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Journal articles on the topic 'Philippines Philippine American War, 1899-1902'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 March 2023

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1

Brody, David. "Celebrating Empire on the Home Front: New York City's Welcome-Home Party for Admiral Dewey." Prospects 25 (October 2000): 391–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000715.

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The January 3, 1900, edition of the popular, New York City newspaper the World contains an advertisement for a new edition of The Century Dictionary & Cyclopedia & Atlas (Figure 1). The strength of this reference guide, according to the full-page advertisement, is the volume's war maps. The presentation of battle cartography “enable[s] one to trace instantly the movements of every important campaign on land or sea, the routes of invading armies, raids, etc., placing and dating on the maps the battles, sieges and blockades not only of ancient and medieval times, but also those of the year just ended – and this without any complexity in the maps themselves.” In case the reader needed to be reminded about recent wars, the advertisement has enormous graphic representations of “Africa” and the “Philippine Is.” The map of the Philippines would have immediately signified the Spanish-American (1898) and Philippine-American (1899–1902) Wars to readers, conflicts that the pages of the mass media covered widely.

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2

Diokno, Maria Serena I. "Perspectives on Peace during the Philippine—American War of 1899–1902." South East Asia Research 5, no. 1 (March 1997): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9700500102.

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3

Aune, Stefan. "Indian Fighters in the Philippines." Pacific Historical Review 90, no. 4 (2021): 419–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.4.419.

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This article explores the connections between the violence that accompanied U.S. continental expansion in the nineteenth century and the Philippine-American War, which began in 1899 after Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States following the Spanish-American War. Perhaps geographic distance has served to mask the temporal proximity of these linked periods of U.S. expansion, because this is a connection that has remained largely unexplored in the historiography. Rather than viewing 1898 as a caesura marking the separation between the continental and global phases of American empire, this article explores continuities through an examination of the interaction between imperial culture and military violence. Some U.S. soldiers in the Philippines drew directly on their experiences in wars with Native people, while others narrated their time in the Philippines as an “Indian war” and validated their actions by discursively positioning themselves and their troops as “Indian fighters.” The Indian Wars were translated, through the actions, imaginations, and writing of U.S. soldiers, politicians, and journalists, into a flexible discourse able to travel across space and time. These frontier resonances became one of several structuring narratives that sought to racialize Filipinos in order to justify the war and occupation.

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4

Holden, William N. "The role of geography in counterinsurgency warfare: The Philippine American War, 1899–1902." GeoJournal 85, no. 2 (January 24, 2019): 423–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-019-09971-7.

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5

Smiley, Will. "Lawless Wars of Empire? The International Law of War in the Philippines, 1898–1903." Law and History Review 36, no. 3 (June 13, 2018): 511–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000682.

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Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued, had “remembered all the time that he was struggling with an enemy who was not entitled to the privileges usually granted prisoners of war,” and could be summarily executed, without benefit of “court-martial or other regular tribunal.” If anything, the Americans had been too generous. “Many [American] participants in the struggle,” he maintained, “have failed to fully understand that we were practically fighting an Asiatic nation in arms and almost every man a soldier in disguise and a violator” of the laws of war. But what did those laws mean to the United States during the conflict, and what does this indicate about the broader history of international law's relationship to empire?

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6

Russell, Timothy D. "“I FEEL SORRY FOR THESE PEOPLE”: AFRICAN AMERICAN SOLDIERS IN THE PHILIPPINE-AMERICAN WAR, 1899–1902." Journal of African American History 99, no. 3 (July 2014): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.99.3.0197.

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7

Federspiel, Howard M. "Islam and Muslims in the Southern Territories of the Philippine Islands During the American Colonial Period (1898 to 1946)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (September 1998): 340–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400007487.

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The United States gained authority over the Philippine Islands as a result of the Spanish-American War (1898) and the Treaty of Paris (1899), which recognized American wartime territorial gains. Prior to that time the Spanish had general authority over the northern region of the Islands down to the Visayas, which they had ruled from their capital at Manila on Luzon for nearly three hundred years. The population in that Spanish zone was Christianized as a product of deliberate Spanish policy during that time frame. The area to the south, encompassing much of the island of Mindanao and all of the Sulu Archipelago, was under Spanish military control at the time of the Spanish American War (1898), having been taken over in the previous fifteen years by a protracted military campaign. This southern territory was held by the presence of Spanish military units in a series of strong forts located throughout the settled areas, but clear control over the society was quite weak and, in fact, collapsed after the American naval victory at Manila Bay. The United States did not establish its own presence in much of the southern region until 1902. It based its claim over the region on the treaty with the Spanish, and other colonial powers recognized that claim as legitimate.

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8

Park, Jun-Byong. "American Perceptions of “Before and After the Philippines-American War (1898-1902)”." STUDIES IN HUMANITIES 66 (September 30, 2020): 377–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.33252/sih.2020.9.66.377.

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9

Bartholomew, Duane P., Richard A. Hawkins, and Johnny A. Lopez. "Hawaii Pineapple: The Rise and Fall of an Industry." HortScience 47, no. 10 (October 2012): 1390–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.47.10.1390.

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The date pineapple (Ananas comosus var. comosus) was introduced to Hawaii is not known, but its presence was first recorded in 1813. When American missionaries first arrived in Hawaii in 1820, pineapple was found growing wild and in gardens and small plots. The pineapple canning industry began in Baltimore in the mid-1860s and used fruit imported from the Caribbean. The export-based Hawaii pineapple industry was developed by an entrepreneurial group of California migrants who arrived in Hawaii in 1898 and the well-connected James D. Dole who arrived in 1899. The first profitable lot of canned pineapples was produced by Dole’s Hawaiian Pineapple Company in 1903 and the industry grew rapidly from there. Difficulties encountered in production and processing as the industry grew included low yields resulting from severe iron chlorosis and the use of low plant populations, mealybug wilt that devastated whole fields, inadequate machinery that limited cannery capacity, and lack of or poorly developed markets for the industry’s canned fruit. The major production problems were solved by public- and industry-funded research and innovation in the field and in the cannery. An industry association and industry-funded cooperative marketing efforts, initially led by James Dole, helped to expand the market for canned pineapple. Industry innovations were many and included: selection of ‘Smooth Cayenne’ pineapple as the most productive cultivar with the best quality fruit for canning; identification of the cause of manganese-induced iron chlorosis and its control with biweekly iron sulphate sprays; the use of mulch paper and the mechanization of its application, which increased yields by more than 20 t·ha−1; and the invention of the Ginaca peeler–corer machine, which greatly sped cannery throughput. Nematodes were also a serious problem for the industry, which resulted in the discovery and development of nematicides in the 1930s. As a result, by 1930 Hawaii led the world in the production of canned pineapple and had the world’s largest canneries. Production and sale of canned pineapple fell sharply during the world depression that began in 1929. However, the formation of an industry cartel to control output and marketing of canned pineapple, aggressive industry-funded marketing programs, and rapid growth in the volume of canned juice after 1933 restored industry profitability. Although the industry supported the world’s largest pineapple breeding program from 1914 until 1986, no cultivars emerged that replaced ‘Smooth Cayenne’ for canning. The lack of success was attributed in part to the superiority of ‘Smooth Cayenne’ in the field and the cannery, but also to the difficulty in producing defect-free progeny from crosses between highly heterozygous parents that were self-incompatible. Production of canned pineapple peaked in 1957, but the stage was set for the decline of the Hawaii industry when Del Monte, one of Hawaii’s largest canners, established the Philippine Packing Corporation (PPC) in the Philippines in the 1930s. The expansion of the PPC after World War II, followed by the establishment of plantations and canneries by Castle and Cooke’s Dole division in the Philippines in 1964 and in Thailand in 1972, sped the decline. The decline occurred mainly because foreign-based canneries had labor costs approximately one-tenth those in Hawaii. As the Hawaii canneries closed, the industry gradually shifted to the production of fresh pineapples. During that transition, the pineapple breeding program of the Pineapple Research Institute of Hawaii produced the MD-2 pineapple cultivar, now the world’s pre-eminent fresh fruit cultivar. However, the first and major beneficiary of that cultivar was Costa Rica where Del Monte had established a fresh fruit plantation in the late 1970s. Dole Food Co. and Maui Gold Pineapple Co. continue to produce fresh pineapples in Hawaii, mostly for the local market. All of the canneries eventually closed, the last one on Maui in 2007.

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10

BEAUPRE, MYLES. "“What Are the Philippines Going to Do to Us?” E. L. Godkin on Democracy, Empire and Anti-imperialism." Journal of American Studies 46, no. 3 (March 23, 2012): 711–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875811001290.

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From his position as editor of theNationfrom 1865 until 1899, E. L. Godkin steered one of the liberal standard-bearers in a transatlantic network of cosmopolitan liberals. From this position he helped define nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism. However, while Godkin fitted in the mainstream of liberal thought in 1865, by the time he retired he occupied the conservative fringe. Godkin never made the transition from a nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism to a newer nationalistic democratic liberalism because democracy failed him. Instead of peace, commerce, and learning, democracy created an American Empire rooted in war, protectionism, ignorance, jingoism, and plunder, culminating in the Spanish–American War. Godkin's critique of American imperialism was thus based on his pessimistic but perceptive reading of the flaws of American democracy. Godkin believed that the rise of “jingoist” democracy had doomed the American “experiment” and thought that the nation had slipped into the historical, degenerative cycle of empire. By tracing Godkin's increasingly bitter warnings about the dangers of democracy in the second half of the nineteenth century, we can catch a glimpse of a dying worldview that questioned the ability of democracy to act as a moral force in the world.

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11

Fry, Joseph A. "Exploring the Origins of the Modern American Empire - David J. Silbey A War of Frontier and Empire: The Philippine-American War, 1899-1902. New York: Hill and Wang, 2007. xvi + 254 pp. Introduction, illustrations, further reading, index. $26 (cloth), ISBN 10-0809071878. - Bartholomew H. Sparrow The Insular Cases and the Emergence of American Empire. Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2006. xii + 300 pp. Introduction, bibliographical essay, index. $35 (cloth), ISBN 10-0700614814; $15 (paper), ISBN 10-0700614826." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 4 (October 2008): 513–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000888.

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12

Lowitz, Leza. "Vestiges of War: The Philippine-American War and the Aftermath of an Imperial Dream 1899-1999 (review)." Manoa 15, no. 2 (2003): 212–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2003.0137.

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13

Tone, John. "Mark R Barnes, The Spanish-American War and Philippine Insurrection, 1898–1902: An Annotated Bibliography." European History Quarterly 43, no. 3 (July 2013): 524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691413493729c.

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14

Ortiz, Stephen R. "Rethinking the Bonus March: Federal Bonus Policy, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and the Origins of a Protest Movement." Journal of Policy History 18, no. 3 (July 2006): 275–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2006.0010.

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In 1927, the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW), the national organization founded in 1899 by veterans of the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars, appeared destined for historical obscurity. The organization that would later stand with the American Legion as a pillar of the powerful twentieth-century veterans' lobby struggled to maintain a membership of sixty thousand veterans. Despite desperate attempts to recruit from the ranks of the nearly 2.5 million eligible World War veterans, the VFW lagged behind in membership both the newly minted American Legion and even the Spanish War Veterans. The upstart Legion alone, from its 1919 inception throughout the 1920s, averaged more than seven hundred thousand members. Indeed, in 1929, Royal C. Johnson, the chairman of the House Committee on World War Veterans Legislation and a member of both the Legion and the VFW, described the latter as “not sufficiently large to make it a vital factor in public sentiment.” And yet, by 1932, in the middle of an economic crisis that dealt severe blows to the membership totals of almost every type of voluntary association, the VFW's membership soared to nearly two hundred thousand veterans. Between 1929 and 1932, the VFW experienced this surprising growth because the organization demanded full and immediate cash payment of the deferred Soldiers' Bonus, while the American Legion opposed it. Thus, by challenging federal veterans' policy, the VFW rose out of relative obscurity to become a prominent vehicle for veteran political activism. As important, by doing so the VFW unwittingly set in motion the protest movement known as the Bonus March.

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15

Smallman-Raynor, M., and A. D. Cliff. "The Epidemiological Legacy of War: The Philippine– American War and the Diffusion of Cholera in Batangas and La Laguna, South-West Luzón, 1902–1904." War in History 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/096834400668582867.

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16

Smallman-Raynor, Matthew, and Andrew D. Cliff. "The Epidemiological Legacy of War: The Philippine-American War and the Diffusion of Cholera in Batangas and La Laguna, South-West Luzón, 1902-1904." War in History 7, no. 1 (January 2000): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834450000700103.

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17

Wellburn, Peter. "The Spanish‐American War and Philippine Insurrection, 1898‐1902: An Annotated Bibliography2011192Mark R. Barnes. The Spanish‐American War and Philippine Insurrection, 1898‐1902: An Annotated Bibliography. New York and London: Routledge 2011. xxiv + 413 pp., ISBN: 978 0 415 99957 1 (print); 978 0 203 84682 7 (e‐book) £95; $150 (print and e‐book)." Reference Reviews 25, no. 4 (May 3, 2011): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09504121111134223.

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18

Cullinane, Michael. "The War Against the Americans: Resistance and Collaboration in Cebu, 1899–1906. By Resil B. Mojares. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999. vi, 250 pp. $20.00 (paper). - The Philippine War, 1899–1902. By Brian McAllister Linn. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2000. xiv, 427 pp. $39.95 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 3 (August 2002): 1117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096423.

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19

Bush, Harold K. "Review Essay: Christianity, Literature, and American Empire; Was America Founded as a Christian Nation? A Historical Introduction; God's Arbiters: Americans and the Philippines, 1898–1902; War and the American Difference; Christian America and the Kingdom of God; Romances of the White Man's Burden: Race, Empire, and the Plantation in American Literature, 1880–1936." Christianity & Literature 62, no. 3 (June 2013): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833311306200310.

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20

Losang, Eric H. "National Atlases – an atlas type reconsidered." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-230-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The publication of the first National Atlas in 1899 marked the emergence of an atlas category that thrived over the upcoming century. The "Atlas de Finlande", successfully presented at the Paris World Exhibition in 1900, used to coin this title and being published in Paris by the National Geographic Society of Finland, had a true nation-building function.</p><p>In the same year, following the US victory in the Spanish-American War, the Atlas of the Philippine Islands (Atlas de Filipinas) was published by the US Coastal and Geodetic Survey, containing two front pages, one in English indicating the USC&GS as publisher, the other in Spanish mentioning the supervision of the project by Father J. Algue, the director of the Manila Observatory. Never referred to as a national atlas, it comprises a series of maps on the Islands and a bilingual abstract on map conventions, a bilingual gazetteer and a thorough introduction into places, places names and their pronunciation. For these atlases, the publication circumstances remain somehow heterogeneous and cannot be compared with modern national atlases and even atlases published in the same period seem to have different hallmarks.</p><p>Why considering the Atlas de Finlande a national atlas but define the 1878 Statistical Atlas of the United States only a statistical Atlas? Because of the title? What atlases are more nationally defined than school atlases? Is an atlas published by a non-governmental executing agency a national atlas? Is governmental support and approval needed?</p><p>How national atlases fit into different approaches to thoroughly define them (e.g. Salischew 1967) has been subject to academic cartographic self-conception that ignored technological, institutional, economic and user-related developments over time. In addition, these approaches to categorise atlases solely focused structural elements, such as the number and topics of maps and their temporal and spatial sequence. The question of how atlases have been characterised by their publishers and have been perceived in closely following reviews is a possible approach to either situate national atlases as a strict category or a politically induced perception.</p><p>The article introduces a post-structuralist approach focussing the textual analysis of both, self-perception verbalized through introductions and prefaces in respective atlases and reviews, contemporarily published in the following years. Introducing common definitions and juxtapose the historical perception of national atlases tries to operationalize Harley's critical approach, that situates maps in their respective historical context. By regarding an atlas not only as a bound collection of maps but as a carefully organised selection of spatial information unveils the power of atlases, which maybe exceeds those of single maps. To analyse atlases in their historic context by including their self-definition and contemporary perception will identify so far unattended aspects and to alternative views on national atlases and their editing and production frameworks. Thus retrograde definitions can be reconsidered.</p>

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21

"A war of frontier and empire: the Philippine-American War, 1899-1902." Choice Reviews Online 45, no. 05 (January 1, 2008): 45–2755. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.45-2755.

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22

"Vestiges of war: the Philippine-American War and the aftermath of an imperial dream, 1899-1999." Choice Reviews Online 41, no. 02 (October 1, 2003): 41–1083. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-1083.

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23

"Resil B. Mojares. The War against the Americans: Resistance and Collaboration in Cebu; 1899–1906. Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 1999. Pp. 250. $20.00." American Historical Review, December 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/105.5.1717.

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