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Journal articles on the topic 'Philippines Insurgency'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 1 August 2025

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1

De Castro, Renato Cruz. "Abstract of Counter-Insurgency in the Philippines and the Global War on Terror. Examining the Dynamics of the Twenty-first Century Long Wars." European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2010): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517706.

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AbstractThis article examines how the global war on terror affects the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), particularly its long and continuous involvement in many wars of the third kind. It discusses the history and essence of counter-insurgency warfare or low-intensity conflict (LICs) in the Philippine setting. It then explores the impact of the global war on terror on the Philippine military's counter-insurgency campaigns and the current reforms in the Philippine defence establishment to end the insurgency problems. In conclusion, the article argues these reforms and the post-9/11 US sec

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2

PEREZ, Jose Mikhail. "PHILIPPINES: DIASPORA AND HOMELAND CONFLICT. LOCATING THE MORO DIASPORA IN THE MINDANAO INSURGENCY." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 46 (January 15, 2024): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.46.4.

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An ever-expanding body of literature suggests the possible link between diasporas and the exacerbation of civil wars in their home countries. One of the most notable findings on the link between diaspora and armed conflict is derived from a set of arguments known as the Greed and Grievances Thesis. According to the said framework, a higher diasporic support to a homeland conflict is positively correlated with a higher incidence of civil war intractability. Applying this framework to the data on external support to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) insurgency from 1990–2008, the study no

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3

Jensen, Sif Lehman. "Philippine Prison Marriages." Conflict and Society 6, no. 1 (2020): 18–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2020.060102.

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This article, from the perspective of how agency is nested in this choice, explores why women marry imprisoned insurgents from the southern Philippines. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Maharlika Village, a major Muslim community in Manila, the article discusses how women negotiate gender relations, family, and insurgency politics against the backdrop of political conflict and their precarious everyday lives. The analysis asks how prison marriages feed into the women’s everyday maneuvering of the metropole, and how marrying a political prisoner is embedded in moral and gendered obligations a

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4

Bernstein, Alvin H., and Armando B. Heredia. "Communist insurgency in the Philippines." Comparative Strategy 8, no. 3 (1989): 279–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495938908402784.

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5

Magno,, Jose P., and A. James Gregor. "Insurgency and Counterinsurgency in the Philippines." Asian Survey 26, no. 5 (1986): 501–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644479.

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Jr., Jose P. Magno,, and A. James Gregor. "Insurgency and Counterinsurgency in the Philippines." Asian Survey 26, no. 5 (1986): 501–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1986.26.5.01p0379d.

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7

Cline, Lawrence. "The Islamic insurgency in the Philippines." Small Wars & Insurgencies 11, no. 3 (2000): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592310008423291.

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8

Lindio-Mcgovern, Ligaya. "The Philippines: counter-insurgency and peasant women." Race & Class 34, no. 4 (1993): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689303400401.

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9

Kowalewski, David. "Cultism, Insurgency, and Vigilantism in the Philippines." Sociological Analysis 52, no. 3 (1991): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3711360.

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10

Dillon, Dana R. "Comparative Counter‐insurgency Strategies in the Philippines." Small Wars & Insurgencies 6, no. 3 (1995): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592319508423114.

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11

Villegas, Richard Ryan. "The Advent, Evolution Termination of the 1947 Military Bases Agreement and Its Influences to Philippine Military Foreign Policy." Research Probe 2, no. 1 (2022): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53378/352882.

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The history of the Military Bases Agreement (MBA) between the US and the Philippines brings a dynamic view of Philippine foreign policy. The Philippine foreign policy has to change to respond to the changing needs of the changing times. Among the areas of foreign policy that is very significant is the military aspect as it provides social, economic advantages. This study aims to provide a historical overview of the MBA and its implication towards the adoption of a military foreign policy of the Philippines from 1947-1991. Explanations on how the MBA has shaped the Philippine foreign policies f

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12

Deluna, Roperto, Maria Lourdes Lim, Michael Ayala, et al. "Development Intervention and Armed Conflict: Evaluating the PAMANA Program in Davao Region." Philippine Journal of Development 48, no. 2 (2024): 37–64. https://doi.org/10.62986/pjd2024.48.2c.

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The Payapa at Masaganang Pamayanan (PAMANA) program plays a crucial role in addressing the root causes of conflict and fostering sustainable peace in the Philippines, particularly in conflict-affected and conflict-vulnerable areas. This study evaluates PAMANA’s impact in the Davao Region, focusing on barangays along conflict lines. Using data on insurgency incidence and program investments, the study employs an advanced difference-in-differences (DID) approach to account for PAMANA’s staggered implementation across barangays. Results reveal a significant short-term increase in insurgency incid

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13

Pensotes Jr, Joseph Roque, Dodelon F. Sabijon, and Joseph Pensotes. "Violent Extremism: Work Stories of Women Police Officers in a Mobile Force Company in Eastern Philippines." International Journal of Law and Politics Studies 6, no. 5 (2024): 48–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijlps.2024.6.5.4.

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This study delved into the work experiences of women police officers assigned in mobile force companies in the entirety of Samar. Criticized for its underperforming economy due to insurgent threats, this district provided a backdrop for exploring the role of women police officers in counter-insurgency programs. The research employed a phenomenological, qualitative approach to uncover deeper insights.This study used phenomenological research design. Ten (10) women police officers from various areas in Samar, including Allen, Pambujan, Calbayog, Catbalogan, Dolores and Quinapondan were chosen as

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14

PEREZ, Jose Mikhail. "THE PHILIPPINES: THE CHALLENGES OF MORO AND LUMAD POWER-SHARING IN THE BANGSAMORO." Conflict Studies Quarterly 35 (April 2021): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.5.

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Two self-ascribed ethnic groups—Moro and Lumad—are native to Mindanao in the southern Philippines. Both groups share a common history of oppression from Western colonialism, Christian resettlement, and capitalist interests where the former has waged a more organized insurgency against the Philippine government in the late twentieth century. Due to the political superiority of the Moros, the Lumads are often left marginalized in the various peace processes in Mindanao due to their accommodation to the Moro’s call for the creation of anautonomous region under an internal power-sharing agreement.

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15

Rubin, Michael A. "Rebel Territorial Control and Civilian Collective Action in Civil War: Evidence from the Communist Insurgency in the Philippines." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 2-3 (2019): 459–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719863844.

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Under what conditions do rebel organizations control territory during civil war? How do civilians influence the distribution of territorial control? This article introduces a civilian agency theory, emphasizing community collective action capacity (CAC) defined by underlying social network structure, to complement existing explanations of territorial control. I argue communities with greater CAC mobilize information and resources more efficiently, increasing belligerents’ incentives to control territory. However, CAC also increases community bargaining power to demand costly investments in gov

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16

Joseph, M. Lodangco. "The Status of Rebel Returnees in the Municipality of Casiguran Sorsogon: A Case Study." International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology 7, no. 5 (2022): 456–65. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6609414.

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The existence of insurgency in the Philippines has lasted five decades and it is one of the world’s longest-running armed conflicts. The revolution had evolved into a social movement, with an array of aboveground parties collaborating with an underground guerilla force to conduct an unending insurgency against the Philippine government, with units stationed across the nation, from Luzon to Mindanao, Palawan to Samar. The present administration wishes for long-term peace in the country. With the government's serious goal of putting an end to the country's communist insurgency and

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17

Mediansky, F. A. "The New People´s Army: A Nation‑wide Insurgency in the Philippines." Contemporary Southeast Asia 8, no. 1 (1986): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs8-1a.

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18

Berman, Eli, Michael Callen, Joseph H. Felter, and Jacob N. Shapiro. "Do Working Men Rebel? Insurgency and Unemployment in Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Philippines." Journal of Conflict Resolution 55, no. 4 (2011): 496–528. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002710393920.

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19

Ganjeloo, Farnaz. "American Counter-Insurgency Operations in the Philippines and the Question of War Atrocities." Open Journal of Social Sciences 13, no. 03 (2025): 610–27. https://doi.org/10.4236/jss.2025.133040.

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20

Yamada, Seiji. "The Health of the Filipino People & the New Administration." Social Medicine 10, no. 2 (2016): 70–75. https://doi.org/10.71164/socialmedicine.v10i2.2016.884.

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The Republic of the Philippines is characterized by severe social and economic inequalities, with 26% of the population in poverty. Government spending on health and access to health services has been limited. Garnering the vote of many poor Filipinos, Rodrigo Duterte was elected to the Presidency of the Republic of the Philippines on May 9 and inaugurated on June 30, 2016. In the Western media, he has been vilified for his off-the-cuff remarks as the "Trump of the Philippines" or for the law-and-order policies of his tenure as Mayor of Davao City as “The Punisher” or "Duterte Harry." In reali

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21

Smiley, Will. "Lawless Wars of Empire? The International Law of War in the Philippines, 1898–1903." Law and History Review 36, no. 3 (2018): 511–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000682.

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Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued,

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22

Keister, Jennifer. "The Philippines. Brokering a revolution: Cadres in a Philippine insurgency. Edited by Rosanne Rutten. Manila, Ateneo de Manila Press, Pp. 400." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, no. 3 (2010): 557–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246341000038x.

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23

Quimpo, Nathan Gilbert. "‘Revolutionary Taxation’ and the Logistical and Strategic Dilemmas of the Maoist Insurgency in the Philippines." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 1, no. 3 (2014): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797014551267.

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24

Sales, Peter M. "Back to the future? Gradual constriction as a new phase of counter‐insurgency in the Philippines." Small Wars & Insurgencies 4, no. 1 (1993): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592319308423038.

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Sales, Peter M. "State terror in the Philippines: the Alston Report, human rights and counter-insurgency under the Arroyo administration." Contemporary Politics 15, no. 3 (2009): 321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569770903118788.

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26

Hall, Rosalie Arcala. "Living in the Shadow of Violence: Local Civil–Military Engagement during Anti-Communist Insurgency Operations in the Philippines." Asian Security 3, no. 3 (2007): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850701544995.

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27

Portera, Eric F., and Antonio C. Hila. "Liberating Farmers from Tenancy Bondage: The Land and Agrarian Reform Programs of Ramon Magsaysay (1954-1957)." Philippine Social Science Journal 3, no. 1 (2020): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52006/main.v3i1.118.

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The past economic colonial policies in the Philippines created severe issues for land tenancy and distribution patterns. When Magsaysay won the presidency in 1953, his administration carried the banner of land and agrarian reform as its core policy. The paper investigated how Magsaysay Administration’s agrarian reform policies addressed the needs of the peasants. Further, the study presents the land and agrarian reform programs enacted by the Magsaysay Administration, from conceptualization to implementation, their results, and efficacy in easing the tenancy problem of farmers. Using the histo

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28

Simangan, Dahlia, and Jess Melvin. "“Destroy and Kill ‘the Left’”: Duterte on Communist Insurgency in the Philippines with a Reflection on the Case of Suharto’s Indonesia." Journal of Genocide Research 21, no. 2 (2019): 214–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2019.1599515.

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29

De Castro, Renato Cruz. "The twenty-first century Armed Forces of the Philippines: orphan of counter-insurgency or military geared for the long war of the century?" Contemporary Politics 16, no. 2 (2010): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569771003783885.

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30

Nicolas Jabla, Anthony Ceasar, Marjorie Sobradil, Elaiza Polo, and Colleen Olive Lobitaña. "EFFECTIVENESS OF EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 70 OR THE NATIONAL TASK FORCE TO END LOCAL COMMUNIST ARMED CONFLICT: EXPERIENCES ON THE POVERTY REDUCTION, LIVELIHOOD, AND EMPLOYMENT CLUSTER OF THE SELECTED COMMUNITIES IN KIBAWE, BUKIDNON, PHILIPPINES." Journal of Governance and Development (JGD) 20, no. 1 (2024): 45–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jgd2024.20.1.2.

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This study examines the experiences of the selected communities in the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF- ELCAC) Poverty Reduction, Livelihoods, and Employment Cluster of Executive Order No. 70. It utilized qualitative research through the phenomenology approach as it studied the experiences of the selected communities in Kibawe, Bukidnon. It employed thematic analysis in this investigation to assess the study’s focus group discussion. The study concludes that the whole-of-the-nation approach of the government was an effective tool for the government to uplift the

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ELGARIO, PETER JUN. "Beyond the Bullet Proof Vest: Untold Stories of Philippine National Police Special Action Force (PNP SAF) Commandos." International Journal of Law and Politics Studies 6, no. 6 (2024): 01–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijlps.2024.6.6.1.

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The ever-changing demographics of society, the rise in terrorism and its complexity, as well as agitations, violent protests, a variety of political activities, left-wing terrorism, insurgency, and militancy, as well as the enforcement of economic and social laws, have all contributed to the difficulty of achieving the peaceful society that we all desire. This study explored the lived experiences of Philippine National Police-Special Action Force (PNP-SAF) Commandos in Negros Island, Philippines through a qualitative research method. The participants of this study were the selected ten (10) PN

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McCoy, Alfred W. "Covert Netherworld: An Invisible Interstice in the Modern World System." Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no. 4 (2016): 847–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000451.

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AbstractThis essay explores a domain of geopolitical conflict called “covert netherworld” that has been a seminal in world politics for the past half century and likely to become more central in the century to come. During the Cold War and its aftermath, covert netherworlds formed worldwide through confluence of four essential elements: reliance of modern states oncovert methodsfor power projection at home and abroad; the consequent emergence of aclandestine social milieupopulated by secret services and criminal syndicates; a complementaryillicit economic nexusthat sustains non-state actors an

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33

Crost, Benjamin, Joseph Felter, and Patrick Johnston. "Aid Under Fire: Development Projects and Civil Conflict." American Economic Review 104, no. 6 (2014): 1833–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.104.6.1833.

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We estimate the causal effect of a large development program on conflict in the Philippines through a regression discontinuity design that exploits an arbitrary poverty threshold used to assign eligibility for the program. We find that barely eligible municipalities experienced a large increase in conflict casualties compared to barely ineligible ones. This increase is mostly due to insurgent-initiated incidents in the early stages of program preparation. Our results are consistent with the hypothesis that insurgents try to sabotage the program because its success would weaken their support in

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Indriani H. Ismail and Hasaruddin. "Modern Islam in Southeast Asia : Mindanao." International Journal Conference 1, no. 1 (2023): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46870/iceil.v1i1.492.

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This research is entitled History of Modern Islam in Southeast Asia: Mindanao. The limitations of the discussion in this study are: 1) History of the Arrival of Islam in the Philippines, 2) Spanish Colonial Period, 3) United States Imperialism Period, 4) Transitional Period, 5) Post-Independence Period until now. It aims to find answers to the following questions: (1) What are the reasons behind their armed struggle and the search for secession? (2) What actions have been taken and are still being taken by the Philippine government to solve the problem of Muslim rebellion? This research was co

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Crost, Benjamin, and Joseph H. Felter. "Export Crops and Civil Conflict." Journal of the European Economic Association 18, no. 3 (2019): 1484–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jeea/jvz025.

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Abstract Many experts see a move toward high-value export crops, such as fruits and vegetables, as an important opportunity for economic growth and poverty reduction, but little is known about the effects of export crops in fragile and conflict-affected countries. We exploit movements in world market prices combined with geographic variation in crop production to show that increases in the value of bananas, the country’s biggest export crop, caused an increase in conflict violence and insurgent-controlled territory in the Philippines. This effect was concentrated in provinces where bananas are

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Bangaysiso, John Kevin V., Dodelon F. Sabijon, Yolanda C. Sayson, Renato C. Sagayno, and Vanzniel Rover A. Nillama. "Lives Beyond the Badge: Exploring the Work-life Balance of Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) Operatives." International Journal of Law and Politics Studies 6, no. 3 (2024): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijlps.2024.6.3.16.

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Law enforcement organizations in the Philippines struggle to prevent crimes and high-risk incidents. In addition, the constantly shifting demographics of society, the rise in organized crime and its complexity, as well as agitations, violent protests, a variety of political activities, left-wing terrorism, insurgency, and militancy, as well as the enforcement of economic and social laws, have all contributed to the difficulty of creating a peaceful society that we all long for. This study explored the work-life of PNP SWAT operatives through a qualitative research method. The informants of thi

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Willoughby, Jay. "Editorial." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (2006): i—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.1598.

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In this issue, we move away from our customary focus on the MuslimMiddle East and Muslims in the West and turn toward Southeast Asia andChina. Here, we find Muslim communities that seem not to be so entrancedby what we in the West consider to be the most pressing issues: the Muslimworld vs. the West and/or modernity, the Abrahamic faiths trialogue, politicaland economic reform, the suitability of western-style democracy inMuslim countries, and the rise of Islamic “fundamentalism,” “terrorism,”“extremism,” or whatever similar term the media throws at us.Excluding Indonesia and Malaysia, the ove

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Paul, A. Rodell. "Brokering a Revolution: Cadres in a Philippine Insurgency." Contemporary Southeast Asia 31, no. 2 (2009): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs31-2i.

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39

LALKOVIČ, Tomáš. "GEOGRAPHY AND INSURGENT STRATEGY IN SRI LANKA AND THE PHILIPPINES." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 22, no. 1 (2022): 003–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.22.2022.01.003-020.

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The article analyses the influence of geography on the strategy of insurgent groups in Sri Lanka and the Philippines. It uses the conceptualization of geography created by David Galula to examine the influence of 8 distinct categories of geography on the strategy of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The analysis shows that while the geography of Sri Lanka was a driving force that enabled many of the LTTE successes, it had a divisive effect in the Philippines and heavily contributed to the military failures of the Moro independence movement.

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Teehankee, Julio C. "The Philippines in 2021." Asian Survey 62, no. 1 (2022): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.62.1.12.

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In his last year in office, populist Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte faced the deadly surge of the Delta variant of the COVID-19 pandemic. His government continued to struggle with the health crisis despite implementing one of the most heavy-handed lockdowns in the world. In his final State of the Nation address, he trumpeted his administration’s “war on drugs” and ordered the military to hunt communist insurgents and “shoot them dead.” At the same time, he admitted that he has failed in his “war on corruption,” the second plank in his 2016 campaign platform. His admission foreshadowed th

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Hall, Rosalie Arcala. "Exploring New Roles for the Philippine Military: Implications for Civilian Supremacy." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (2004): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501005.

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The Philippine military performs on array of traditional (internal security and external defense) and non-traditional (development, disaster relief and rehabilitation, and environmental protection) functions. Historically, it was preoccupied with counterinsurgency operations, which included civic action and development component. After 7 986, the military's role in internal security operations has been streamlined and circumscribed by statutes which criminalize human rights violations. Plans for the military to shift to on external defense mode in 7 995 was scuttled after renewed insurgency th

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42

Aspilan, William. "Assessment of the End Local Communist Armed Conflict (ELCAC) Program of the Philippine Government." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 8, no. 11 (2023): 128–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2023.v08.n11.019.

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Ending armed conflict is among the priorities of the government until today. One way to terminate insurgency is to address the root cause of rebellion is to eradicate poverty through Ending Local Communist Armed Conflict Program. Hence, this paper examines the status of Poverty Reduction Program in Mountain Province. It follows the qualitative research approach where rebel returnees, family members of former rebels and members of the Poverty Reduction, Livelihood and Employment Cluster in Mountain Province were interviewed. Their responses were examined using thematic analysis. The study found

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43

Warburg, Anna Bræmer, and Steffen Jensen. "Policing the war on drugs and the transformation of urban space in Manila." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 3 (2018): 399–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775818817299.

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This article explores policing and urban ordering in the Philippine war on drugs. With an empirical point of departure in ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Bagong Silang, a poor urban area on the outskirts of Metro Manila, the article highlights the perspective of the state police in an area that has been heavily exposed to the drug war and can be considered as one of its hot spots. It is examined how inspirations from counter-insurgency strategies are implemented in policing the war on drugs and discussed how this form of policing is negotiated and what implications it produces on the groun

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Sangil, Lester E., and Jay-Ar V. Lecodine. "Assessing the Operational Effectiveness of the Intelligence Cycle Within the Philippine Army Towards Insurgency." International Journal of Multidisciplinary: Applied Business and Education Research 6, no. 4 (2025): 1978–2002. https://doi.org/10.11594/ijmaber.06.04.28.

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This study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of the intelligence cycle within the Philippine Army and identify associated risks and flaws. Specifically, it sought to determine the components of the intelligence cycle used by the Philippine Army such planning and programming, execution, and review and assessment. Moreover, it also determined the extent of effectiveness of these intelligence cycle components, the weaknesses and operational risks are associated with the current Intelligence Cycle Process, potentially compromising its effectiveness in gathering accurate and timely intelligence,

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45

Macaspac, Nerve V. "Insurgent Peace: Community-Led Peacebuilding of Indigenous Peoples in Sagada, Philippines." Geopolitics 24, no. 4 (2018): 839–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2018.1521803.

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46

Lao, Levine Andro. "Resistencia al Poder: Zeferino González on Aquinas’s View on Insurgence." Philippiniana Sacra 60, no. 181 (2025): 35–54. https://doi.org/10.55997/1002pslx181a2.

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This paper discusses Zeferino González’s commentary on whether Thomistic teachings support insurgence. In particular, the study revisits one chapter of the Estudios sobre la filosofía de Santo Tomás (1864). Here, González critiques a court official of Castille, Francisco Gutiérrez de la Huerta, who, in his Dictamen del Fiscal (1845), attributes the doctrine of regicide and tyrannicide to St. Thomas Aquinas. Suspecting this ascription to Aquinas and the Dominicans as “bad faith,” González goes back to Huerta’s cited passages from Aquinas’s “De regno” in the work De Regimine Principum, the Summa

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Xu, Cheng. "Critical barriers to joint production: datu politics and insurgent fragmentation in Southern Philippines." Third World Quarterly 41, no. 5 (2020): 881–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2020.1723411.

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Crost, Benjamin, Joseph H. Felter, and Patrick B. Johnston. "Conditional cash transfers, civil conflict and insurgent influence: Experimental evidence from the Philippines." Journal of Development Economics 118 (January 2016): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2015.08.005.

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Montejo, Jeremiah. "MY GUY sa Malakanyang: Ang mga Internalat Eksternal na Problema at Hamong Tinugunanat Kinaharap ng Administrasyon ni Pangulong Ramon Magsaysay." Mabini Review 12, no. 1 (2023): 151–84. https://doi.org/10.70922/j2wjnp79.

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One of the most celebrated personalities in the political arena, both domestically and internationally, is the 7th President of the Philippines Ramon del Fierro Magsaysay Sr., Most known as “My Guy.” He gained mass support and almost a cult-of-personality status thanks to his unique campaign jingle, “Mambo Magsaysay,” composed by Sen. Raul Manglapus in 1953. Despite holding the highest position in government, he is remembered as a president who look for and cared for the Common tao (common people) due to his down-to-earth personification. Tracing roots into his humble begginings being raised i

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Walch, Colin. "Weakened by the storm." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 3 (2018): 336–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317741535.

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How do natural disasters affect rebel group recruitment? Some influential research to date suggests that natural disasters – by lowering the opportunity cost of joining an armed movement – are likely to facilitate rebel group recruitment. In contrast, this study argues that natural disasters can negatively affect rebel organization and their recruitment efforts. It posits that natural disasters may weaken rebel groups in two main interrelated ways: (1) by leading to acute scarcity for rebel combatants and supporters, weakening the rebel group’s organizational structure and supply lines, and (2

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