): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000572.

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The acquisition of an empire that stretched across North America, the Caribbean, Central America, and the Pacific world transformed the United States during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. While scholars have examined many aspects of U.S. expansionism, a neglected issue involved the imperial labor migrations it required. From across North America, the Caribbean, southern Europe, and Asia, men and women were recruited to labor in the service of building U.S. global power at the turn of the twentieth century. Officials saw recruiting and moving laborers from far away as necessary to ensure productivity and discipline. This required U.S. government and corporate leaders to experiment with labor management in ways that shaped the “long twentieth century” of U.S. history. Mobility was not only central to the logic of the U.S. Empire; when possible, workers also deployed it for their own ends. Therefore migration became a terrain of struggle between workers and government officials. This paper looks in particular at documents generated by two migrating groups important in the making of U.S. global power. Afro-Caribbeans who traveled to construct the Panama Canal; and soldiers who served in the War of 1898 and the Philippine-American War.

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Shaffer, Robert. "The Forbidden Book: The Philippine-American War in Political Cartoons - by Abe Ignacio, Enrique de la Cruz, Jorge Emmanuel, and Helen Toribio." Peace & Change 32, no. 2 (April 2007): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.2007.00428.x.

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Yeh, Chiou-Ling. "Anti-American Expressions: The 1957 Taipei Incident and Chinese in the Philippines, Thailand, and Hong Kong." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 28, no. 4 (December 21, 2021): 325–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28040002.

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Abstract Although scholars have investigated the intricacies of anti-Americanism, few have examined the factors that affected the abilities of minorities or colonized people to protest U.S. policies. This article compares and contrasts the responses of Chinese in the Philippines, Thailand, and Hong Kong to the May 24th Incident of 1957, when 25,000 Chinese attacked the U.S. embassy and ransacked the U.S. Information Service Office in Taipei, Taiwan, due to the acquittal of a U.S. soldier for killing a Chinese. While U.S. military and economic aid motivated recipients to rally behind the anti-Communist banner, geopolitics, domestic conditions, and anti-Chinese racism also played pivotal roles in determining whether the Chinese could voice or act upon their anti-American sentiment. The Philippines’ heavy dependence on U.S. military and economic aid, coupled with long-lasting anti-Chinese racism, limited the potential for Philippine Chinese to critique U.S. policies. By contrast, tenuous U.S.-Thai relations and domestic anti-Americanism emboldened Thai Chinese to lambaste U.S. military injustice. Although the largest U.S. aid recipient, Britain adhered to neutrality in its Cold War politics and permitted a vibrant cultural industry in Hong Kong, resulting in strong criticism of U.S. policies among the city’s Chinese.

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Prakapovich, Nina Vladimirovna. "Role of education in the concept of the “New Society” of the authoritarian regime of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines (1972-1982)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 222–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-222-235.

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Russian historiography pays considerable attention to the economic and political modernization of the life of the Philippine archipelago, starting from the time of Spaniards, then, American colonization and ending with the era of independence. However, the educational policy on which, on the one hand, the successes of the political and socio-economic modernization of the Philippines have been based throughout the country’s history, and on the other, which by the beginning of the 21st century has become a serious obstacle to economic independence and the establishment of national self-identity, are undeservedly ignored by domestic researchers. The author of this article in previous works has already made attempts to identify the features of the educational policy of Spaniards and Americans in the Philippines, as well as of the independent Philippine governments in the first decades after the end of World War II. But no less interesting is the era of the authoritarian regime of the President of the Philippines, Ferdinand Marcos (1972-1982). Analyzing a wide range of foreign literature and relying on presidential decrees and testimonies of contemporaries as sources, the author comes to the conclusion that the educational policy of the Marcos era is ambiguous: on the one hand, it has become an effective tool to combat country’s main social - economic problems in the 1970s - the problem of unemployment. On the other hand, in the early 1980s it led to its aggravation and marked the beginning of the mass labor migration of Filipinos, which continues to this day. Political decisions made on issues such as the language of instruction, the introduction of a national entrance exam in colleges and universities, and the publication of new textbooks have become critical levers in the deployment of education in support of the labor export strategy in the Marcos era.

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