Journal articles on the topic 'Philippines. Department of Agrarian Reform'

The past economic colonial policies in the Philippines created severe issues for land tenancy and distribution patterns. When Magsaysay won the presidency in 1953, his administration carried the banner of land and agrarian reform as its core policy. The paper investigated how Magsaysay Administration’s agrarian reform policies addressed the needs of the peasants. Further, the study presents the land and agrarian reform programs enacted by the Magsaysay Administration, from conceptualization to implementation, their results, and efficacy in easing the tenancy problem of farmers. Using the historical method, the study showed that Magsaysay's land and agrarian reform program provided security of tenure to the farmers. It enabled them to become more independent, self-reliant, and responsible citizens. Ultimately, the program succeeded in protecting the farmers from the uncertainty and threat of land deprivation and, in effect, curtailed insurgency. Magsaysay's program also proved influential to succeeding administrations in the design and construction of their land and agrarian reform laws.

Civil society fragmentation may have significant implications for rural development initiatives, such as agrarian reform program implementation. This paper assesses the issue by looking at civil society participation and cleavages in the enactment of the 2009 Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program Extension with Reforms (CARPER) in the Philippines. CARPER was promoted by a coalition of social and political movements, including the Catholic Church and peasant and farmer groups aligned with centre-left political organizations. It was however opposed by two discordant groups: the leftist national democratic bloc of people’s organizations and legislators, and conservative landlords. A Gramscian framework is adapted to describe the hegemonic relations affecting three engaged organizations from the civil society spectrum and to assess potential convergences among them.

This article explores local histories of Guatemala’s 1952 agrarian reform in the department of Sacatepéquez. It argues that applications of the land reform law were situated within a preexisting context of local rivalries rooted in conceptions of identity that were tied to community, land, and labor. By analyzing the way that individuals interacted with the agrarian reform and each other, this article also suggests that oversimplified understandings of Guatemala’s rural population tend to minimize the contested nature of agrarian reform. Instead, this article closely examines local politics in order to understand how involved individuals deployed social categories in pursuit of land.

Throughout the country’s history, agrarian reform in the Philippines has long been a combative issue and one that is often preceded by some form of instability and violence. Used mainly as a tool to garner grassroots support, agrarian reforms were formally institutionalized by setting up regulations on land size and contracts. Despite efforts to integrate the reforms to the markets, including the clustering of small hectares (ha) of land into large corporate estates, the benefits of the Agrarian Reform Program remained elusive under conservative demarcations set by regulations, including the definition of property rights, transformation or maintenance of state structures and the contract limitations to be formed at the production level. Land continues to be redistributed favorably to former landowner elites. This study finds that inequality in land ownership persists as the institutions set de facto political power to the elites. Under this condition, the equitable redistribution of land is an impossibility. The Philippine Agrarian Reform Programs have been hampered by high transaction costs and inadequate credible commitments, thus resulting in the erosion of market forces and elite capture of institutions. Based on agency theory, the existing regulation-based programme, which relies on the state’s power to expropriate, should give away to a more demand-driven, community-led Agrarian Reform Program that gives the parties more space to negotiate and bargain about the final allocation of the land. This involves the promulgation of relational contracts and the creation of more democratic institutions.

The paper is a theoretical discourse on policy shift, defined as the turning point or threshold by which policymaking agents abandon old policy preferences in favor of new ones. It contends that policy shift is contingent upon two factors: (1) the nature of elite interests, and (2) exogenous pressures like world prices and economic crises. The dismantling of cohesive elite interests is essential before policy shift could take place. Exogenous pressures can help achieve this by altering the settings which define these interests. Specifically, the paper examines the liberalization of trade and investment in the Philippines as an episode of policy shift. In the 1980s, the sudden reversal of international prices of agricultural products forced many agrarian elites to abandon agriculture and shift to other more lucrative business ventures like services and manufacturing. In the process, they explored new areas of interest and formulated corresponding sets of policy preferences. Against this backdrop and under a new constitution, former President Fidel V. Ramos and his successors pursued liberalization. The trend toward further economic liberalization became irreversible due to the country’s commitment to international agreements such as the World Trade Organization, ASEAN Free Trade Area, ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement and the proposed Philippines-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement.

AbstractAcross plantation communities in the Philippines, farm workers are locked in struggles about their entitlement to land. Who may qualify as ‘rightful beneficiaries’ in the current government programme of land redistribution has become a deeply contentious issue. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law of 1988 has produced — besides landowner resistance — an extensive renegotiation of land rights at the community level that may set landless workers against one another. This paper explores, for the sugarcane plantation region of Negros Occidental, why these intra-poor conflicts take place and how the boundaries between competing groups are drawn. Central to the analysis are: (1) a multi-actor perspective that considers the interactions of farm workers with state agencies, landowners, farm worker movements, NGOs, and different categories of the landless poor; and (2) a focus on the multiple social fields in which farm workers are involved (the fields of the state, market, social movements, landowner patronage, and the plantation community, among others), each with a defining social tie and legitimising discourse, each prompting a specific type of claim and justifying argument.

The imbalance between the land supply and the need for land, has caused many problems, sometimes the problem is very difficult to find a solution. With the redistribution of the TORA program in the Southeast Sulawesi province, it helped to slow down the problem slowly. Problems that often occur in the TORA program are generally narrow and unequal land ownership, land conflicts, legal inconsistencies, and damage to natural resources. To that end, the implementation of landreform activities in support of the TORA program in Southeast Sulawesi Province is a synergy of programs from the Central Government which is coordinated with the local Regional Government, in this case the Forestry Service, Forest Area Strengthening Agency, National Land Agency, Regional Development Planning Agency, Cipta Karya Construction and Design, Department of Agriculture and Animal Husbandry in the Southern Province. So that the true purpose of the Agrarian Reform is to restructure the structure of ownership, use and utilization of agrarian resources, especially land by the state as the basis of national development to realize a more equitable agrarian structure for all Indonesian people, in this case the people of Southeast Sulawesi Province.

A national drug policy was formulated in the Philippines after the rise of the Aquino government in 1986. In this article, the author discusses the pharmaceutical situation before the policy was announced, and argues that the major push for a policy came from the confluence of four factors: a change in the structures of political power, especially the rise of a new government and the empowerment of health non-governmental organizations as new participants in the policy process; members of the Department of Health who pushed for a policy; a more conducive social and political climate, both locally and internationally; and a growing body of knowledge about the drug issue. The author discusses the policy's achievements as well as the limitations that have beset the policy from 1987 to 1992.

Academic performance determines the quality and standard of efficiency and effectiveness of an educational system. The Research Forum Presentation Philippines' Approach to Assessment of the 21st Century Skills Assessment Curriculum and Technology Research Center (ACTRC) stressed that learners need to acquire 21st-century skills. To address this concern, the Philippines, through its educational agencies, including the Department of Education (DepEd) for the elementary school learners, has merged the learning approach in developing the 21st-century skills through the K to12 education reform agenda. Through its Bureau of Educational Assessment, DepEd has worked to define the skills and determine the opportunities of public elementary school learners of Bacolod City during the School Year 2019-2020. Likewise, it explores the relationship between the predictors of learners' academic performance using the demographic, such as age, sex, birth order, family living condition, monthly family income, nutritional status, and the level of academic performance of the learners in a public elementary school.

ABSTRACTThis article is a study of the 1905-6 world tour undertaken by William Jennings Bryan and his family. Bryan was one of the major US politicians of his era. Three times a Democratic party presidential nominee (1896, 1900, 1908), he played a prominent role in the various reform crusades of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and was the leading figure on the populist, agrarian wing of his party. To date, however, historians have paid little attention to his extensive travels and voluminous travel writing, in large part because hostile journalists and historians – chief among them Walter Lippmann, H. L. Mencken, and Richard Hofstadter – succeeded in casting him as an archetype of American parochialism. This study makes us aware of Bryan's published and unpublished correspondence, the memoirs of his daughter Grace, newspaper reports, and cartoons to form a reassessment of Bryan, focusing primarily on his encounters with unfamiliar cultures, and with imperialism in the Philippines, British India, and the Dutch East Indies. In so doing, it places Bryan for the first time in a global and transnational frame, and mounts a broader critique of the rigidly regional and national orientation of the US historiography of populism.

The nineteenth of June 2011 marks a century and fifty years since the birth of José Protasio Rizal in 1861.1 The ninth of November 2011 also marks the Golden Jubilee of the foundation of the Departments of Ophthalmology and Otorhinolaryngology of the Philippine General Hospital (PGH) in 1961, dividing the original Department of Eye, Ear, Nose and Throat that was established a century ago in May 1911. The national hero of the Philippines and Pride of the Malay Race2 is immortalized in countless ways, reflecting his multiple accomplishments that mark a true renaissance individual. The two departments of the national University of the Philippines (UP) have likewise made their mark in pace with the many achievements of their alumni. Rizal was a polyglot and polymath poet, painter, sculptor, sportsman, scientist and patriot, whose writings led to his execution and sparked the Philippine Revolution of 1898.1,3 He was also a physician and an ophthalmologist who insightfully dissected the ills of his patients and society.4 What have the departments and their hospital contributed to health and to humankind? If precedence were the measure of significance, the pioneering “firsts” would have to include the first laryngo-fissure operation by founding department head Dr. Reinhard Rembe in 1913, the first intracapsular cataract lens extraction in the country using a suction erisophake after the technique of Barraquer by the next chair (and nephew of the national hero) Dr. Aristeo Rizal Ubaldo in 1920, the first laryngectomy by Drs. Ubaldo and founding president of the Philippine Academy of Ophthalmology Antonio S. Fernando in 1923 and the first labyrinthectomy by Drs. Ubaldo and Vicencio C. Alcantara in 1927.5 There was a time when the chairs and senior consultants of most departments of otorhinolaryngology - head and neck surgery in the Philippines were alumni of the UP-PGH, as was the leadership of the Philippine Society of Otolaryngology and Bronchoesophagology (later Philippine Society of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery) which separated from the Philippine Ophthalmological and Otolaryngological Society (subsequently Philippine Academy of Ophthalmology and Otolaryngology) in 1956. But those are bygone days, and the folly of resting on one’s laurels becomes all too apparent, as these are quickly eclipsed by the capabilities of newer, better-equipped health care facilities that are manned by experts trained in their respective institutions. Thus the race to super-specialize and sub-specialize, perhaps to regain lost ground and primacy at the expense of tertiary general health care has become the battle cry for some, led by the present administration of the PGH. And yet, the majority of Filipinos still do not have access to primary health care.6 They who do not even have the services of a basic physician much less can avail of special care of their sight, hearing and balance, smell and taste, breathing, swallowing or speaking, nor of the face with which they face the world. Witness the number of adults with unrepaired cleft lips and untreated head and neck tumors roaming the streets of the city. The UP College of Medicine (UPCM) founded in 1905 aims “towards leadership and excellence in community-oriented medical education, research and service directed particularly to the underserved.”5 As the teaching hospital of the UPCM, with whom it shares such academic and clinical departments as Ophthalmology and Otorhinolaryngology, the hundred-year-old Philippine General Hospital and its leadership cannot and must not turn a blind eye or deaf ear to the underserved it is mandated to serve. Its true strength lies in relevance, which is quickly lost if it succumbs to the delusionary glitter of super specialization beyond the reach of most people. Of what benefit is it to be the “first,” if it does not redound to the good of the “many?” Of Rizal, it has been said “to his patients he gave sight; and to his country he gave vision.”7 As the Departments of Ophthalmology and Otorhinolaryngology pursue the arts and sciences of vision, hearing and balance, olfaction and gustation, respiration and deglutition, phonation and facial expression, may they sharpen the sensitivity of health providers in PGH and other loco-regional general hospitals to the real issues of health and humankind in the developing world and embolden us to overcome the apathy to “hear no evil, see no evil, speak no evil.”

Maize(Zea mays L.)small-scale farmers in the rural areas of the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa are generally under-resourced, and as a result, their crops are vulnerable to pest attacks. The farmers often cannot afford farming implements and inputs, and tend to improvise with what is freely available in their surroundings. Regarding pests, farmers tend not to follow the conventional use of chemical insecticides and rather use alternative methods of control such as plant-based methods. Plant-based methods that are founded on formulations and plant combinations have been found to be eroding due to lack of documentation. This study sought to document the names of plants used in combinations and formulations and their preparation methods so that they can be further used to set a research agenda specific to affordable pest control methods for the Province. Surveys using the convenience and stratified purposive sampling techniques were conducted in selected rural areas of the Eastern Cape Province in order to investigate the plants, their combinations and formulations used by these farmers to control insect pests of maize. A total of 217 farmers were interviewed. Study protocols adhered to ethical standards set by the EasternCape Department of Rural Development and Agrarian Reform. Data were analysed using descriptive statistics, whereas percentages were calculated using Microsoft Excel (2010). Findings revealed that most of the plants used were from familiesSolanaceaeandAsteraceae. The most preferred plant was Chenopodiumambrosioides, a perennial herb from the family Chenopodiceae. Although, several arthropods were mentioned by farmers as pests of maize in their cultivation areas, the predominant targets of formulations and combinations were maize stalk borers. These insects were also cited as most troublesome. The common plant part used in combinations and formulations was the leaves. Thefindingsraisedtheneed for continuous scientific validation and documentation of indigenous pest control methods to bridge the generational gap and increase the range of their use.

<p><strong><em>ABSTRACT:</em></strong><strong><em> </em></strong><em>This study provides an in-depth analysis on how gender issues, concepts</em><em>,</em><em> and principles were integrated in the recent K-12 Araling Panlipunan </em><em>or </em><em>Social Studies </em><em>c</em><em>urriculum provided by the Department of Education </em><em>in the Philippines</em><em>. The study employed descriptive analysis of the K-12 Araling Panlipunan </em><em>or </em><em>Social Studies</em><em> c</em><em>urriculum content covering grades one to ten. Findings have shown that promoting gender-fair education is a commitment of different educational institutions in the country</em><em>,</em><em> both private and public. Social Studies </em><em>are the </em><em>curriculum vehicle of the K-12 Basic Education Reform to promote active citizenship and social transformation. The new Social Studies Curriculum of the K-12 Basic Education Reform tries to respond in integrating gender-principles and concepts in the teaching-learning process by providing curricul</em><em>um</em><em> content that recognizes women’s significance in the society as product of historical and cultural processes. The school serves as an agent of social transformation by creating curricul</em><em>a</em><em> that provide learning experiences that will harness social criticism and action towards contemporary issues in the country. </em></p><p><strong><em>KEY</em></strong><strong><em> </em></strong><strong><em>WORD: </em></strong><strong><em>D</em></strong><em>evelopment, gender</em><em>-</em><em>fair education, </em><em>Social Studies c</em><em>urriculum, </em><em>and t</em><em>ransformative education</em><em>.</em><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>ABSTRAKSI</em></strong><em>: “Mengkaji Ketanggapan Gender dalam Reformasi Pendidikan Dasar di Filipina: Sebuah Analisis terhadap K-12 Araling Panlipunan atau Kurikulum Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial”. Penelitian ini menganalisis secara mendalam isu-isu gender, konsep, dan prinsip-prinsip yang terintegrasi dalam kurikulum terbaru K-12 Araling Panlipunan atau Kurikulum Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial, yang diberikan oleh Kementerian Pendidikan di Filipina. Penelitian ini menggunakan analisis deskriptif terhadap isi K-12 Araling Panlipunan atau Kurikulum Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial yang meliputi kelas satu sampai sepuluh. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa mempromosikan pendidikan gender yang adil merupakan komitmen dari lembaga pendidikan yang beragam di negara ini, baik swasta dan negeri. Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial adalah wahana bagi kurikulum Reformasi Pendidikan Dasar K-12 untuk mempromosikan warganegara yang aktif dan transformasi sosial. Kurikulum baru Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial dalam Reformasi Pendidikan Dasar K-12 mencoba merespons persyaratan untuk mengintegrasikan konsep dan prinsip gender dalam proses belajar-mengajar dengan menyediakan materi kurikulum yang mengakui pentingnya perempuan dalam masyarakat sebagai produk dari proses sejarah dan budaya. Sekolah berfungsi sebagai agen transformasi sosial dengan menciptakan kurikulum dan memberikan pengalaman belajar yang akan memanfaatkan kritik sosial dan tindakan nyata terhadap isu-isu kontemporer di negara ini. </em></p><p><strong><em>KATA KUNCI</em></strong><em>: Pembangunan, pendidikan adil bagi gender, kurikulum Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial, dan pendidikan transformatif.</em></p><p><img src="/public/site/images/wirta/04.tatenco_.pnu_.ok_.jpg" alt="" /></p><p><strong><em>About the Authors:</em></strong> <strong>Nerissa S. Tantengco, Ph.D.</strong> is a Professor in Southeast Asian Studies at the (Philippine Normal University). <strong>Rodolfo L. Maramag, M.A.</strong> is a Lecturer in Philippine Studies at the PNU in Manila, the Philippines. Corresponding authors is: <a href="mailto:tantengco.ns@pnu.edu.ph">tantengco.ns@pnu.edu.ph</a></p><p><strong><em>How to cite this article?</em></strong> Tantengco, Nerissa S. &amp; Rodolfo L. Maramag.<strong> </strong>(2016). “Examining Gender Responsiveness of the Philippine Basic Education Reform: An Analysis of the K-12 <em>Araling Panlipunan</em> or Social Studies Curriculum” in <em>MIMBAR PENDIDIKAN: Jurnal Indonesia untuk Kajian Pendidikan</em>, Vol.1(1) Maret, pp.37-54. Bandung, Indonesia: UPI Press. <strong></strong></p><p><em><strong><em>Chronicle of the article:</em></strong> </em>Accepted (December 15, 2015); Revised (January 15, 2016); and Published (March 11, 2016).</p>

This article aims to explore the resettlement and formation of the Ukrainian population in Altai in 1865–1917 from a complex historical-geographic point of view. For achieving this aim, the following objectives were set: to reveal the main reasons of Ukrainian population’s migration mobility in traditional places of their living; to identify factors influencing their choice of settlement and formation of settlements in the new territory; to highlight the stages of settlement; to map zones of settlement of Ukrainians in the territory of Russian Altai. The source base of the research consists of legislative acts, statistical data from the State Archive of Altai Krai. Of special significance are accounts on the directions, general outputs and activities of the Resettlement Department during Stolypin’s agrarian reform, and periodicals. A specific and complementing group of sources is the fieldwork data collected by the author and other staff of the Oral History and Ethnography Center at Altai State Pedagogical University in Altai Krai in areas of Ukrainian settlement (Romanovsky, Volchikhinsky, Pankrushikhinsky, Egoryevsky, Krutikhinsky, Krasnogorsky, Rodinsky Districts) and partially in Qarasouk District in Novosobirsk Oblast; more than 120 interviews in total. The analysis of the sources allowed determining and describing the main factors of the Ukrainian population’s mass resettlement to Siberia, particularly to Altai, in the given time frame. The objective factors were the shortage of land for cultivation caused by the crisis of existing land usage, the rapid increase of land-poor peasants, the worsening of peasants’ material stand in Ukrainian regions. The subjective factors were the construction of railways, the introduction of the system of medical and food assistance for resettlers on their way to new locations, rumors about free land that made peasants leave their homeland and migrate to new non-cultivated territories. The Ukrainian resettlement to Altai may be divided into three main stages: 1865–1888, 1889–1905, 1906–1917, taking into account the specificity of each stage and mapping the main zones of the Ukrainian resettlement. The zones were allocated based on the existence of the resettlers’ culture with sustained intra-ethnic connections, with the preserved (in some degree) historical self-consciousness (the nuclear zone is Rodinsky, Romanovsky, Blagoveshshensky and Kulundinsky Districts), and the gradual extinction of ethnicity, oblivion and loss of ethnic identity (the periphery is Aleysky, Pospelikhinsky, Novichikhinsky, Egoryevsky, Rubtsovsky, Mamontovsky, Pankrushikhinsky, Krutikhinsky, Krasnogorsky, Topchikhinsky Districts).

Relevance of research topic. The number of Ukrainian holding-type organizations and their land bankcontinues to grow, "displacing" small and medium-sized producers from the agricultural economy.Since 2019, state policy has been refocusing on forced support for small and small-scale farms, and after the Ukrainian decentralization reform the leadership of the united territorial communities of the new tools they received depends on the development of small and medium-sized businesses. Formulation of the problem. Today, the actualization of local economic development requires significant financial resources from the united territorial communities. And the formation of their budget depends on the effectiveagricultural sector operation. After the Ukrainian reform of local self-government and decentralization, the economic development of the territories and of Ukraine as a whole, depends on the using of new tools and resources by the community leadership. The solution of theagrarian sphere problems of the united territorial communities is in the plane ofsmall agrarian entrepreneurship state support, strengthening of the state control over the activity of large agro-traders, as well as their social and financial responsibility to the united territorial communities. Analysis of recent research and publications. Theoretical questions on the study of small agrarian entrepreneurship in the development of united territorial communities were engaged in such scientists of the Institute of Economics of NASU, Institute of Agrarian Economics of NAAS of Ukraine, as Shemyakin D., Finagina O. V., Lysetsky A. S., Onishchenko O. M., and other national and foreign scientists. Selection of unexplored parts of the general problem. The issue of the impact of decentralization on theagricultural sector development of the united territorial communities needs to be detailed and further researched. Setting the task, the purpose of the study. The article aim is to investigate the theoretical aspect of organizational and legal foundations of the formation of united territorial communities in Ukraine, assess thesmall agricultural business current state and trace its relationship with the activities of united territorial communities for economic development. Method or methodology for conducting research. The set of general scientific methods of cognition and special methods of economic research are used in the work. Among them: analysis and synthesis, generalization and comparison, system-structural and comparative analysis, systematic method of cognition of economic processes and phenomena, index method and method of statistical groupings for analysis of united territorial communities activity development of the agro-industrial complex of Ukraine. Presentation of the main material (results of work). The article considers the theoretical aspect of organizational and legal foundations of the united territorial communities formation in Ukraine, assesses the current state of small agricultural business and reveals it’s main relationships with the united territorial communities activities for region economic development. Territorial communities are voluntary associations of residents of city, village and settlement councils, which directly receive funding from the state budget for the development of education, medicine, sports, culture, and social protection. Financial support from the state gives more opportunities to local communities to implement their own projects. The more active the territorial community, the more projects will be implemented and theterritorial communityprofitability level will be higher, which it will spend on the development of territories. This is the main incentive to attract additional investment to improve people's living standards. In 2020, theUkrainian Cabinet of Ministers adopted 24 orders on the definition of administrative centers and approval ofregional community’s territories. There are 1469 territorial communities in our country. After the launch of the decentralization process in Ukraine – the transfer of powers and resources to places from which the community itself determines the direction of funding, small communities require forresource lack for rural development. The solution has beena decision to consolidate several councils by merging, which allowed communities to use common resources for territorial development. Ukraine owns 60.3 million hectares, which is about 6% of Europe's territory.There are 32.7 millionarable land hectares of land in the structure ofUkrainian agricultural territory, of which almost 9 million are used as pastures, hayfields and other agricultural lands. The quarter of agricultural land was never distributed, remaining on the balance of the state. Thus, state and the communal property include 10.5 million hectares of agricultural land, which is 26% of the total area, of which 3.2 million hectares – in the permanent use of state enterprises, 2.5 million hectares – in stock, and the rest – for rent. Almost 40% of the total number of Ukrainian enterprises in the agricultural sector and 38% of the area of agricultural land cultivated by agricultural enterprises are absorbed by agricultural holdings and large agricultural traders. On June 1, 2019, there were more than 160 large agricultural holdings in the country, they cultivate more than 3.6 million hectares of agricultural land. Thus, today in Ukraine the number of holding-type organizations and their land bank continues to grow, "displacing" small and medium-sized producers from the agricultural economy. Thecommunity agrarian branch is a complex multi-sectoral system, the individual subsystems of which are unevenly represented in different territorial formations, but are in close interaction with each other. The role of small agrarian businesses in the development of united territorial community’sagriculture is constantly growing. In recent years, the share of farms has increased by 30%. With the development of farming in the agricultural regions of Ukraine, the opportunities to solve the problem of employment in rural areas and the revival of territories in general are increasing. Therefore, state support for agricultural producers is an important step in order to obtain funds for small business development in the agro-industrial sector. If earlier the preference of vectors of state support was in large agro-traders, then from 2019 the policy of the state was reoriented to the strengthened support of small and small-scale farms. Such support is confirmed by financial preferences for small agribusiness through regional branches of the Ukrainian State Farm Support Fund. Agricultural cooperatives will receive state support through cooperation with the Ministry of Agriculture of Ukraine with the assistance of the Department. Thus, today the promissory note form of payment has been abolished, and 70% of the cost of their equipment has been reimbursed for cooperatives. As a result of the crisis of 2014-2016, many Ukrainians started doing business and many successful cases of micro and small agricultural enterprises operating in the regions appeared in the country. However, barriers to rural development are a lack of financial resources and a lack of economic knowledge. Therefore, in order to maximally support farms and agro-industrial entrepreneurship in rural areas by the state, high-quality interaction and communication on the ground is needed. Thus, in addition to financial support, the state program also includes advising agricultural producers. Experienced specialists will help to structure the business, calculate the financial and create a business plan. In 2020, the budget of financial support for the agro-industrial sector of Ukraine is set at 4 billion UAH, which is only 43% of the limit – does not meet 1% of GDP. the real need for financial state support of a key sector of Ukraine's economy. The implementation of the program of financing micro and small agribusiness has great potential not only in the country, but also within each united territorial community. Each of them, which participates in the program of state support of small agrarian business, annually receives about 75 thousand UAH of taxes to its budget. On a national scale, this is an additional UAH 75 million ($ 3.06 million) in taxes to local budgets over 5 years. The possibility of organizational and legal forms of micro and small agribusiness, according to the current legislation of Ukraine, to hire labor – partially solves the problem of unemployment in rural areas. A significant contribution is also made by micro and small agribusiness in increasing the volume of gross domestic product in Ukraine. Small and medium business in Ukraine brings 55% of gross domestic product to the country's economy, and micro and small business 16%, while in Europe the figure is twice as high, and their efficiency is 10 times higher than in our country. It is the subjects of small and medium-sized businesses in the field of agriculture that are powerful catalysts and stimulators of business activity, determine the unification of all participants in economic relations in the country. Therefore, state support and effective development of united territorial community’sagribusiness create the basis for the emergence and functioning of the institutional environment. Thus, giving 12% of Ukraine's GDP and providing jobs for members of the local community, small agribusiness entities need the development of agricultural equipment suppliers, agricultural processors, research institutions that conduct breeding work and develop modern technologies, logistics infrastructure, market structures, as well as institutions of agricultural education. The agro-industrial sphere of the community is the main means of ensuring the socio-economic development of territorial united territorial communitiesand the effective functioning of rural areas. However, the distribution of agricultural land and land ownership remains an urgent problem for united territorial communities, as in addition to the territorial base, the land is a means of agricultural production. The population of the united territorial community is the main consumer of agricultural products produced by small agricultural enterprises. So, it provides a reproduction of labor for the industry. The vector of development of united territorial community’sagricultural production depends on the availability of natural, productive and labor resources of the community. The most energy-intensive are the production of vegetable crops, sugar beets, potatoes, industrial crops, as well as certain livestock industries, which are more often engaged in by farms and small agricultural enterprises. The study found that in Ukraine, government measures are the main obstacle to the development of agro-industrial entrepreneurship in united territorial communities, because it creates an extremely unfavorable climate for the development of small and medium enterprises or prohibits it altogether. For many years in a row, the sources of budget formation, which are generally local taxes, remain a significant problem in the development of agriculturally oriented united territorial communities. The limitation of incomes of agricultural enterprises and the population is the low efficiency of agricultural enterprises, the main reason for which is the low wages of peasants. The reason for this problem in the agricultural sector is low productivity, which forms the added value of agricultural products. Examining the structure of Ukrainian small agrarian business, its players in general education were classified into two large groups: 1. Farmers and agricultural producers living and working in rural areas. They live in a society within the lands of which they rent shares, pay all the necessary taxes, provide residents of general education with jobs, finished agricultural products at affordable prices. 2. Farmers who are registered in Ukrainian cities, however, use the land of the community, paying only the rent of agricultural land, depleting them due to non-compliance with crop rotations. Such agro-traders enjoy state support, soft loans and other preferences, receive super-profits and in no way contribute to the development of agricultural areas and society. These are the activities of large agro-industrial holdings, the form of interaction with rural general education and the mechanisms of social responsibility which need to be worked out with the help of the following measures by the government and agricultural producers: 1) development and restoration of the infrastructure of the united territorial communities and its elements used by agricultural holdings; 2) use of modern ecologically safe agrotechnologies. 3) training of qualified specialists in the field of agro-industrial complex, their employment in modern agro-industrial companies; 4) state support, restoration and preservation of recreational and health facilities of the united territorial communities, including agricultural lands, which are leased by large agricultural holdings; 5) involvement in the economic activity of the agricultural holding of farms on a partnership basis. Thus, partnerships and cooperation between large agricultural holdings and small agricultural producers of united territorial communities can contribute not only to the development of small agricultural businesses in Ukraine, but also to the socio-economic development of society and rural areas in general. The field of application of results. Thescientific research results on the problems of small agricultural entrepreneurship in the development of united territorial communities can be used in the field of state regulation of agribusiness and united territorial communities to support local agricultural producers. Conclusions according to the article. The agro-industrial sphere of the communities is the main means of ensuring the socio-economic development of territorial communities and the effective functioning of rural areas, because the development of farming opportunities increases the problem of rural employment and the revival of territories in general. That is why state support for agricultural producers is an important step to obtain funds for small business development in the agro-industrial sector.

- G.W.J. Drewes, Taufik Abdullah, Islam and society in Southeast Asia, Institute of Southeast Asian studies, Singapore, 1986, XII and 348 pp., Sharon Siddique (eds.) - Th. van den End, T.Valentino Sitoy, A history of Christianity in the Philippines. The initial encounter , Vol. I, Quezon City (Philippines): New day publishers, 1985. - R. Hagesteijn, David G. Marr, Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th centuries, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian studies and the research school of Pacific studies of the Australian National University, 1986, 416 pp., A.C. Milner (eds.) - R. Hagesteijn, Constance M. Wilson, The Burma-Thai frontier over sixteen decades - Three descriptive documents, Ohio University monographs in international studies, Southeast Asia series No. 70, 1985,120 pp., Lucien M. Hanks (eds.) - Barbara Harrisson, John S. Guy, Oriental trade ceramics in South-east Asia, ninth to sixteenth century, Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1986. [Revised, updated version of an exhibition catalogue issued in Australia in 1980, in the enlarged format of the Oxford in Asia studies of ceramic series.] 161 pp. with figs. and maps, 197 catalogue ills., numerous thereof in colour, extensive bibliography, chronol. tables, glossary, index. - V.J.H. Houben, G.D. Larson, Prelude to revolution. Palaces and politics in Surakarta, 1912-1942. VKI 124, Dordrecht/Providence: Foris publications 1987. - Marijke J. Klokke, Stephanie Morgan, Aesthetic tradition and cultural transition in Java and Bali. University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian studies, Monograph 2, 1984., Laurie Jo Sears (eds.) - Liaw Yock Fang, Mohamad Jajuli, The undang-undang; A mid-eighteenth century law text, Center for South-East Asian studies, University of Kent at Canterbury, Occasional paper No. 6, 1986, VIII + 104 + 16 pp. - S.D.G. de Lima, A.B. Adam, The vernacular press and the emergence of modern Indonesian consciousness (1855-1913), unpublished Ph. D. thesis, School of Oriental and African studies, University of London, 1984, 366 pp. - J. Thomas Lindblad, K.M. Robinson, Stepchildren of progress; The political economy of development in an Indonesian mining town, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986, xv + 315 pp. - Pauline Lunsingh Scheurleer, J.E. van Lohuizen-de Leeuw, Indo-Javanese Metalwork, Linden-Museum, Stuttgart, Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde, 1984, 218 pp. - H.M.J. Maier, V. Matheson, Perceptions of the Haj; Five Malay texts, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian studies (Research notes and discussions paper no. 46), 1984; 63 pp., A.C. Milner (eds.) - Wolfgang Marschall, Sandra A. Niessen, Motifs of life in Toba Batak texts and textiles, Verhandelingen KITLV 110. Dordrecht/Cinnaminson: Foris publications, 1985. VIII + 249 pp., 60 ills. - Peter Meel, Ben Scholtens, Opkomende arbeidersbeweging in Suriname. Doedel, Liesdek, De Sanders, De kom en de werklozenonrust 1931-1933, Nijmegen: Transculturele Uitgeverij Masusa, 1986, 224 pp. - Anke Niehof, Patrick Guinness, Harmony and hierarchy in a Javanese kampung, Asian Studies Association of Australia, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1986, 191 pp. - C.H.M. Nooy-Palm, Toby Alice Volkman, Feasts of honor; Ritual and change in the Toraja Highlands, Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, Illinois Studies in Anthropology no. 16, 1985, IX + 217 pp., 2 maps, black and white photographs. - Gert J. Oostindie, Jean Louis Poulalion, Le Surinam; Des origines à l’indépendance. La Chapelle Monligeon, s.n., 1986, 93 pp. - Harry A. Poeze, Bob Hering, The PKI’s aborted revolt: Some selected documents, Townsville: James Cook University of North Queensland. (Occasional Paper 17.) IV + 100 pp. - Harry A. Poeze, Biografisch woordenboek van het socialisme en de arbeidersbeweging in Nederland; Deel I, Amsterdam: Stichting tot Beheer van Materialen op het Gebied van de Sociale Geschiedenis IISG, 1986. XXIV + 184 pp. - S. Pompe, Philipus M. Hadjon, Perlindungan hukum bagi rakyat di Indonesia, Ph.D thesis Airlangga University, Surabaya: Airlangga University Press, 1985, xviii + 308 pp. - J.M.C. Pragt, Volker Moeller, Javanische bronzen, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum für Indische Kunst, Berlin, 1985. Bilderheft 51. 62 pp., ill. - J.J. Ras, Friedrich Seltmann, Die Kalang. Eine Volksgruppe auf Java und ihre Stamm-Myth. Ein beitrag zur kulturgeschichte Javas, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, 1987, 430 pp. - R. Roolvink, Russell Jones, Hikayat Sultan Ibrahim ibn Adham, Berkeley: Center for South and Southeast Asia Studies, University of California, Monograph Series no. 57, 1985. ix, 332 pp. - R. Roolvink, Russell Jones, Hikayat Sultan Ibrahim, Dordrecht/Cinnaminson: Foris, KITLV, Bibliotheca Indonesica vol. 24, 1983. 75 pp. - Wim Rutgers, Harry Theirlynck, Van Maria tot Rosy: Over Antilliaanse literatuur, Antillen Working Papers 11, Caraïbische Afdeling, Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Leiden, 1986, 107 pp. - C. Salmon, John R. Clammer, ‘Studies in Chinese folk religion in Singapore and Malaysia’, Contributions to Southeast Asian Ethnography no. 2, Singapore, August 1983, 178 pp. - C. Salmon, Ingo Wandelt, Wihara Kencana - Zur chinesischen Heilkunde in Jakarta, unter Mitarbeit bei der Feldforschung und Texttranskription von Hwie-Ing Harsono [The Wihara Kencana and Chinese Therapeutics in Jakarta, with the cooperation of Hwie-Ing Harsono for the fieldwork and text transcriptions], Kölner ethopgraphische Studien Bd. 10, Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1985, 155 pp., 1 plate. - Mathieu Schoffeleers, 100 jaar fraters op de Nederlandse Antillen, Zutphen: De Walburg Pers, 1986, 191 pp. - Mathieu Schoffeleers, Jules de Palm, Kinderen van de fraters, Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij, 1986, 199 pp. - Henk Schulte Nordholt, H. von Saher, Emanuel Rodenburg, of wat er op het eiland Bali geschiedde toen de eerste Nederlanders daar in 1597 voet aan wal zetten. De Walburg Pers, Zutphen, 1986, 104 pp., 13 ills. and map. - G.J. Schutte, W.Ph. Coolhaas, Generale missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, VIII: 1725-1729, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Grote Serie 193, ‘s-Gravenhage, 1985, 275 pp. - H. Steinhauer, Jeff Siegel, Language contact in a plantation environment. A sociolinguistic history of Fiji, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987, xiv + 305 pp. [Studies in the social and cultural foundations of language 5.] - H. Steinhauer, L.E. Visser, Sahu-Indonesian-English Dictionary and Sahu grammar sketch, Verhandelingen van het KITLV 126, Dordrecht: Foris Publications, 1987, xiv + 258 pp., C.L. Voorhoeve (eds.) - Taufik Abdullah, H.A.J. Klooster, Indonesiërs schrijven hun geschiedenis: De ontwikkeling van de Indonesische geschiedbeoefening in theorie en praktijk, 1900-1980, Verhandelingen KITLV 113, Dordrecht/Cinnaminson: Foris Publications, 1985, Bibl., Index, 264 pp. - Maarten van der Wee, Jan Breman, Control of land and labour in colonial Java: A case study of agrarian crisis and reform in the region of Ceribon during the first decades of the 20th century, Verhandelingen of the Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology, Leiden, No. 101, Dordrecht: Foris Publications, 1983. xi + 159 pp.

Public procurement is a core element for the operation government agencies for their purposes (World Trade, 2010). In the Philippines, a Public Procurement Reform Act was enacted to ensure that the following: (a) transparency, (b) competitiveness, (c) streamlined procurement process, and (e) civil monitoring are incorporated in the procurement process. In theory, the Public Procurement Reform Law was in line with international best practices. However, the problem in the implementation caused serious weaknesses in the procurement. Reports revealed that widespread of corruptions still continue to exist. This paper examined the procurement processes of the Division of Cagayan de Oro City, Department of Education, and Region 10 in the implementation of the government procurement reform law. Through descriptive survey design and purposive sampling, the study targeted 34 respondents. The quantitative data collected were analyzed by the use of descriptive statistics using SPSS and presented through percentages and frequencies. The findings revealed that (76%) of the respondents agreed that the procurement reform law was not new them. However, (58.82%) of the respondents agreed that the procurement reform law caused a delay in the procurement process. All respondents agreed with the recommendation that training on the procurement reform law will solve the problem. Keywords - Public Administration, procurement, implementation, delays, descriptive design, Philippines

This paper explores the effects of labour movement into nonfarm activities on household production choices in rural Vietnam. It finds that agricultural production declines and there are negative effects on farm revenue. However, these conclusions are limited in the north. Households in the north readjust their production structure by investing in livestock and other crops that require less labour. Rice farmers in the south have managed to keep their rice production unaffected by hiring more labour, and investing more capital to switch to less labour-intensive farming. The evidence of relaxing liquidity constraints is found, at least in the short run. While the decline in agricultural revenue in the north suggests some level of substitution between farming and nonfarm activities, the stability in rice production at the national level brings good news to policy makers and food security in Vietnam, despite rapid structural change over the past decades. Keywords Nonfarm, food security, rice self-sufficiency, agricultural transformation, household agricultural production References Akram-Lodhi, A.H., 2005. Vietnam’s agriculture: processes of rich peasant accumulation and mechanisms. Journal of Agrarian Change, 5(1), pp.73–116.Barrett, B., Reardon, T. and Webb, P., 2001. Nonfarm income diversification and household livelihood strategies in rural Africa: concepts, dynamics, and policy implications. Food Policy, 26, pp. 315–331.Brennan, D. et al., 2012. Rural-urban migration and Vietnamese agriculture. In Contributed paper at the 56th AARES Annual Conference. Fremantle, Western Australia.Dang, KS., Nguyen, NQ., Pham, QD., Truong, TTT. and Beresford, M 2006. Policy reform and the transformation of Vietnamese agriculture, in Rapid growth of selected Asian economies: lessons and implications for agriculture and food security, Policy Assistance Series 1/3, FAO, Bangkok.De Brauw, A., 2010. Seasonal Migration and Agricultural Production in Vietnam. Journal of Development Studies, 46(1), pp.114–139.Glewwe, P., Dollar, D. and Agrawal, N., 1994. Economic growth, poverty, and household welfare in Vietnam, World Bank, Washington, DC.Haggblade, S., Hazell, P. and Reardon, T., 2007. Transforming the rural nonfarm economy. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, Maryland.Hazell, P. and Rahman, A., 2014. New directions for smallholder agriculture 1st ed., Oxford University Press, New York.Hoang, T.X., Pham, C.S. and Ulubaşoǧlu, M., 2014. Non-farm activity, household expenditure, and poverty reduction in rural Vietnam: 2002-2008. World Development, 64, pp.554–568.Huang, J., Wang, X. and Qiu, H.G., 2012. Small-scale farmers in China in the face of modernization and globalization, International Institute for Environment and Development/HIVOS, London.Kajisa, K., 2007. Personal networks and non-agricultural employment: the case of a farming village in the Philippines. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 55(4), pp.668–707.Kilic, T, Carletto, C, Miluka, J. and Savastano, S., 2009. Rural nonfarm income and its impact on agriculture: Evidence from Albania. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.139–60.Lanjouw, J. and Lanjouw, P., 2001. The rural non-farm sector: issues and evidence from developing countries. Agricultural Economics, 26, pp.1–23.Li, L., 2013. Migration, remittances, and agricultural productivity in small farming systems in Northwest China. China Agricultural Economic Review, 5(1), pp.5–23. Minot, N., 2006. Income diversification and poverty in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC.Minot, N. and Goletti, F., 1998. Export liberalization and household welfare: the case of rice in Vietnam. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 80(4), pp.738–749.Nguyen, H.Q., 2017. Analyzing the economies of crop diversification in rural Vietnam using an input distance function. Agricultural Systems, 157, pp. 148-156.Oseni, G. and Winters, P., 2009. Rural nonfarm activities and agricultural crop production in Nigeria. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.189–201.Otsuka, K., Liu, Y. and Yamauchi, F., 2013. Factor endowments, wage growth, and changing food self-sufficiency: Evidence from country-level panel data. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 95(5), pp. 1252–1258.Pham, VH, Nguyen, TMH, Kompas, T, Che, TN. and Bui, T., 2015. Rice production, trade and the poor: regional effects of rice export policy on households in Vietnam. Journal of Agricultural Economics, 66(2), pp. 280–307.Pingali, P.L., Xuan, V.T. and Khiem, N.T., 1998. Prospects for sustaining Vietnam’s re-acquired rice export status. Food Policy, 22(4), pp. 345–358.Rozelle, S., Taylor, J.E. and DeBrauw, A., 1999. Migration, remittances, and agricultural productivity in China. American Economic Review, 89(2), pp.287–291.Stampini, M. and Davis, B., 2009. Does non-agricultural labor relax farmers’ credit constraints? Evidence from longitudinal data for Vietnam. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.177–188.Taylor, J.E. and Martin, P.L., 2001. Human capital: migration and rural population change. In G. Rausser & B. Gardner, eds. Handbook of Agricultural Economics, vol 1A. New York: Elsevier Science, pp. 457–511.Taylor, J.E., Rozelle, S. and De Brauw, A., 2003. Migration and incomes in source communities: a new economic of migration perspective from China. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 52(1), pp.75–101.Taylor, J.E. and Lybbert, T., 2015. Essentials of Development Economics, University of California Press, Berkeley.Thirwall, A.P., 2006. Growth and development with special reference to developing economies 8th ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York.van de Walle, D. and Cratty, D., 2004. Is the emerging non-farm market economy the route out of poverty in Vietnam? Economics of Transition, 12(2), pp.237–274.Warr, P., 2009. Aggregate and sectoral productivity growth in Thailand and Indonesia, Working Papers in Trade and Development, 2009/10, Arndt-Corden Department of Economics, Australian National University.Warr, P., 2014. Food insecurity and its determinants. Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics, 58(4), pp. 519-37.Weiss, C.R., 1996. Exits from a declining sector: econometric evidence from a panel of upper-Austrian farms 1980-1990, Working Paper No. 9601, Department of Economics, University of Linz.Wiggins, S, Kirsten, J. and Llambí, L., 2010. The future of small farms. World Development, 38(10), pp. 1341–48.World Bank, 2006. Vietnam: business, Development Report No 34474-VN, Hanoi, Vietnam. KeywordsNonfarm, food security, rice self-sufficiency, agricultural transformation, household agricultural production References Akram-Lodhi, A.H., 2005. Vietnam’s agriculture: processes of rich peasant accumulation and mechanisms. Journal of Agrarian Change, 5(1), pp.73–116.Barrett, B., Reardon, T. and Webb, P., 2001. Nonfarm income diversification and household livelihood strategies in rural Africa: concepts, dynamics, and policy implications. Food Policy, 26, pp. 315–331.Brennan, D. et al., 2012. Rural-urban migration and Vietnamese agriculture. In Contributed paper at the 56th AARES Annual Conference. Fremantle, Western Australia.Dang, KS., Nguyen, NQ., Pham, QD., Truong, TTT. and Beresford, M 2006. Policy reform and the transformation of Vietnamese agriculture, in Rapid growth of selected Asian economies: lessons and implications for agriculture and food security, Policy Assistance Series 1/3, FAO, Bangkok.De Brauw, A., 2010. Seasonal Migration and Agricultural Production in Vietnam. Journal of Development Studies, 46(1), pp.114–139.Glewwe, P., Dollar, D. and Agrawal, N., 1994. Economic growth, poverty, and household welfare in Vietnam, World Bank, Washington, DC.Haggblade, S., Hazell, P. and Reardon, T., 2007. Transforming the rural nonfarm economy. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, Maryland.Hazell, P. and Rahman, A., 2014. New directions for smallholder agriculture 1st ed., Oxford University Press, New York.Hoang, T.X., Pham, C.S. and Ulubaşoǧlu, M., 2014. Non-farm activity, household expenditure, and poverty reduction in rural Vietnam: 2002-2008. World Development, 64, pp.554–568.Huang, J., Wang, X. and Qiu, H.G., 2012. Small-scale farmers in China in the face of modernization and globalization, International Institute for Environment and Development/HIVOS, London.Kajisa, K., 2007. Personal networks and non-agricultural employment: the case of a farming village in the Philippines. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 55(4), pp.668–707.Kilic, T, Carletto, C, Miluka, J. and Savastano, S., 2009. Rural nonfarm income and its impact on agriculture: Evidence from Albania. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.139–60.Lanjouw, J. and Lanjouw, P., 2001. The rural non-farm sector: issues and evidence from developing countries. Agricultural Economics, 26, pp.1–23.Li, L., 2013. Migration, remittances, and agricultural productivity in small farming systems in Northwest China. China Agricultural Economic Review, 5(1), pp.5–23. Minot, N., 2006. Income diversification and poverty in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC.Minot, N. and Goletti, F., 1998. Export liberalization and household welfare: the case of rice in Vietnam. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 80(4), pp.738–749.Nguyen, H.Q., 2017. Analyzing the economies of crop diversification in rural Vietnam using an input distance function. Agricultural Systems, 157, pp. 148-156.Oseni, G. and Winters, P., 2009. Rural nonfarm activities and agricultural crop production in Nigeria. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.189–201.Otsuka, K., Liu, Y. and Yamauchi, F., 2013. Factor endowments, wage growth, and changing food self-sufficiency: Evidence from country-level panel data. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 95(5), pp. 1252–1258.Pham, VH, Nguyen, TMH, Kompas, T, Che, TN. and Bui, T., 2015. Rice production, trade and the poor: regional effects of rice export policy on households in Vietnam. Journal of Agricultural Economics, 66(2), pp. 280–307.Pingali, P.L., Xuan, V.T. and Khiem, N.T., 1998. Prospects for sustaining Vietnam’s re-acquired rice export status. Food Policy, 22(4), pp. 345–358.Rozelle, S., Taylor, J.E. and DeBrauw, A., 1999. Migration, remittances, and agricultural productivity in China. American Economic Review, 89(2), pp.287–291.Stampini, M. and Davis, B., 2009. Does non-agricultural labor relax farmers’ credit constraints? Evidence from longitudinal data for Vietnam. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.177–188.Taylor, J.E. and Martin, P.L., 2001. Human capital: migration and rural population change. In G. Rausser & B. Gardner, eds. Handbook of Agricultural Economics, vol 1A. New York: Elsevier Science, pp. 457–511.Taylor, J.E., Rozelle, S. and De Brauw, A., 2003. Migration and incomes in source communities: a new economic of migration perspective from China. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 52(1), pp.75–101.Taylor, J.E. and Lybbert, T., 2015. Essentials of Development Economics, University of California Press, Berkeley.Thirwall, A.P., 2006. Growth and development with special reference to developing economies 8th ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York.van de Walle, D. and Cratty, D., 2004. Is the emerging non-farm market economy the route out of poverty in Vietnam? Economics of Transition, 12(2), pp.237–274.Warr, P., 2009. Aggregate and sectoral productivity growth in Thailand and Indonesia, Working Papers in Trade and Development, 2009/10, Arndt-Corden Department of Economics, Australian National University.Warr, P., 2014. Food insecurity and its determinants. Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics, 58(4), pp. 519-37.Weiss, C.R., 1996. Exits from a declining sector: econometric evidence from a panel of upper-Austrian farms 1980-1990, Working Paper No. 9601, Department of Economics, University of Linz.Wiggins, S, Kirsten, J. and Llambí, L., 2010. The future of small farms. World Development, 38(10), pp. 1341–48.World Bank, 2006. Vietnam: business, Development Report No 34474-VN, Hanoi, Vietnam.

The purpose of the article is to study the activities of the “Russian Grain” society on the development of agriculture in the Russian Empire. The author analyzed that it was founded to support the agrarian reform of P. A. Stolypin. “Russian Grain” had a more practical focus than other agricultural societies. It was provided with all possible assistance from the government and the heads of the agricultural department. The researcher draws attention to the fact that the main direction of work included training of peasants abroad in model farms. Landowners had an opportunity to improve their knowledge and practice. The company cooperated with other agrarian organizations. The author made a comparative description of the activities of the association. “Russian Grain” with the Petersburg Assembly of Rural Owners and the Northern Agricultural Society. The article also explored the relationship with the public agrarian organizations of the Ukrainian provinces. The “Russian Grain” actively propagated the idea of ​​borrowing useful and necessary foreign experience. The society had far-reaching plans. However, the situation was complicated by the consequences of the events of 1905-1907, the instability of the economy. The “Russian Grain” ceased to exist with the collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917. The author made a conclusion about the effectiveness and prospects of the activity of this agrarian organization.

Ten papers explore the importance of emotions in the study and understanding of finance and money. Papers discuss magic thinking and panic buttons in the callous financial transaction chains (Helena Flam); immoral panic and emotional operations in times of financial fragility (Alexandros-Andreas Kyrtsis); how European sovereign debt became the new subprime—the role of confidence in the European financial crisis, 2009–10 (Richard Swedberg); shame and stock market losses—the case of amateur investors in the United States (Brooke Harrington); the grammar of trust (Susan Shapiro); revisiting the credit theory of money and trust (Geoffrey Ingham); methodology in Max Weber's economic sociology—what place emotions in Roman agrarian history and today's finance sector? (Sam Whimster); states of disorder—new reflections on sociology's contribution to understanding financial booms and crises (Shaun Wilson and Peter McCarthy); “nicotine for protein”—culture and the emotions of hard trading in Japanese prisoner of war camps (Benjamin Manning); and the emotions of money—assessing betrayal and reform (Jocelyn Pixley). Pixley is Professorial Research Fellow with the Global Policy Institute at London Metropolitan University and Honorary Senior Research Fellow in the Department of Sociology at Macquarie University.

Republic Act 11223, known as the Universal Health Care (UHC) Act, has a triple goal of providing quality healthcare services that are equitable, accessible and cost-effective for all Filipinos. At long last, no longer would health care reform have to be re-invented as new DOH Administrative Orders or Executive Orders, which changes not only with every new Presidency, but in fact with every new Secretary of Health (recall the “Integrated Public Health System of 1983”, “Health Sector Reform Agenda of 1999”, the “FOURmula ONE for Health of 2005”, the “FOURmula ONE Plus for Health of 2019” programs). Finally, we now have a law that mandates lasting health care reform which are multi-administration in length, and multi-sectoral in scope. With this new law, however, we now have to accept the dirty little secrets that all past health care reform programs have learned. That medical science alone is not enough to bring about lasting improvements in the mortalities and morbidities for every Filipino man, woman, and child. That every new advancement in medicine, vaccination, therapy, or diagnostics, have actually been met with: new schemes for fraud; new opportunities for program failures due to increasing infrastructure demands including more electricity, more expensive machines, faster internet access, and others; and new healthcare workers who become overworked, under-compensated, and even under-protected from politicians and patients who attack the new advances due to ignorance or unfounded fears. As the old adage goes, the correct naming of a problem is 50% of the solution. Fortunately, just as the dirty little secret have metamorphosed with each medical science improvement, so have Information Technology, Behavior Science, Management Science, Economic Evaluation science, and Criminology also improved. Thus, the modern Evidence-Based Policy (EBP) development must actively supplement medical science with these other sciences to ensure that the promise of better, safer, and more cost-effective improvements in mortality and morbidity is actually enjoyed by all beneficiaries. As the main steward of health, the Department of Health (DOH) takes the lead in detailing the operationalization of the Law, hence, formulating the prescribed provisions of the Implementing Rules and Regulations (IRR). Because we need to ensure the success of this Law, it is imperative for DOH to use evidence-based policy tools and papers, and to yield consensus recommendations from all involved stakeholders. Hence, the UP Manila Health Policy Development Hub, having the special niche as a multi-science policy research group, was granted the AHEAD-HPSR funding to generate evidences as inputs in crafting the UHC Act IRR. The 15 policy papers in this issue formed part of the expected products from a research grant on “Development of Policy Notes or Evidence Summaries” submitted by the University of the Philippines Manila Health Policy Development Hub (UPM HPDH), otherwise known as Policy Hub, to the AHEAD-HPSR program of DOH in 2018. Created in 2015, UPM HPDH is a think tank and network of health policy advocates, analysts, and multidisciplinary researchers under the Office of the Chancellor of the University of the Philippines Manila and aims to be a national leader in formulating policy statements based on empirical, unbiased data, and appropriate statistical and policy analysis, to aid in the implementation of policy in different local settings. Since its establishment, the Policy Hub has conducted policy round table discussions on high impact and controversial health policies, provided trainings for policy makers and students, held special mentoring sessions with policy analysts, formed technical working groups for policy analysis that included critical assessment of evidence, dissemination and publication, among others. With the ubiquitous presence of fake news and other unreliable health information accessible to the public in the internet and social media, the Policy Hub aims to provide reliable and evidence-based health policy analyses and statements as an act of responsive public service and advocacy. This special issue of the journal contains position papers and policy statements that generated evidence summaries and consensus recommendations as inputs for the IRR of the UHC Act of 2020. These 15 policy papers focus on salient features of the UHC Act that revolve on the following: addressing primary care inequities; contracting out of health services for province-level integration of healthcare system; determining hospital bed capacity; gaps and gray areas identified in the IRR; criteria for population versus Individual-based health services; rationalizing health personnel financing schemes; third party accreditation; equitable health investment; return service agreement; and, include vital health concerns drawn from other health-related laws such as mental health and oral health that are integral part of the healthcare services in the UHC Act. Producing evidence-based data and information in aid of legislation is evolving as a standard in developing sound health policy and decision.1 We all know the power that a state-sponsored health policy exudes. It significantly influences how health is distributed, accessed, and acquired. Thus, a health policy evidenced by the sciences, if deployed properly with strong political will, certainly leads to healthy and happy citizens. The policy papers in this special issue embody a collaboration between UP Manila and DOH. A collaboration that could serve as a model wherein a health sciences academic institution and a national health agency of the government worked in synergy towards a public health policy that balances population health, scientific evidences, and fiscal and risk management. This was the first formal application of evidence-based policy (EBP) development between DOH, UP Manila, and stakeholders for evidence-informed and unbiased policy making. Evidence-based policy (EBP) development “refers to an approach that levers the best available objective evidence from research to identify and understand issues so that policies can be crafted by decision makers that will deliver desired outcomes effectively, with a minimal margin of error and reduced risk of unintended consequences.”2 The rationale therefore for EBP, is to advocate a more systematic approach that is both rigorous and encompassing to inform the policy process.3 Its objective consequently is not to produce the solutions; rather it is to utilize the best evidences, to provide credible information and analysis as a tool in policy making.2 As it uses these clear, unbiased and objective EBP policies, front line implementers can better contextualize, augment and deliver the intended health and health related improvements, by reducing uncertainty, increasing consistency, and providing accountability. We assert that the 15 policy papers contained in this special issue are products of EBP development and were meant to produce grounded data and information from the best scientific evidences and actual stakeholder experiences, that minimize and even prevent fraud, program failures, and worker fatigue and demoralization, so that we will finally attain true universal health care for all Filipinos in all stages and walks of life. Leonardo R. Estacio, Jr., MCD, MPH, PhD Dean College of Arts and Sciences University of the Philippines Manila Hilton Y. Lam, MHA, PhD Director Institute of Health Policy and Development Studies National Institutes of Health University of the Philippines Manila REFERENCES Brownson RC, Chriqui JF, Stamatakis KA. Understanding evidence-based public health policy. Am J Public Health. 2009 Sep; 99(9):1576-83.doi:10.2105/AJPH.2008.156224. Townsend T, Kunimoto B. Capacity, Collaboration and Culture: The Future of the Policy Research Function in the Government of Canada [Internet]. 2014 [cited 2020 Nov]. Available from: Sutcliffe S, Court J. Evidence-Based Policy Making. Overseas Development Institute. November 2005 [cited 2020 Nov]. Available from: https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion- files/3683.pdf

Introduction This paper explores some specific conjunctions that tie together two nations, Japan and the Philippines. Over the past 30 years both have become entwined as a transfer of people, cultures and societies have connected and formed some interesting developments. Relations between both countries have been highly influenced through the deployment of State intervention (historically colonial and post-colonial), as well as through actors’ initiatives, leading to the development of a complex network that links both countries. It is in these relations that I would like to locate a transition between two stages in Japan-Philippine relations. I argue, this is a transition, where marriages of one kind (international marriages), the bonding of social actors from two distinct cultural spheres, gives way to another form of marriage. This transition locates the term marriage as part of an ongoing process and a discursive realm in a larger ‘affective complex’ that has developed. In this paper, I focus on this term ‘affective complex’ as it offers some interesting avenues in order to understand the continuing development of relations between Japan and the Philippines. By ‘affective complex’ I refer to the ‘cultural responses’ that people use in reaction to situations in which they find themselves which are not mediated by language. I suggest that this complex is a product of a specific encounter that exists between two nations as understood and mediated by Japanese actors’ positionings vis-à-vis foreign resident Filipinos. In tracing a moment between Japan and the Philippines, I delineate emerging properties that currently allude to a transition in relations between both countries. I would like to show that the properties of this transition are creating an emergent phenomena, a complex? This is developing through interactions between human actors whose trajectories as transnational migrants and permanent foreign residents are coming under the scrutiny of Japanese State forces in a heavily contested discursive field. This paper focuses upon the nature of the complex that entwines both countries and examines Japan’s particular restructuring of parts of its workforce in an attempt to include foreign migrants. To do this I first offer an outline of my fieldwork and then delineate the complex that ties both countries within present theoretical boundaries. This paper is based on fieldwork which deals with the theme of International Marriages between Japanese and Filipino couples. In the field I have observed the different ways in which Filipinos or Japanese with a connection to the Philippines orientate themselves within Japanese society vis-à-vis the Philippines. For the purpose of this paper, I will focus exclusively on a particular moment in my field: a care-giver course run privately with approval and recognition from local government. This course was offered exclusively for Filipino nationals with permanent residency and a high level of Japanese. As part of a larger field, a number of overlapping themes and patterns were present within the attitudes of those participating in the course. These were cultural responses that social actors carry with them which constitute part of an ‘affective complex’, its gradual emergence and unfolding. To further locate this fieldwork and its theoretical boundaries, I also position this research within current understandings of complexity. Chesters and Welsh have referred to a complex system as being a non-linear, non-deterministic system. However, from my perspective, these parameters are insufficient if institutions, organisations and human actors exhibit linear and deterministic properties (properties that discursively capture, locate and define elements in a system). In my research, I am dealing with actors, in this case Filipinos who are seen first as recipients and then as providers of welfare services. Japanese actors act as suppliers of a service both to long-term residents and to the State. In this case the following question arises: whose ‘complexes’ may be defined by a mixture of both these parameters and how can it be possible to take into account relationships whose existence cuts across them? Could a complex not be any number of these terrains which have emerged through encounters between two countries? Marriage could be a starting point for complexes that can come under scrutiny at a higher level, that of the State forces. In addition, a study of complexity in the Social Sciences focuses on how structures form rather than by focusing on any prior structured existence. Any focus on a complex system is to analyze holistic multiple elements in order to descriptively locate structures, what they penetrate, and what they are penetrated by. Human actors’ actions, strategies and expectations merge under the influence of these structures, while simultaneously influencing them. As elements interact, emergent phenomena (properties that emerge at a higher level) show a system that is process dependent, organic, and always evolving (Arthur 109). Locating Affect Deleuze and Guattari refined the discursive realm to emphasise how spaces of creation, dialogue and the casting of influence are affective, institutional and State-influenced. Within these spaces I locate the existence of ‘affective complexes’ which are discursively constructed and deployed by local actors. I will to argue that international marriages have laid a groundwork in which ‘affect’ itself has become a catalyst, re-orientating perceptions of and toward Filipinos. Following Deleuze, we can understand ‘affect’ as an intensity which, to repeat, is an expression of human relationships not mediated directly through language (Rodriguez). However, I want to suggest ‘affect’ also comes under the scrutiny of, and is discursively appealed to by, State forces as ‘affective capital’. When I refer to ‘affective capital’ I mean the potential labour discursively constructed. This construction is then “projected and tapped” in response to the changing nature of Japan’s labour market – in particular, the shortage of care-givers. This construction itself exists as an ongoing management strategy that deals with certain foreign nationals in Japan. Here, in response to the transformations of service work, ‘affective capital’ is the commoditised value of care inherent the discourse. It is the kernel of ‘affective labour’. This was very clear in my fieldwork, wherein Filipinos were targeted exclusively as the recipients of training in the health-care sector based on an understanding of the form of ‘affect’ that they possess. In this context, ‘affect’ adds intensity to meaning and is used in a wide range of cultural contexts, yet its very essence eludes description, especially when that essence as used by ‘active agents’ may be misconstrued in its deployment or discursively captured. Returning to the Deleuzian interpretation of ‘affect’, it could be interpreted as the outcome of encounters between actors and as such, a ‘mode’ in which becoming can initiate possibilities. I refer to ‘affect’, the deployment of shared, performed, communicated non-verbal ‘content’, as a powerful tool and an essential component in everyday habituated practice. In other areas of my field (not included in this discussion), ‘affect’ deployed by both actors, husband and wife, within and beyond the family, manifests itself as a mode of being. This at times adds to the location of actors’ intentions, be they spoken or performative. In this sense, locating the ‘affect’ in my research has meant observing the way in which Filipinos negotiate the availability of life strategies and opportunities available to them. At the same time, ‘affect’ is also produced by Japanese actors realigning themselves vis-à-vis both foreign actors and social change, as well as by effectuating strategies to emergent situations in Japan such as care management. ‘Affective capital’ is an inherent long-term strategy which has its roots in the cultural resources at the disposal of non-Japanese partners who, over the years, in the short and long term put to use discursively produced ‘affect’. ‘Affect’, produced in reactions to situations, encounters and events, can work in favour of long-term residents who do not have access to the same conditions Japanese may find in the labour sector. From encounters in my fieldwork, the location of ‘affect’ is an asset not just within immediate relationships, but as a possible expression of strategies that have arisen in response to the recognition of reactionary elements in Japanese society. By reactionary elements I refer to the way in which a complex may realign itself when ‘interfered’ with at another level, that of the State. The Japanese State is facing labour shortages in certain sectors due to social change, therefore they must secure other potential sources of labour. Appropriation of human resources locally available has become one Japanese State solution for this labour shortage. As such, ‘affect’ is brought into the capitalist fold in response to labor shortages in the Health Sector. Background The Philippines is a prime example of a nomad nation, where an estimated eight million of the population currently work or live overseas while remitting home (Phillippines Overseas Employment Agency). Post-colonial global conditions in the Asia Pacific region have seen the Philippines cater to external national situations in order to participate in the global labour market. These have been in the form of flows of labour and capital outsourced to those economies which are entangled with the Philippines. In this context, marriage between both countries has come to be made up almost exclusively of Japanese men with Filipina women (Suzuki). These marriages have created nascent partnerships that have formed links within homes in both countries and supported the creation of a complex system tying together both nations. Yet, in the entanglement of what seems to be two economies of desire, some interesting observations can be drawn from what I consider to be the by-products of these marriages. Yet what does this have to do with a marriage? First, I would like to put forward that certain international marriages may have developed within the above discursive framework and, in the case of the Philippines and Japan, defined certain characteristics that I will explain in more detail. Over the past 20 years, Filipinos who came to Japan on entertainment visas or through encounters with Japanese partners in the Philippines have deployed discursively constructed ‘affective capital’ in strategies to secure relationships and a position in both societies. These strategies may be interpreted as being knowledgeable, creative and possessive of the language necessary for negotiating long-term dialogues, not only with partners and surrounding family, but also with Japanese society. These deployments also function as an attempt to secure additional long term benefits which include strengthening ties to the Philippines through increasing a Japanese spouse’s involvement and interest in the Philippines. It is here that Filipinos’ ‘affect’ may be traced back to a previous deployment of categories that influences local Japanese actors’ decisions in offering a course exclusively for Filipino residents. This offers the first hint as to why only Filipinos were targeted. In Japan, secure permanent work for resident Filipinos can be, at times, difficult even when married to a partner with a stable income. The reality of remitting home to support family members and raising a family in Japan is a double burden which cannot be met solely by the spouse’s salary. This is an issue which means actors (in this case, partners) recourse to their ‘affective capital’ in order to secure means towards a livelihood. In this context, marriages have acted as a primary medium entangling both countries. Yet changes in Japan are re-locating ‘possible’ resources that are rationalised as a surplus from these primary encounters. Shifts in Japan’s social landscape have over the past 10 years led to an increasing awareness of the high stakes involved in care for the ageing and invalid in Japanese society. With over 21% of the population now over 65, the care industry has seen a surge in demand for labour, of which there is currently a shortfall (Statistics Bureau Japan). With the Philippines having strategically relocated its economy to accommodate demands for the outsourcing of health care workers and nurses overseas, Japan, realigning its economy to domestic change, has shown a new type of interest (albeit reluctant) in the Philippines. In 2005, changes and reforms to Japan’s Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act successfully curtailed the flow of Filipinos applying to Japan to work as entertainers. This was in part due to pressure from the interventionary power of the U.S: in 2006 the U.S. State department published the Trafficking in Persons Report, which stipulated that Japan had yet to comply in improving the situation of persons trafficked to Japan (U.S. State Department). This watershed reform has become a precursor to the Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement ratified by Japan and the Philippines to promote the ‘trans-border flow of goods, person, services and capital between Japan and the Philippines (Ministry of Foreign Affairs) and has now temporarily realigned both economies into a new relationship. Under the terms ‘movement of natural persons’, Filipino candidates for qualified nurses and certified care workers would be allowed a stay of up to three years as nurses, or four for certified care workers (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). Nonetheless, this lip service in showing openness to admit a new category of Filipino is the continuation of a mode of ‘servicing’ within the Japanese nation, albeit under the guise of ‘care work’, and rests upon the capitalist rationalisation of hired workers for Japan’s tertiary sectors. The Philippines, a nation which is positively export-orientated in terms of its human resources in response to care inequalities that exist between nations at a global level (Parreñas 12-30), is now responding to the problematic issue of care that has become a serious concern in Japan. Fieldwork To place these issues in context I want to locate the above issues within a part of my present fieldwork. In 2006, I participated in a privately funded non-profit venture set up for Filipino residents with the aim of training them to be care-givers. The course was validated and acknowledged by the local prefectural government and primarily limited to a group of 20 participants who paid approximately sixty thousand yen ($485) for the three month course including training and text books. One Filipina acquaintance enthusiastically introduced me to the retired bank manager who had set up a fund for the three month care-giver course for Filipina residents. Through interviews with the course providers, one underlying theme in the planning of the course was clear: the core idea that Filipinos have a predisposition to care for the elderly, reflecting Filipino social values no longer existent in Japan. In particular, two Japanese words employed to reflect these views – ‘omoiyari’ (思いやり), meaning “compassion” or “considerateness” and ‘yasashisa’ (優しさ) meaning “kindness toward others” – were reiterated throughout the course as a requisite for dealing with the elderly or those in need of care. One core presupposition underlining the course was that the Philippines still cherishes values which are on the decline in Japan, offering a care ethos based on Christian values ready for deployment in such work. I believe this marks a transition point in how both countries’ relations are moving away from ‘entertainment-based’ care to ‘care within an institutional setting’, such as private nursing homes or hospitals. In both cases, ‘care’ (as it is ironically known in both industries, the deployment of hospitality and attendance), operates as a dynamic of desire within a social field which orientates how residents (i.e. foreign female residents with permanent residency) are used. Yet, why would the Philippines be such an attractor? It is not difficult to see how ‘affect’ is discursively rationalised and deployed and projected onto Philippine society. This ‘affect’ acts as an attractor and belongs to an ‘imagined’ cultural repertoire that Japan has created in response to its turbulent marriage to the Philippines. In this sense, the care course promoted this ‘caring affective side’ of Filipinas here in Japan, and provided a dynamic engagement for potential negotiation, persuasion and tension between ‘local actors’ (course providers and participants) who come under the direct remit of the Japanese State (care institutions, hospitals and nursing homes). I say “tension”, as to date only a handful (three women out of a total of sixty) of those who participated in the course have taken up employment in the care industry. As one participant, a divorcee, commented, the reluctance to seek work as a qualified care worker resided in an economic framework, she says: this is a useful investment, but I don’t know if I can do this work full time to live off and support my families…but it is another arrow in my bow if the situation changes. Yet, for another woman, care work was an extension of something that they were familiar with. She jokingly added with a sigh of resignation: Oh well, this is something we are used to, after all we did nothing but care for our papa-san (husband)! When I discussed these comments with an N.G.O. worker connected to the course she pessimistically summed up what she thought by saying: The problem of care in Japan was until very recently an issue of unpaid work that women have had to bear. In a sense, looking after the aged living at home has been a traditional way to treat people with respect. Yet, here in Japan we have experienced an excessively long period whereby it was de facto that when a woman married into someone’s family, she would care for the husband and his family. Now, this isn’t an individual problem anymore, it’s a societal one. Care is now becoming an institutional practice which is increasing paid work, yet the State works on the assumption that this is low paid work for people who have finished raising their children; hard labour for low wages. All the women have graduated and are licensed to work, yet at 1000 yen (U.S. $8) an hour for psychologically demanding hard labour they will not work, or start and finish realising the demands. Travelling between locations also is also unpaid, so at the most in one day they will work 2-3 hours. It is the worst situation possible for those who choose to work. The above opinion highlights the ambiguities that exist in the constant re-alignment of offering work to foreign residents in the effort to help integrate people into Japan’s tertiary ‘care sector’ in response to the crisis of a lack of manpower. To date most women who trained on this course have not pursued positions within the health sector. This indicates a resistance to the social beliefs that continue to categorise female foreign residents for gendered care work. Through three successive batches of students (sixty women in total) the president, staff and companies who participated in this pilot scheme have been introduced to Filipino residents in Japanese society. In one respect, this has been an opportunity for the course providers to face those who have worked, or continue to work at night. Yet, even this exposure does not reduce the hyper-feminisation of care; rather, it emphasises positions. One male coordinator brazenly mentioned the phrase ashi wo aratte hoshii, meaning ‘we want to give them a clean break’. This expression is pregnant with the connotation that these women have been involved in night work have done or still participate in. These categorisations still do not shake themselves free from previous classifications of female others located in Japanese society; the ongoing legacy that locates Filipinos in a feminised discursive space. As Butler has elucidated, ‘cultural inscriptions’ and ‘political forces with strategic interests’ work to keep the ‘body bounded and constituted’ (Butler 175). It is possible to see that this care course resides within a continuously produced genealogy that tries to constitute bodies. This resides under the rubric of a dominant fantasy that locates the Philippines in Japan as a source of caring and hospitality. Now, those here are relocated under a restructuring industry outsourcing work to those located in the lower tiers of the labour sector. Why other nationals have not been allowed to participate in the course is, I stress, a testimony to this powerful discourse. Major national and international media coverage of both the course and company and those women who found employment has also raised interest in the curious complex that has arisen from this dynamic, including a series of specials aired on Japanese television by NHK (NHK Kaigo no Jinzai ga Nigete iku). This is very reminiscent of a ‘citationary’ network where writings, news items and articles enter into a perpetuating relationship that foments and bolsters the building up of a body of work (Said) to portray Japan’s changing circumstances. As seen from a traced genealogy, initial entanglements between two nations, in conjunction with societal change in Japan, have created a specific moment in both countries’ trajectories. Here, we can see an emergent phenomena and the relocation of a discursive structure. An affective complex can be located that marks a shift in how foreign residents are perceived and on what terms they can participate or contribute to Japanese society. Within this structure, ‘care’ is relocated – or, rather, trapped – and extracted as labour surplus that resides in an antagonistic relationship of domination highlighting how a specific moment existing between two countries can be ‘structured’ by needs in the ‘engaging’ country, in this case Japan. Non-linear elements in a complex system that contest how discursive practices in Japanese society locate foreign residents, within the rubric of an ‘imagined’ ethos of compassion and kindness that emanates from outside of Japan, seem to display ‘affective’ qualities. Yet, are these not projected categories deployed to continue to locate migrant labour (be they permanent or temporary residents) within an ongoing matrix that defines what resources can be discursively produced? However, these categories do not take into account the diverse structures of experience that both Japanese nationals and Filipino nationals experience in Japan (Suzuki). Conclusion In this paper I have briefly delineated a moment which rests between specific trajectories that tie two nations. A complex of marriages brought about within a specific historic post-colonial encounter has contributed to feminising the Philippines: firstly, for women in marriages, and now secondly for ‘potential resources’ available to tackle societal problems in Japan. As I have argued a discursively produced ‘affective complex’ is an authorising source of otherness and could be part of a precursor complex which is now discursively relocating human resources within one country (Japan) as a ‘reluctant source’ of labour, while entering into a new discursive mode of production that shapes attitudes toward others. I also suggest that there is a very specific complex at work here which follows an as of yet faint trajectory that points to the re-organisation of a relationship between Japan and the Philippines. Yet, there are linear elements (macro-level forces rooted in the Japanese State’s approach to care vis-à-vis the Philippines) operating at the fundamental core of this care-giver course that are being constantly challenged and cut across by non-linear elements, that is, human actors and their ambivalence as the beneficiaries/practitioners of such practices. This is the continued feminisation of a highly gendered dynamic that locates labour as and when it sees fit, but through the willing coercion of local agents, with an interest in mediating services through and for the State, for the welfare of the Nation. The desiring-machine that brings together Japan and the Philippines is also one that continues to locate the potential in foreign actors located within Japan’s institutional interpellation for its care market. Within these newly emergent relationships, available political and social capital is being reshaped and imagined in reaction to social change in Japan. By exploring two entangled nations situated within global capitalist production in the twenty-first century, my research points towards new ways of looking at emerged complexes (international marriages) that precludes the reconfigurations of ongoing emerging complexes that discursively locate residents as caregivers, who fall under the jurisdiction and glare of political powers, government subjects and State forces. References Artur, W. Brian. “Complexity and the Economy.” Science 284.2 (1999): 107-109. Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge, 2006. Chester, Graeme, and Ian Welsh. “Complexity and Social Movement(s): Process and Emergence in Planetary Action Systems.” Theory, Culture & Society 22.5 (2005): 187-211. Deleuze, Giles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Minnesota: U of Minnesota P, 1987. Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan). Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement Press Statement. 29 Nov. 2004. 29 Mar. 2007 http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/asia-paci/philippine/joint0411.html>. NHK Kaigo no Jinzai ga Nigete iku. 介護の人材が逃げて行く (“Care Workers Are Fleeing.”) Televised 11 Mar. 2007. 29 Mar. 2007 http://www.nhk.or.jp/special/onair/070311.html>. Parreñas, Rachel Salazar. Children of Global Migration: Transnational Families and Gendered Woes. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2005. Philippines Overseas Employment Agency. “Stock Estimates of Filipinos Overseas.” 2 May 2007 http://www.poea.gov.ph/html/statistics.html>. Rodriguez, Encarnación Gutiérrez. “Reading Affect – On the Heterotopian Spaces of Care and Domestic Work in Private Households.” Forum: Qualitative Social Research 8 (2007). 2 May 2007 http://www.qualitative-research.net/fqs-texte/2-07/07-2-11-e.pdf>. Said, Edward. Orientalism. London: Penguin, 1995. Statistics Bureau and Statistical Research and Training Institute. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (Philippines). 2005. 2 May 2007 http://www.poea.gov.ph/docs/STOCK%20ESTIMATE%202004.xls>. Suzuki, Nobue. “Inside the Home: Power and Negotiation in Filipina-Japanese Marriages.” Women’s Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 33.4 (2004): 481-506. “Trafficking in Persons Report.” U.S. State Department. 2006. 29 Apr. 2007. http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/66086.pdf>. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Lopez, Mario. "From Bride to Care Worker?: On Complexes, Japan and the Philippines." M/C Journal 10.3 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0706/04-lopez.php>. APA Style Lopez, M. (Jun. 2007) "From Bride to Care Worker?: On Complexes, Japan and the Philippines," M/C Journal, 10(3). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0706/04-lopez.php>.

The port city Liepaja had gained recognition in Europe and the world by World War I. On the coast of the Baltic Sea a resort developed, to which around 1880 a wide promenade – Kurhaus Avenue provided a functional link between the finance and trade centre in Old Liepaja. On November 8, 1890 the building conditions for Liepaja, developed according to the sample of Riga building regulations, were partly confirmed: the construction territory was divided into districts of wooden and stone buildings. In 1888 after the reconstruction of the trade canal Liepaja became the third most significant port in the Russian Empire. The railway (engineer Gavriil Semikolenov; 1879) and metal bridges (engineers Huten and Ruktesel; 1881) across the trade canal provided the link between Old Liepaja and the industrial territory in New Liepaja, where industrial companies and building of houses developed in the neighbourhood of the railway hub, but in spring 1899 the construction of a ten-kilometre long street electric railway line and power station was commenced. Since September 25 the tram movement provided a regular traffic between Naval Port (Latvian: Karosta), the residential and industrial districts in New Liepaja and the city centre in Old Liepaja. In 1907 the construction of the ambitious “Emperor Alexander’s III Military Port” and maritime fortress was completed, but already in the following year the fortress was closed. In the new military port there were based not only the navy squadrons of the Baltic Sea, but also the Pacific Ocean before sending them off in the war against Japan. The development of Liepaja continued: promenades, surrounded by Dutch linden trees, joined squares and parks in one united plantation system. On September 20, 1910 Liepaja City Council made a decision to close the New Market and start modernization of the city centre. In 1911 Liepaja obtained its symbol – the Rose Square. In the independent Republic of Latvia the implementation of the agrarian reform was started and the task to provide inhabitants with flats was set. Around 1927 in the Technical Department of Liepaja City the development of the master-plan was started: the territory of the city was divided into the industrial, commercial, residential and resort zone, which was greened. It was planned to lengthen Lord’s (Latvian: Kungu) Street with a dam, partly filling up Lake Liepaja in order to build the water-main and provide traffic with the eastern bank. The passed “Law of City Lands” and “Regulations for City Construction and Development of Construction Plans and Development Procedure” in Latvia Republic in 1928 promoted a gradual development of cities. In 1932 Liepaja received the radio transmitter. On the northern outskirts a sugar factory was built (architect Kārlis Bikše; 1933). The construction of the city centre was supplemented with the Latvian Society House (architect Kārlis Blauss and Valdis Zebauers; 1934-1935) and Army Economical Shop (architect Aleksandrs Racenis), as well as the building of a pawnshop and saving bank (architect Valdis Zebauers; 1936-1937). The hotel “Pēterpils”, which became the property of the municipality in 1936, was renamed as the “City Hotel” and it was rebuilt in 1938. In New Liepaja the Friendly Appeal Elementary school was built (architect Karlis Bikše), but in the Naval Officers Meeting House was restored and it was adapted for the needs of the Red Cross Bone Tuberculosis Sanatorium (architect Aleksandrs Klinklāvs; 1930-1939). The Soviet military power was restored in Latvia and it was included in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. During the World War II buildings in the city centre around the Rose Square and Great (Latvian: Lielā) Street were razed. When the war finished, the “Building Complex Scheme for 1946-1950” was developed for Liepaja. In August 1950 the city was announced as closed: the trade port was adapted to military needs. Neglecting the historical planning of the city, in 1952 the restoration of the city centre building was started, applying standard projects. The restoration of Liepaja City centre building carried out during the post-war period has not been studied. Research goal: analyse restoration proposals for Liepaja City centre building, destroyed during World War II, and the conception appropriate to the socialism ideology and further development of construction.