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1
May, Glenn Anthony. "Father Frank Lynch and the Shaping of Philippine Social Science." Itinerario 22, no. 3 (November 1998): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009621.
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Although the United States granted the Philippines formal independence in 1946, American influence in the former colony did not disappear overnight. In the decades following independence, American policymakers continued to play key roles in Philippine politics; American businessmen, presidents, legislators, and bureaucrats and US-based international money lending agencies continued to have a considerable impact on the Philippine economy; and American popular culture continued to penetrate Philippine society and culture (as it did elsewhere). But perhaps no sector of Philippine society was as profoundly influenced by Americans as the academic one, and no subdivision of the Philippine academy bore the American imprint as visibly as Philippine social science. This paper examines the academic career, writings, institution-building efforts, and scholarly agenda of the US-born scholar who arguably had the greatest impact on post-war Philip- pine social science: Father Frank Lynch, a Jesuit professor of anthropology and sociology at Ateneo de Manila University.
2
Castro, Renato Cruz De. "THE REVITALIZED PHILIPPINE-U.S. SECURITY RELATIONS: A Ghost from the Cold War or an Alliance for the 21st Century?" Asian Survey 43, no. 6 (November 1, 2003): 971–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.6.971.
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Abstract This article contends that the Philippine-U.S. post-9/11 security relationship is characterized by temporary and limited American troop deployment aimed at developing the Armed Forces of the Philippines' counterterrorism capability and fostering interoperability between the Philippine and American armed forces. The article concludes that the post-9/11 alliance is significantly different from the two countries' security relationship during the Cold War.
3
Lifshey, Adam. "The Literary Alterities of Philippine Nationalism in José Rizal's El filibusterismo." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1434–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1434.
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The seminal novels of the Philippines, José Rizal's Noli me tangere (1887) and El filibusterismo (1891), are written in Spanish, a language that began evaporating in the archipelago when the United States defeated Spain in the Spanish-American War in 1898 and imposed English as a lingua franca. Where does a foundational author like Rizal fit in a discussion of globalized literatures when the Philippines are commonly framed as a historical and cultural hybrid neither quite Asian nor quite Western? In Rizal's El filibusterismo, the Philippines are an inchoate national project imagined not in Asia but amid complex allusive dynamics that emanate from the Americas. Rizal and his novel, like the Philippine nation they inspired, appear in global and postcolonial frameworks as both Asian and American in that epistemes Eastern and Western, subaltern and hegemonic, interact in a ceaseless flow that resists easy categorization.
4
Villegas, Richard Ryan. "The Advent, Evolution Termination of the 1947 Military Bases Agreement and Its Influences to Philippine Military Foreign Policy." Research Probe 2, no. 1 (April 15, 2022): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53378/352882.
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The history of the Military Bases Agreement (MBA) between the US and the Philippines brings a dynamic view of Philippine foreign policy. The Philippine foreign policy has to change to respond to the changing needs of the changing times. Among the areas of foreign policy that is very significant is the military aspect as it provides social, economic advantages. This study aims to provide a historical overview of the MBA and its implication towards the adoption of a military foreign policy of the Philippines from 1947-1991. Explanations on how the MBA has shaped the Philippine foreign policies from 1947-1991 were provided. This historical study utilized the descriptive-analytical-narrative method and theory of military dependency. The following are the major findings of the study: 1) The Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union became a major factor in the establishment of military bases in the Philippines; 2) The massive task of rebuilding a war-devastated nation was aided by extensive American assistance. However, the Philippines faced a major problem of Communist insurgency dominated by the Hukbong Mapagpalaya sa Bayan (HMB) guerrillas; 3) The MBA had undergone several amendments during the administrations of Manuel A. Roxas to Corazon C. Aquino, and; 4) The MBA paved way for the signing of more recent military agreements such as the the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA).
5
Montesano, Michael J. "The Philippines in 2002: Playing Politics, Facing Deficits, and Embracing Uncle Sam." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.156.
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Philippine politics in 2002 was characterized by early maneuvering for the presidential election of 2004, which President Arroyo will be eligible to contest, and by continuing violence in the country's troubled South. Economic indicators looked promising in the first half of the year. But the second half brought signs of a downturn on several fronts. Crippling revenue shortfalls contributed to a mounting fiscal deficit. As part of Washington's international war on terror, Manila welcomed American troops to the southern Philippines early in 2002. Renewed Philippine-American military ties seemed to reflect long-term U.S. priorities in the region. Three issues shaped Philippine affairs in 2002: President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's eligibility to contest the 2004 election, ever-greater government revenue shortfalls, and American determination to use the country as a venue for strategic posturing in Southeast Asia. The persistent problems of the Philippine South and continued economic sluggishness framed the ways in which these issues played out over the course of the year.
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Aune, Stefan. "Indian Fighters in the Philippines." Pacific Historical Review 90, no. 4 (2021): 419–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.4.419.
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This article explores the connections between the violence that accompanied U.S. continental expansion in the nineteenth century and the Philippine-American War, which began in 1899 after Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States following the Spanish-American War. Perhaps geographic distance has served to mask the temporal proximity of these linked periods of U.S. expansion, because this is a connection that has remained largely unexplored in the historiography. Rather than viewing 1898 as a caesura marking the separation between the continental and global phases of American empire, this article explores continuities through an examination of the interaction between imperial culture and military violence. Some U.S. soldiers in the Philippines drew directly on their experiences in wars with Native people, while others narrated their time in the Philippines as an “Indian war” and validated their actions by discursively positioning themselves and their troops as “Indian fighters.” The Indian Wars were translated, through the actions, imaginations, and writing of U.S. soldiers, politicians, and journalists, into a flexible discourse able to travel across space and time. These frontier resonances became one of several structuring narratives that sought to racialize Filipinos in order to justify the war and occupation.
7
Castro, Renato Cruz De. "Congressional Intervention in Philippine Post-Cold War Defense Policy, 1991-2003." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2004): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501004.
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This essay analyzes the Armed forces of the Philippines' (AFP) modernization program as a case study of how the legislature was able to influence a state's strategic doctrine and posture. The withdrawal of American forces in 1992, and the challenge poised by China in the mid-90s created the expectation that the Philippines was to embark on an arms modernization program that would develop the armed forces' autonomous and external defense capability. However, almost a decade after the program was annovnced and almost seven years after an AFP modernization /ow was passed, the Philippine military has yet to implement any meaningful change in its strategic doctrine and posture. The essay observes that a political stasis-the post-1986 Philippine Congress' reassertion of its authority-played a very important role in impeding any doctrinal change in the country's defense establishment and preventing the Philippine military from diverting scarce resources to the country's defense needs. It maintains that current developments in Philippine defense policy point to a return to a dose security relationship with the United States. This, in turn, will hinder the AFP from pursuing the initial goals of its modernization program-autonomy and capacity to address external security threats. In conclusion, the essay asserts that the current conservatism in the country's strategic affairs reflects the political stasis in Philippine society, which is a result of the restoration of elite democracy and the continuing ability of the political elite to use Congress to shape the country's defense affairs.
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Morley, Ian. "The creation of modern urban form in the Philippines." Urban Morphology 16, no. 1 (November 8, 2011): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51347/jum.v16i1.3965.
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This paper explores the creation of city plans in the Philippines during the early-twentieth century. It considers how urban planning was employed to strengthen an embryonic sense of national character as defined by American colonial administrators, and how the employment of a particular urban morphological model helped to convey this identity. The implementation of ‘modern urban form’ as part of a governmental process to dissociate the Philippines from its past as an ‘uncivilized’ place is examined. Political and cultural transition after the Spanish-American War of 1898 is related to the manifestation of American visions of nationhood in environmental form. The alliance between urban form, colonial governance, the Philippine landscape, and identity production is explored, and new light is shone on how cultural, political, artistic, and environmental forces affected each other.
9
Nepomuceno, Tyrone Jann. "Cold War Narrative of Dependency: Revisiting Philippine Collaboration with America and Diosdado Macapagal’s Neo-Realist Response." Scientia - The International Journal on the Liberal Arts 11, no. 2 (September 30, 2022): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.57106/scientia.v11i2.4.
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Diosdado Macapagal, Philippine President from 1961-1965, whose career was made rich by working in the foreign service, belonged to a tradition of championing a Foreign Policy shaped under America’s tutelage, adhering to democratic ideals, dismissive of Communism, and indifferent to neutralism and non-alignment. While various groups branded this policy as one of mendicancy that jeopardized Philippine Independence itself, President Manuel Roxas, who instituted it in 1946, was given little to no option but to side with America. The Second World War’s apocalyptic results required prompt and massive reconstruction and industrialization, necessitating foreign aid.
This study reveals a chapter in the Philippines’ Cold War History, which show instances of balancing the state of dependence on America with neo-realist postures. Macapagal worked for Land Reform to peacefully address Communism within and collaborated with America in the name of national security to counter possible foreign communist infiltration. In an anarchic world forged by Cold War developments, Macapagal secured US financial and military assistance and defended national interest in a neorealist posture to the point of championing views more orthodox and even contrary to that of America. Filipino’s preference for collaboration with America made the neo-colonial situation manageable at that time, to still reap whatever the superpower is willing to give while it promoted its own global agenda. Macapagal worked within this neo-colonial setting by balancing dependency and neorealism.
References
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10
José, Ricardo T. "War and Violence, History and Memory: The Philippine Experience of the Second World War." Asian Journal of Social Science 29, no. 3 (2001): 457–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853101x00190.
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AbstractThe subject of War and Memory in the Philippines remains a sensitive topic in the Philippines today. Many controversial issues about the Second World War remain subjects of debate, among them collaboration with the Japanese; Japanese war responsibility; American responsibility for the failed defense of the Philippines, and others. In one sense, the war in the Philippines has left an ambiguous legacy which leads to conflicting war memories and commemorations, particularly in the light of present conditions and evolving relationships with the other countries involved.
11
Smiley, Will. "Lawless Wars of Empire? The International Law of War in the Philippines, 1898–1903." Law and History Review 36, no. 3 (June 13, 2018): 511–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000682.
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Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued, had “remembered all the time that he was struggling with an enemy who was not entitled to the privileges usually granted prisoners of war,” and could be summarily executed, without benefit of “court-martial or other regular tribunal.” If anything, the Americans had been too generous. “Many [American] participants in the struggle,” he maintained, “have failed to fully understand that we were practically fighting an Asiatic nation in arms and almost every man a soldier in disguise and a violator” of the laws of war. But what did those laws mean to the United States during the conflict, and what does this indicate about the broader history of international law's relationship to empire?
12
Lipski, John M. "On the Reduction of /S/ in Philippine Creole Spanish." Diachronica 3, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.3.1.04lip.
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SUMMARY Philippine Creole Spanish ('Chabacano') continues to be spoken in several areas of the Philippines and offers a useful perspective on the development of Spanish during the 17th and 18th centuries. The present study traces the development of syllable-final /s/ in Chabacano, using a variational model. A comparative investigation of the principal Chabacano dialects, those of Manila Bay (the original forms) and the dialect of Zamboanga (a later transplantation, partially decreolized) reveals the continued existence of a process of reduction of implosive /s/. By including additional data on the behavior of /s/ in comptemp-orary dialects of Spain, Mexico, and Latin America, it is possible to arrive at the conclusion that Philippine Creole Spanish is a legitimate tool in historical Hispanic dialectology, and that the reduction of /s/ most probably was well under way at least by the middle of the 17th century, in the Spanish dialects brought to the Philippines via Mexico. RÉSUMÉ Le creole espagnol des Philippines (le 'Chabacano') est encore parlé dans certaines régions de ce pays; il offre une perspective utile sur le développement de l'espagnol pendant les XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Le présent travail retrace le développement du /s/ dans la position finale d'une syllabe en Chabacano en se servant d'un modèle 'variation-nel'. Une étude comparative des dialectes principaux du Chabacano, à savoir ceux de la Baie Manila (les formes originales) et celui de Zamboanga (une transplantation ultérieure, partiellement décréolosée), laisse voir l'existence continue d'un procès de réduction de l'implo-ive /s/. En incluant des données additionnelles sur le comportement du /s/ dans les dialectes contemporains de l'Espagne, du Mexique et de l'Amérique latine, il est possible d'arriver à la conclusion que le creole historique hispanique et que la réduction du /s/ fut probablement en cours au moins vers le milieu du XVIIe siècle dans les dialectes espagnols apportés aux Philippines via le Mexique. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Das spanische Kreol der Philippinen (das sog. 'Chabacano') wird noch heute in verschiedenen Gegenden des Landes gesprochen; es bietet uns eine nützliche Perspektive zur Entwicklung des Spanischen wahrend des 17. und des 18. Jahrhunderts. Die vorliegende Arbeit, auf einem Variationsmodell aufbauend, untersucht die Entwicklung des /s/ in Endsylbenstellung. Eine vergleichende Studie der hauptsachlichen Chabaca-no-Dialekte, vor allem der Bucht von Manila (die die Originalformen vorweisen) und die von Zamboanga (die eine spatere Verpflanzung, die darüberhinaus teilweise entkreolisiert worden sind, darstellen), zeigen das kontinuierliche Vorhandensein eines Reduktionsprozesses des implosiven /s/. Durch Hinzunahme weiterer Daten bezüglich des Verhal tens des /s/ in Dialekten der Gegenwart in Spanien, Mexiko und Lateinameri-ka ist es möglich zum Schluß zu kommen, daß das spanische Kreol der Philippinen ein legitimes Werkzeug der historischen Dialektologie des Hispanischen ist,und ebenfalls, daß die Reduktion des /s/ höchstwahr-scheinlich spatestens in der Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts schon im Gange war, als die spanischen Dialekte iiber Mexiko nach den Philippinen transportiert wurden.
13
Brody, David. "Celebrating Empire on the Home Front: New York City's Welcome-Home Party for Admiral Dewey." Prospects 25 (October 2000): 391–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000715.
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The January 3, 1900, edition of the popular, New York City newspaper the World contains an advertisement for a new edition of The Century Dictionary & Cyclopedia & Atlas (Figure 1). The strength of this reference guide, according to the full-page advertisement, is the volume's war maps. The presentation of battle cartography “enable[s] one to trace instantly the movements of every important campaign on land or sea, the routes of invading armies, raids, etc., placing and dating on the maps the battles, sieges and blockades not only of ancient and medieval times, but also those of the year just ended – and this without any complexity in the maps themselves.” In case the reader needed to be reminded about recent wars, the advertisement has enormous graphic representations of “Africa” and the “Philippine Is.” The map of the Philippines would have immediately signified the Spanish-American (1898) and Philippine-American (1899–1902) Wars to readers, conflicts that the pages of the mass media covered widely.
14
Ventura, Theresa. "“I Am Already Annexed”: Ramon Reyes Lala and the Crafting of “Philippine” Advocacy for American Empire." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 3 (June 4, 2020): 426–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000092.
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AbstractThis article reconstructs the American career of the Manila-born author Ramon Reyes Lala. Lala became a naturalized United States citizen shortly before the War of 1898 garnered public interest in the history and geography of the Philippines. He capitalized on this interest by fashioning himself into an Oxford-educated nationalist exiled in the United States for his anti-Spanish activism, all the while hiding a South Asian background. Lala's spirited defense of American annexation and war earned him the political patronage of the Republican Party. Yet though Lala offered himself as a ‘model’ Philippine-American citizen, his patrons offered Lala as evidence of U.S. benevolence and Philippine civilization potential shorn of citizenship. His embodied contradictions, then, extended to his position as a producer of colonial knowledge, a racialized commodity, and a representative Filipino in the United States when many in the archipelago would not recognize him as such. Lala's advocacy for American Empire, I contend, reflected an understanding of nationality born of diasporic merchant communities, while his precarious success in the middle-class economy of print and public speaking depended on his deft maneuvering between modalities of power hardening in terms of race. His career speaks more broadly to the entwined and contradictory processes of commerce, race formation, and colonial knowledge production.
15
Prakapovich, Nina Vladimirovna. "Role of education in the concept of the “New Society” of the authoritarian regime of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines (1972-1982)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 222–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-222-235.
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Russian historiography pays considerable attention to the economic and political modernization of the life of the Philippine archipelago, starting from the time of Spaniards, then, American colonization and ending with the era of independence. However, the educational policy on which, on the one hand, the successes of the political and socio-economic modernization of the Philippines have been based throughout the country’s history, and on the other, which by the beginning of the 21st century has become a serious obstacle to economic independence and the establishment of national self-identity, are undeservedly ignored by domestic researchers. The author of this article in previous works has already made attempts to identify the features of the educational policy of Spaniards and Americans in the Philippines, as well as of the independent Philippine governments in the first decades after the end of World War II. But no less interesting is the era of the authoritarian regime of the President of the Philippines, Ferdinand Marcos (1972-1982). Analyzing a wide range of foreign literature and relying on presidential decrees and testimonies of contemporaries as sources, the author comes to the conclusion that the educational policy of the Marcos era is ambiguous: on the one hand, it has become an effective tool to combat country’s main social - economic problems in the 1970s - the problem of unemployment. On the other hand, in the early 1980s it led to its aggravation and marked the beginning of the mass labor migration of Filipinos, which continues to this day. Political decisions made on issues such as the language of instruction, the introduction of a national entrance exam in colleges and universities, and the publication of new textbooks have become critical levers in the deployment of education in support of the labor export strategy in the Marcos era.
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Pacheco, Vincent, and Jeremy De Chavez. "“. . .delivered from the lie of being truth”: The Affective Force of Disinformation, Stickiness and Dissensus in Randy Ribay’s Patron Saints of Nothing." Text Matters: A Journal of Literature, Theory and Culture, no. 11 (November 22, 2021): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-2931.11.06.
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Waged in 2016, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs has claimed over 20,000 lives according to human rights groups. The Duterte administration’s own count is significantly lower: around 6,000. The huge discrepancy between the government’s official count and that of arguably more impartial organizations about something as concretely material as body count is symptomatic of how disinformation is central to the Duterte administration and how it can sustain the approval of the majority of the Philippine electorate. We suggest that Duterte’s populist politics generates what Boler and Davis (2018) call “affective feedback loops,” which create emotional and informational ecosystems that facilitate smooth algorithmic governance. We turn to Patron Saints of Nothing, a recently published novel by Randy Ribay about a Filipino-American who goes back to the Philippines to uncover the truth behind the death of his cousin. Jay’s journey into the “heart of darkness” as a “hyphenated” individual (Filipino-American) allows him access to locally networked subjectivities but not its affective entanglements. Throughout the novel, he encounters numerous versions of the circumstances of Jun’s demise and the truth remains elusive at the end of the novel. We argue that despite the constant distortion of fact and fiction in the novel, what remains relatively stable or “sticky” throughout the novel are the letters from Jun Reguero that Jay carries with him back to the Philippines. We suggest that these letters can potentially serve as a form of “dissensus” that challenges the constant redistribution of the sensible in the novel.
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Greco, Adam W. "A Relationship of Pivots: Philippine-US Cooperation in a Changing World." Journal of Strategic Security 15, no. 3 (October 2022): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.2000.
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As one of the few nations in the world (and the only one in the vicinity of China) to be a former colony of the United States, the Philippines is in a unique position on the world stage. This article delineates the history of the complex relationship between the Philippines and the United States since the Spanish-American war while placing an emphasis on modern relations. Since its independence to the end of the Cold War, the Philippines was unequivocally an ally to the United States, though this did not stop tensions from mounting. As China's contemporary foreign policy fosters further amicability between it and the Philippines under the Belt and Road Initiative, this has given rise to worries of a potential pivot to China. Furthermore, hostile sentiments conveyed from certain facets of the Philippines’ leadership towards the United States accelerate these concerns. This article delves into the current relationship between the Philippines and the United States while outlining avenues for further cooperation via mutual benefit, particularly within the realm of developmental assistance.
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Yeh, Chiou-Ling. "Anti-American Expressions: The 1957 Taipei Incident and Chinese in the Philippines, Thailand, and Hong Kong." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 28, no. 4 (December 21, 2021): 325–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28040002.
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Abstract Although scholars have investigated the intricacies of anti-Americanism, few have examined the factors that affected the abilities of minorities or colonized people to protest U.S. policies. This article compares and contrasts the responses of Chinese in the Philippines, Thailand, and Hong Kong to the May 24th Incident of 1957, when 25,000 Chinese attacked the U.S. embassy and ransacked the U.S. Information Service Office in Taipei, Taiwan, due to the acquittal of a U.S. soldier for killing a Chinese. While U.S. military and economic aid motivated recipients to rally behind the anti-Communist banner, geopolitics, domestic conditions, and anti-Chinese racism also played pivotal roles in determining whether the Chinese could voice or act upon their anti-American sentiment. The Philippines’ heavy dependence on U.S. military and economic aid, coupled with long-lasting anti-Chinese racism, limited the potential for Philippine Chinese to critique U.S. policies. By contrast, tenuous U.S.-Thai relations and domestic anti-Americanism emboldened Thai Chinese to lambaste U.S. military injustice. Although the largest U.S. aid recipient, Britain adhered to neutrality in its Cold War politics and permitted a vibrant cultural industry in Hong Kong, resulting in strong criticism of U.S. policies among the city’s Chinese.
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Ara, Satoshi. "Resistance and collaboration: The Japanese Occupation of Leyte, Philippines, and the role of the masses in wartime violence." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 53, no. 1-2 (June 2022): 252–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463422000364.
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Philippine historiography has long ignored the significant but complex role played by the people at the margins of society during the Japanese Occupation, except for some rural movements such as the Hukbalahap in central Luzon. During the Second World War, besides the coercion and violence perpetrated or orchestrated by the Japanese occupying forces from 1942, the people of Leyte experienced many kinds and levels of violence, including among local factions. At the onset of the invasion and from late 1944, Leyte was also the site of major naval and land battles between the returning American forces and the Japanese army, each side seeking to incorporate locals in their campaigns. This essay traces violent episodes involving and among members of the local elite and masses alike in Leyte, during and in the aftermath of the Japanese Occupation and the return of Americans up to Philippine Independence, to show how such violence was not only unleashed by war, but also had deep and complicated roots in colonial history, local politics and rural poverty.
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Shaffer, Robert. "Fagen: an African American renegade in the Philippine-American war." Historian 82, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2020.1722529.
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Reyes, Soledad S. "The Philippine Komiks: Text as Containment." Asian Journal of Social Science 25, no. 1 (1997): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382497x00059.
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AbstractIn its 80 years of existence, the Philippine komiks has provided more than fun and entertainment to its millions of readers. A large number of series, especially in the American colonial era, problematized taken-for-granted realities shaped by the people's colonial experience. The post-war years witnessed the production of more serials which mirrored the complex series of transformations that Philippine society has undergone.
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PANARINA, Daria S. "HISTORY OUTLINES: THE EDUCATION SYSTEM OF THE PHILIPPINES UNDER THE AMERICANS AND THE JAPANESE." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 3(56) (2022): 236–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-3-3-56-236-255.
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The paper is dedicated to the history of the education system in the Philippines during the period of American rule in the islands, and subsequently during the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during World War II. The author touches upon such aspects as the implementation by the US authorities of the education reform in the American manner (the pros and cons are considered) within the framework of the political goals of the American government; then how the educational sphere changed during the Commonwealth period, what features were inherent in it during the 4 years of the Japanese military regime. Separately, the author touches on the history of the country's main university – the University of the Philippines.
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Kaplan, Amy. "The Birth of an Empire." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 114, no. 5 (October 1999): 1068–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/463466.
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The Spanish-Cuban-American war of 1898 was one of the first wars in history to be filmed. Yet despite its participation in the birth of American cinema, the war disappeared as a subject from the later archives of filmmaking. No major films chronicle the three-month war in Cuba or the subsequent three-year war in the Philippines, although films have been made about virtually every other war in American history. My paper is about that duality, about the formative presence and telling absence of this pivotal war in the history of American film.
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Lewicki, Zbigniew. "USTANAWIANIE AMERYKAŃSKIEJ WŁADZY KOLONIALNEJ NA FILIPINACH." Zeszyty Prawnicze 15, no. 3 (December 2, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2015.15.3.03.
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Establishing American Colonial Government in thePhilippinesSummaryThe Philippines was the only American colony and its establishmentcaused a fierce debate in the United States on whether this complied withthe principles of American civil society. It was decided that returning thearchipelago to Spain or simply abandoning it was out of the question,and that the USA would retain its sovereignty over the islands whilepreparing the country for independence.This is in fact what happened. After the period of military strugglewith the forces of Emilio Aguinaldo, Americans began what would todaybe described as a nation-building process. Its most important components were the health system and education, along with the training ofadministrative staff, who assumed more and more responsibility. Thiswas in stark contrast with the behaviour of traditional colonial powers.While the process was somewhat slower than expected, and wasinterrupted by the outbreak of World War 2, the Philippines becameindependent soon after the war and the process of transition was conducted in an orderly fashion.The article, the first on the topic in Poland, analyses the successivephases in the building up of American colonial control of the Philippinesand its subsequent withdrawal.
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Park, Jun-Byong. "American Perceptions of “Before and After the Philippines-American War (1898-1902)”." STUDIES IN HUMANITIES 66 (September 30, 2020): 377–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.33252/sih.2020.9.66.377.
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Szumski, Krzysztof. "Filipiny w rywalizacji Stanów Zjednoczonych i Chin." Azja-Pacyfik 1, no. 23 (February 29, 2020): 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ap202007.
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The Philippines started to be known in Europe when Ferdinand Magellan set foot on Samar island in March 1521. In the end of the 19th century in the Philippines emerged a powerful movement of local nationalists known as Katipunan. In 1896, an insurrection started against the Spanish colonial rule. Meanwhile, the Philippines were drawn into the conflict between Spain and the USA. Spanish troops were crushed by allied American and Filipino forces. The Treaty of Paris in 1898 ended the war, the Philippines became an American colony. In July 1946 the USA recognized the independence of the Philippines. The new state was completely dependent on former colonial power and the USA had military bases at Clark and Subic Bay. With the fall of dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986, the policy of the Philippines became more independent and in 1992 the American bases were closed down. Unfortunately for the Philippines, in another important country in the region started gathering strenght – a New China. The contacts started ages ago and many Filipinos were closely related to Chinese people, but at that time New China became very powerful economically, politically and militarily. The two countries came interests collided on the South China Sea. The Philippines started to search again for support from their former colonial patron and world superpower - the USA. Finally when the political and military cooperation with the USA again increased, in the Philippines arrived the constitutional time – limit for presidential election. Nobody foresaw the result and consequences of that election in May 2016.
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Serizawa, Takamichi. "Translating Philippine history in America's shadow: Japanese reflections on the past and present during the Vietnam War." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2019): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463419000274.
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In the 1970s, during and right after the end of the Vietnam War, more works by Filipino writers, especially historians, were translated into Japanese than works by any other Southeast Asians. In Southeast Asia, it was in the Philippines that the Japanese and the American forces had fought their fiercest battles during the Second World War. The Japanese translators who translated prominent Filipino nationalist historians such as Gregorio Zaide, Teodoro Agoncillo and Renato Constantino, had personally experienced war, defeat, and postwar life under the US-led Allied occupation of Japan. This article compares the original texts of some of these key Filipino works and their Japanese translations, and examines the ‘noises’ produced in the process of translation. This noise includes strategies such as the deletion and addition of information, opinions, and deliberate misreadings. This article suggests that these strategies reveal the translators’ views on the past as well as their contemporary experience of postwar Japan against the background of the ongoing Vietnam War.
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Lahiri, Smita. "Rhetorical Indios: Propagandists and Their Publics in the Spanish Philippines." Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, no. 2 (April 2007): 243–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000485.
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Censorship notwithstanding, the final half-century of Spanish rule in the Philippines was a time of efflorescence in colonial print culture. Between the advent of typo-lithography in 1858 and the successive occurrence, in 1896 and 1898, of the Filipino revolution and the Spanish-American War, printing presses operating in Manila and beyond issued thousands of books and periodicals, the first public library, the Muséo-Bibliotéca de Filipinas, opened its doors in 1887, and the importation of books from Europe and America could scarcely keep pace with demand.
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Meixsel, Richard B. "Gentleman Soldier: John Clifford Brown and the Philippine-American War (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 3 (2004): 970–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0131.
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Diokno, Maria Serena I. "Perspectives on Peace during the Philippine—American War of 1899–1902." South East Asia Research 5, no. 1 (March 1997): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9700500102.
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Shacillo, Vyacheslav. "Russian Diplomacy and the USA’s Seizure of the Phillipine Islands." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021545-8.
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The article examines the main aspects of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire concerning the seizure of the Philippine Islands by the United States during the Spanish-American War of 1898. This event did not affect the vital interests of the Russian Empire and Russia during this war avoided taking any steps that could damage the friendly relations with the United States. On the other hand, while pursuing an active foreign policy in the Pacific region in those years, St. Petersburg feared the strengthening of the positions of the British and German Empires in the Far East. That is why the seizure of the Philippine Archipelago by the United States Russian diplomacy met with understanding and this step did not cause any objections in Saint Petersburg.
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BAKER, ANDREW. "American empire – a dangerous distortion?" Review of International Studies 36, no. 04 (April 30, 2010): e1-e11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000331.
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Abstract This article reviews the idea of ‘American Empire’. For most of the Cold War, this term formed part of particular kind of Marxian critique of American power. Neither American nor European statesmen, nor the mainstream press, regarded America as an ‘empire’. Interestingly, the idea of an ‘American Empire’, stripped of its Marxian connotations, entered the mainstream towards the end of Cold War. This article asks two questions: what does it mean? Is it a useful expression or a dangerous distortion? It will be argued that, as a general statement of American political economy, ‘American Empire’ is meaningless: it neither lends itself to positive comparison with European empires nor describes any concrete aspect of the international relations of the US. However, it is possible to refer to American empires limited in time and space, for instance to formal empire in the Philippines or informal empire in Iran. ‘American Empire’ is thus a distortion; but is it dangerous? The idea certainly captured the neoconservative imagination, but it does not seem to have had real policy implications.
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Niedermeier, Silvan. "Imperial narratives: reading US soldiers' photo albums of the Philippine–American War." Rethinking History 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642529.2014.873581.
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Murphy, Erin L. "Women's Anti-Imperialism, “The White Man's Burden,” and the Philippine-American War." Gender & Society 23, no. 2 (April 25, 2008): 244–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243209333791.
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Lico, Gerard. "Rising from of the Ashes: post-war Philippines Architecture." Modern Southeast Asia, no. 57 (2017): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/57.a.up2jbxrh.
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The 1945 battle for liberation witnessed the massive decimation of Manila’s urban built-heritage and the irreplaceable treasures of colonial architecture. Despite the seemingly impossible task to resuscitate war ravaged Manila, it rose again. Out of the ashes, modernism provided the opportunity to craft a new architecture for a newly independent nation. Modernism emerged as the period’s architectural symbol of survival and optimism. In a post-colonial cultural milieu, Filipino architects pursued the iconography of national mythology channeled through the pure surfaces and unadorned geometries of modern architecture. They found in modernism a convenient aesthetic modus to denounce the colonial vestiges embodied in the infrastructure of American neoclassicism in pre-war Manila and sought to create new-built environments that conveyed emancipation from the colonial past and celebrate the vernacular forms processed through modernist geometric simplification. Modernism, therefore, was a logical choice, for it provided a progressive image. The Philippines post-independence architecture endeavored to dispense an image that stimulated a national spirit, inspired patriotism, and invoked faith in the unknown future of the national imagination.
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kramer, paul a. "Race-Making and Colonial Violence in the U.S. Empire: The Philippine-American War as Race War*." Diplomatic History 30, no. 2 (April 2006): 169–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2006.00546.x.
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Holden, William N. "The role of geography in counterinsurgency warfare: The Philippine American War, 1899–1902." GeoJournal 85, no. 2 (January 24, 2019): 423–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-019-09971-7.
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Russell, Timothy D. "“I FEEL SORRY FOR THESE PEOPLE”: AFRICAN AMERICAN SOLDIERS IN THE PHILIPPINE-AMERICAN WAR, 1899–1902." Journal of African American History 99, no. 3 (July 2014): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.99.3.0197.
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Perwita, Anak agung Banyu, and Ircha Tri Meilisa. "CO-OPERATIVE MARITIME DIPLOMACY: THE RESOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINES-INDONESIA MARITIME BORDER DISPUTE (1994-2014)." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 7, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.7.2.130-148.2018.
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The formation of national integrity in the international circuit is essential for a state. National integrity can be seen by fixed territory where a state can exercise their sovereignty in certain area portrayed by a fix border with neighboring countries both in the land and sea. The Philippines has been claimed over its territory based on the Treaty of Paris as the result of the Spanish American war that ceded the sovereignty over the archipelago of the Philippines to the United State. With respect to its history, the Philippines faced the dilemma whether or not it should redefine its baseline law in accordance with the UNLOS provisions. This dilemma then leads to unclear territorial boundary with its neighboring country-- Indonesia.Hence, this article aims to analyze the Philippines-Indonesia maritime border dispute in the Exclusive Economic Zone from Celebes to Mindanao sea. Using the neoliberalism perspective, the authors analyzed the interest of the Philippines to establish cooperation with Indonesia related to the national territory of each country, each legislation, maritime zones, and exercise of sovereignty over disputes maritime territories. Meanwhile, co-operative maritime diplomacy also used to determine the Philippines action in the form of bilateral cooperation, joint exercise on maritime security and regional cooperation to secure the Philippines and Indonesia maritime areas. On behalf of common interest, both countries succeed in maintaining their relations to achieve mutual goals regardless of boundaries. Furthermore, the foreign policy theory will also play an intervening role to explain the regulation about the dispute settlement efforts of delimitation boundary between the Philippines and Indonesia.
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Lowitz, Leza. "Vestiges of War: The Philippine-American War and the Aftermath of an Imperial Dream 1899-1999 (review)." Manoa 15, no. 2 (2003): 212–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2003.0137.
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Boutin, J. D. Kenneth. "Wayne Bert,American Military Intervention in Unconventional War: From the Philippines to Iraq." Australian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 3 (September 2012): 519–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2012.704865.
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Lumba, Allan E. S. "Imperial Standards: Colonial Currencies, Racial Capacities, and Economic Knowledge during the Philippine-American War." Diplomatic History 39, no. 4 (June 15, 2014): 603–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhu020.
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Aquino. "Unremembering and Re-membering the Philippine-American War through the Composite Bodies of Reenactment." Verge: Studies in Global Asias 5, no. 2 (2019): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/vergstudglobasia.5.2.0132.
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Rafael, Vicente L. "The War of Translation: Colonial Education, American English, and Tagalog Slang in the Philippines." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 2 (March 24, 2015): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814002241.
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This paper examines the role of language in nationalist attempts at decolonization. In the case of the Philippines, American colonial education imposed English as the sole medium of instruction. Native students were required to suppress their vernacular languages so that the classroom became the site for a kind of linguistic war, or better yet, the war of translation. Nationalists have routinely denounced the continued use of English as a morbid symptom of colonial mentality. Yet, such a view was deeply tied to the colonial notion of the sheer instrumentality of language and the notion that translation was a means for the speaker to dominate language as such. However, other practices of translation existed based not on domination but play seen in the classroom and the streets. Popular practices of translation undercut colonial and nationalist ideas about language, providing us with an alternative understanding of translation in democratizing expression in a postcolonial context.
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McCoy, Alfred William. "Policing the Imperial Periphery: The Philippine-American War and the Origins of U.S. Global Surveillance." Surveillance & Society 13, no. 1 (July 29, 2014): 4–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v13i1.5161.
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Using a methodology that inserts the current controversy over NSA surveillance into its historical context, this essay traces the origins of U.S. internal security back to America’s emergence as a global power circa 1898. In the succeeding century, Washington’s information infrastructure advanced through three technological regimes: first, the manual during the Philippine War (1898–1907); next, the computerized in the Vietnam War (1963–75); and, recently, the robotic in Afghanistan and Iraq (2001–14). While these military missions have skirted defeat if not disaster, the information infrastructure, as if driven by some in-built engineering, has advanced to higher levels of data management and coercive capacity. With costs for conventional military occupations now becoming prohibitive, the U.S. will likely deploy, circa 2020, its evolving robotic regime—with a triple-canopy aerospace shield, advanced cyberwarfare, and digital surveillance—to envelop the earth in an electronic grid capable of blinding entire armies on the battlefield or atomizing a single insurgent in field or favela.
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BEAUPRE, MYLES. "“What Are the Philippines Going to Do to Us?” E. L. Godkin on Democracy, Empire and Anti-imperialism." Journal of American Studies 46, no. 3 (March 23, 2012): 711–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875811001290.
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From his position as editor of theNationfrom 1865 until 1899, E. L. Godkin steered one of the liberal standard-bearers in a transatlantic network of cosmopolitan liberals. From this position he helped define nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism. However, while Godkin fitted in the mainstream of liberal thought in 1865, by the time he retired he occupied the conservative fringe. Godkin never made the transition from a nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism to a newer nationalistic democratic liberalism because democracy failed him. Instead of peace, commerce, and learning, democracy created an American Empire rooted in war, protectionism, ignorance, jingoism, and plunder, culminating in the Spanish–American War. Godkin's critique of American imperialism was thus based on his pessimistic but perceptive reading of the flaws of American democracy. Godkin believed that the rise of “jingoist” democracy had doomed the American “experiment” and thought that the nation had slipped into the historical, degenerative cycle of empire. By tracing Godkin's increasingly bitter warnings about the dangers of democracy in the second half of the nineteenth century, we can catch a glimpse of a dying worldview that questioned the ability of democracy to act as a moral force in the world.
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HENDRICKSON, RYAN C. "American Military Intervention in Unconventional War: From the Philippines to Iraq by Wayne Bert." Political Science Quarterly 127, no. 4 (December 2012): 724–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2012.tb01156.x.
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Hawley, Charles V. "You're a Better Filipino than I Am, John Wayne: World War II, Hollywood, and U.S.-Philippines Relations." Pacific Historical Review 71, no. 3 (August 1, 2002): 389–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.3.389.
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Between 1939 and 1945 several Hollywood studios produced significant films set in the war-torn Philippines, including Bataan (MGM, 1943), So Proudly We Hail (Paramount, 1943),and Back to Bataan (RKO,1943). Although these films immediately preceded Philippines independence in 1946, they do not position the Philippines as a soon-to-be autonomous nation. Instead, these films reaffirm, and even celebrate, the unequal colonial power relationship that marked the history of U.S. occupation of the archipelago. A careful reading of these films, which is the subject of this article, reveals the stamina of this colonial ideology (colonial uplift, tutelage, and nation-building) that legitimized U.S. colonial rule in the Phillapines and dates back to the turn of the century. What the perpetuation of this ideology suggests is the postwar neocolonial relationship between the two nations that U.S. government officials anticipated. This revised neocolonial ideology is expressed through the racialized and gendered images of Filipino characters and their interaction with U.S. American characters. The U.S. government attempted to control such images as part of its wartime propaganda, but had to rely on the voluntary compliance of the major Hollywood studios. While the Filipinos in films like Back to Bataan, made at the war's end, appear to challenge the racist stereotypes of prior films, they are re-inscribed by a neocolonial form of U.S. supremacy—— framed as wartime U.S. guidance and Filipino dependency.
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Charbonneau, Oliver. "“A New West in Mindanao”: Settler Fantasies on the U.S. Imperial Fringe." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 03 (February 15, 2019): 304–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000634.
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AbstractThis essay analyzes white settler formations in the Southern Philippines during the early decades of the twentieth century. Occupied by the United States in the wake of the Spanish-American War, the Muslim-majority regions of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago became sites of colonial experimentation and reconfiguration. This led to a brief-but-concerted push by Euro-American fortune seekers to settle the “Muslim South.” Supported by U.S. policy makers and colonial officials, white colonists were drawn to Mindanao-Sulu by visions of permanent settlement and limitless economic opportunity. This analysis contends that settler attempts to build a “white man's country” in the Southern Philippines were shaped by vernaculars and modes of conquest developed on the continental frontier. It interrogates the creation of transoceanic frontier spaces in Mindanao-Sulu and the practical attempts to exploit them, which drew inspiration from diverse sources in the American West and across the colonized globe. In its study of settler fortunes and failures, the essay blurs distinctions between national and imperial peripheries, and contributes to a growing scholarly interest in reassessing the importance of U.S. extraterritorial possessions in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
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Tone, John. "Mark R Barnes, The Spanish-American War and Philippine Insurrection, 1898–1902: An Annotated Bibliography." European History Quarterly 43, no. 3 (July 2013): 524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691413493729c.
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